[Congressional Record Volume 143, Number 109 (Tuesday, July 29, 1997)]
[Senate]
[Pages S8275-S8276]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

      By Mr. MACK (for himself, Mr. Hutchinson, and Mr. Ashcroft):
  S. 1083. A bill to provide structure for and introduce balance into a 
policy of meaningful engagement with the People's Republic of China; to 
the Committee on Foreign Relations.


  the united states-people's republic of china national security and 
                         freedom protection act

  Mr. MACK. Mr. President, just over 1 week ago, Congressman Chris Cox, 
together with many other Members of the House of Representatives, 
including Ben Gilman, Gerald Solomon, Duncan Hunter, Tillie Fowler, 
Chris Smith, Ed Royce, Bill McCollum, Henry Hyde, and Ileana Ros-
Lehtinen introduced an 11-point legislative plan to address our 
Nation's failure to truly engage the People's Republic of China. 
Senator Tim Hutchinson and I joined in the unveiling of the House 
proposals to show our support for the good work done by our House 
colleagues and endorse the leadership of Congressman Cox. I also 
promised at that time to introduce companion legislation in the Senate.
  Mr. President, I rise today to offer that bill, the United States-
People's Republic of China National Security and Freedom Protection 
Act. I am proud to say that Senator Hutchinson and Senator Ashcroft are 
joining me in introducing this bill today.
  Mr. President, I also want to congratulate Senator Abraham for his 
interest and work on developing a China policy. He has played an 
instrumental role in advancing the debate on this important issue.
  Mr. President, I come to this discussion of China policy following my 
7 years of involvement with the people of Hong Kong and their 
commitment to freedom and democratic reforms. As Senate cochair of the 
congressional caucus on Hong Kong, I traveled to Hong Kong and China in 
late March of this year with the Democratic cochair, Senator Joe 
Lieberman.
  I must confess that on this recent trip, my concerns for the people 
of China and the future United States-People's Republic of China 
relationship increased. I was struck by the dichotomy between the 
people and the leadership in China. People's Republic of China 
officials expressed the view that people made governing difficult, as 
if the people exist for the benefit of the government. This 
fundamentally opposes my belief that people know what is best for 
themselves, and that government is for the benefit of the people. The 
official People's Republic of China view puts people at odds with 
government.
  Mr. President, in China, I attended church and visited with people at 
the Forbidden City, and saw in the eyes of children and parents 
throughout China the same thing I see here in America. I saw children 
full of hope and wonder, and parents full of pride and ambition for 
their children.
  I fear that these differences between the United States and China 
will lead us toward conflict unless we have a sound policy for which we 
can actively work toward improving relations. The administration calls 
their policy ``strategic engagement.'' I call it appeasement. Any 
policy which does not allow Americans to address their concerns with 
the People's Republic of China will prove irresponsible. I am 
introducing this bill today so that the children of China and the 
United States can grow up in peace, benefiting from each others' 
freedom and prosperity.
  Mr. President, this bill takes root in a belief that our China policy 
must contain five essential elements.
  First, United States policy should seek liberalization of the 
People's Republic of China Government, responsible behavior by the 
People's Republic of China, and integration of the People's Republic of 
China into the community of nations. United States interests are best 
served in China, as they are everywhere, when they are defined by the 
United States national security strategy: in the proliferation of 
democracy and the liberalization of authoritarian forms of government.
  Second, United States policy should continue to maintain a strong 
presence and commitment to leadership and involvement in the Asian 
Pacific region. The policy should be regionally and globally 
integrated. The United States shares a stake in China's future with the 
people of China, the region, and the world.
  Third, United States policy should encourage friendship between our 
nations while protecting national interests and acting on national 
values. The People's Republic of China does not today, and will not for 
the foreseeable future, pose a direct military threat to the United 
States. The People's Republic of China is not an enemy of the United 
States and should not be made out as such.

  Fourth, United States policy toward China should contain resolute and 
straight-forward toughness. United States policy toward China must not 
paper over issues which make China feel uncomfortable, but these issues 
should not dominate the relationship either. United States policy 
should seek to overcome these differences with the People's Republic of 
China. The People's Republic of China expects the United States to act 
honestly and directly, and the American people require a foreign policy 
which is honest and direct.

[[Page S8276]]

  And finally, United States policy should be a policy of meaningful 
engagement which includes the mechanisms of this act. In order to 
fulfill a meaningful policy with respect to the People's Republic of 
China, more tools are needed to address American interests beyond those 
available in the current policy.
  Mr. President, this bill provides a broad and positive context for 
dealing with the People's Republic of China and encouraging China's 
democratic development.
  It is divided into three main sections: national security, human 
rights, and trade. It uses targeted sanctions and increased diplomacy 
as its primary tools. Economic sanctions are imposed against the 
People's Liberation Army, which is banned from operating commercially 
in the United States. Political sanctions are imposed against human 
rights violators by denying entry into the United States to those 
responsible for religious persecution, coercive family planning 
practices, and political oppression. The act also calls for military 
sanctions as provided for in the Gore-McCain Nonproliferation Act.
  The sanctions are complemented by additional advocacy and reporting 
requirements placed upon United States diplomatic and customs officers 
in the People's Republic of China. The act provides for additional 
authorizations to meet these requirements, as well as to improve the 
broadcasting effectiveness of Radio Free Asia. To demonstrate support 
for Taiwan and clarity in our Taiwan policy, the Act requires a 
bilateral study assessing the need for and feasibility of providing TMD 
to Taiwan.
  The bill concludes with a title calling for review of the mechanisms 
called for in this act based upon China's behavior.
  Mr. President, perhaps within our lifetimes, and almost certainly in 
the lives of our children, China will become a premier Asian power. 
Whether that is a threat or a promise depends in large part on whether 
we rise to the occasion by asserting our values and interests while at 
the same time helping China meet its new responsibilities. Continuing 
down a policy track which offers choices only between inadequate 
engagement or quixotic containment is a journey that will end as it 
began, in frustration without alternatives. We cannot allow that to be 
our legacy.
                                 ______