[Congressional Record Volume 143, Number 105 (Wednesday, July 23, 1997)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Page E1480]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




    CALLING FOR UNITED STATES INITIATIVE SEEKING JUST AND PEACEFUL 
                   RESOLUTION OF SITUATION ON CYPRUS

                                 ______
                                 

                               speech of

                            HON. DAN BURTON

                               of indiana

                    in the house of representatives

                         Tuesday, July 22, 1997

  Mr. BURTON of Indiana. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of peace and 
stability on the Island of Cyprus. However, Mr. Speaker, if there is to 
be a resolution of the Cyprus issue, then there must be a balanced 
approach giving both Greeks and Turks equal voice both in the process 
and in the government. If this resolution intends to bestow sole rule 
of Cyprus to the Greek community, then I rise in strong opposition.
  We have been down that blood-soaked road before when in the 1960's 
and 1970's, Archbishop Makarios adopted a policy of Enosis, in an 
attempt to unite Cyprus with Greece. Fighting broke out, many Turkish 
Cypriots were killed, in some cases, slaughtered, and the Turkish 
Government, as one of the legal guarantors of the Republic of Cyprus, 
felt, in order to protect the lives and safeguard the property of the 
Turkish Cypriots, that military intervention was in order.
  Since 1974, there has been a de facto military balance on the island 
which has prevented additional bloodshed. An upset in this balance 
could result in future hostilities. The international community cannot 
make the problem go away between the Greeks and Turks on the island of 
Cyprus, only those two parties can.
  Having said that Mr. Speaker, I am very concerned with some of the 
language in House Concurrent Resolution 81. The language of the 
resolution states, ``Whereas the prospect of the accession by Cyprus to 
the European Union, which the United States has actively supported, 
could serve as a catalyst for a solution to the Cyprus problem.''
  This language does not give any incentive to the Greek Cypriots to 
settle with the Turkish Cypriots. Moreover, on February 24, 1997, 
Greece alone objected to a draft common EU position demanding that 
``all Cypriots be able to participate in the accession process'' 
because, according to Athens, its reference to Turkish Cypriots 
contradicts U.N. and EU policies that one internationally recognized 
Cyprus Government is competent to negotiate for the state.
  The resolved clauses are especially troubling. The second resolved 
clause states, ``The Congress considers lasting peace and stability on 
Cyprus could best be secured by a process of complete demilitarization 
leading to the withdrawal of all foreign occupation forces, * * *, and 
providing for alternative internationally acceptable and effective 
security arrangements as negotiated by the parties.''
  Mr. Speaker, this to me suggests that Turkey is directed to 
withdrawal from the island of Cyprus without direct input from the 
Turkish Cypriot community. This is not possible without the creation of 
a security apparatus which is found acceptable to the Turkish Cypriot 
community. The Congress needs a careful reminder into the history of 
Cyprus before such a suggestion is considered.
  I want to remind my colleagues that in 1960, when Great Britain 
relinquished control of the island, a bicommunal government was 
established with shared leadership by Turkish Cypriots and Greek 
Cypriots as political equals. Neither community was to dominate the new 
government. Tragically, right after Britain's departure, the new 
President of Cyprus, a Greek Cypriot, Archbishop Makarios, began to 
carry out his plan for union with Greece. By December 1963, Greek 
Cypriots had destroyed the bicommunal character of the republic 
physically ousting Turkish Cypriot leaders from their elected positions 
and destroying over 100 Turkish Cypriot villages.
  For the next 11 years, Turkish Cypriots, heavily outnumbered by the 
Greek Cypriots, suffered great losses--human and material--in clashes 
initiated by Greek Cypriots and fully supported by the Greek Army. One 
out of every one hundred twenty Turkish Cypriots, including women, 
children, and the elderly, was killed during this period even with U.N. 
peacekeeping troops present on the island. Thousands of Turkish 
Cypriots were forced to flee from their homes to live in enclaves 
throughout the island and were, held hostage in their own land without 
representation in government which was stipulated in the 1960 
constitution.
  United States Secretary of State George Ball visited Cyprus in 
February 1964 and concluded that Greek Cypriots ``just wanted to be 
left alone to kill Turkish Cypriots.'' Turkey waited for 11 years for 
help from the world community. None came. By 1974, Turkey could no 
longer stand by and watch innocent Turkish Cypriots be slaughtered by 
Greek Cypriots.
  So Turkey intervened militarily on the island which was completely 
legal under the 1960 Treaty of Guarantee signed by the Turkish 
Cypriots, Turkey, Britain, Greece, and the Greek Cypriots. It clearly 
stated that any of the signatories had the right to intervene on Cyprus 
should the sovereignty of the island be threatened. These troops have 
posed no threat to the southern part of the island. Since the Turkish 
military intervention concluded in 1974, these troops have never 
attacked or threatened to attack the south. They are simply to ensure 
the security of the Turkish Cypriot community.
  Due to domestic considerations, we are not doing what is right and 
necessary on the Cyprus issue. The Cyprus conflict is an international 
issue relating to Turks and Greeks and, if we want to help settle the 
issue, we must be totally even-handed in all facets of our approach. 
They both must learn to live in cohabitation. Perhaps, separate 
sovereignty of the communities, as in the proposal of bizonal and 
bicommunal governance, is in the best interest of security both for the 
region and for the United States. That could be determined in meetings 
between Turkish Cypriot President Rauf Denktash and Greek Cypriot 
leader Glafko Clerides.
  Mr. Speaker, in closing I want to thank my chairman, the honorable 
and kind-hearted gentleman from New York, Ben Gilman, for bringing this 
issue to the attention of the Congress. Cyprus is a vital issue for the 
security of the eastern Mediterranean. The proper encouragement by the 
United States Congress could help both Greeks and Turks to understand 
that they must work together to resolve their differences.

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