[Congressional Record Volume 143, Number 91 (Wednesday, June 25, 1997)]
[Senate]
[Page S6299]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                          MFN STATUS FOR CHINA

  Mr. ABRAHAM. Mr. President, I take this opportunity in morning 
business to talk briefly about an issue that I know a number of Members 
on both sides of the aisle care very much about.
  Yesterday in the House of Representatives a resolution which would 
have opposed or ended America's most-favored-nation status relationship 
with the People's Republic of China was defeated. But in the wake of 
that defeat, I think we still have an obligation to examine closely the 
policies of the Chinese Government and to not simply criticize those 
policies in word but also act with respect to those policies indeed. To 
that end, I urge my colleagues to begin the examination process of 
what, separate from acting in the context of most-favored-nation 
status, we might do as a matter of American policy.

  The concerns that many of us have with respect to human rights abuses 
in China, ranging from coercive family planning practices to religious 
persecution, to the events that occurred in Tiananmen Square just a few 
years ago, combined with a variety of other things, such as the 
activities in this country of certain Chinese companies that operate 
under the auspices of the People's Liberation Army--most recently the 
incidence in which AK-47 assault rifles were on their way to street 
gangs in Los Angeles, and happily that was prevented from occurring--
but a variety of actions that I think demand a response from this 
country that goes beyond rhetoric.
  To that end, I recently introduced legislation here in the Senate, 
the China Sanctions and Human Rights Advancement Act. I ask my 
colleagues to take a look at that legislation. Now that it is clear 
that the most-favored-nation status debate is over for this year, I 
think we should be looking at other options.
  I believe this legislation embodies a variety of very targeted 
responses to the things that have gone on in the People's Republic of 
China that Americans are concerned about. It would, among other things, 
deny visas to those high-ranking Government officials who have engaged 
in some of the policies and practices that we deplore. It would upon 
the United States to vote ``no'' with respect to votes on loans to 
China by international multilateral development banks so that we will 
not have American taxpayers subsidizing the Chinese Government.
  It would identify those Chinese companies who are operating in this 
country and take specific sanctions against those who have been 
identified as having engaged in inappropriate and illegal activities.
  It would attempt to deal in a very specific way with the issues of 
the proliferation of weapons technologies that has gone on between the 
Government of China and nations such as Iran.
  It has a wide array of components to it.
  I ask that all Members who are concerned about the actions of the 
Chinese Government look at this legislation. This Senator is anxious to 
look at other ideas, because I think a response is warranted beyond the 
MFN debate itself.
  Mr. President, with that I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of 
a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. SANTORUM. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.

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