[Congressional Record Volume 143, Number 75 (Wednesday, June 4, 1997)]
[House]
[Pages H3424-H3433]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
FOREIGN RELATIONS AUTHORIZATION ACT, FISCAL YEARS 1998 AND 1999
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Nethercutt). Pursuant to House
Resolution 150 and rule XXIII, the Chair declares the House in the
Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union for the further
consideration of the bill, H.R. 1757.
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In the Committee of the Whole
Accordingly, the House resolved itself into the Committee of the
Whole House on the State of the Union for the further consideration of
the bill (H.R. 1757) to consolidate international affairs agencies, to
authorize appropriations for the Department of State and related
agencies for fiscal years 1998 and 1999, and for other purposes, with
Mr. Dickey (Chairman pro tempore) in the chair.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
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The CHAIRMAN pro tempore (Mr. Dickey). When the Committee of the
Whole rose earlier today, the amendment by the gentleman from New
Jersey [Mr. Pallone] had been disposed of.
Are there any further amendments?
Amendment Offered by Mr. Scarborough
Mr. SCARBOROUGH. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Scarborough:
Page 185, after line 17, insert the following section:
SEC. 1717. UNITED STATES POLICY REGARDING RELIGIOUS
PERSECUTION AND SUPPORT OF TERRORISM BY SUDAN.
(a) Findings.--The Congress finds the following:
(1) Continued disregard of the freedom of religion by Sudan
is unacceptable.
(2) Continued support of terrorist activities by Sudan is
of deepest concern and shall not be tolerated.
(b) Financial Transactions With Terrorists.--
Notwithstanding any other provision of law, the exception
with respect to Sudan under section 2332(a) of title 18,
United States Code (provided in regulations issued in August
1996 by the Office of Foreign Assets of the Treasury
Department) shall cease to be effective on the date of the
enactment of this Act. No such exception under such section
may be issued with respect to Sudan until the President
certifies to the Congress that Sudan is no longer sponsoring
or supporting terrorism.
Mr. SCARBOROUGH. Mr. Chairman, my amendment attempts to address some
appalling activities of the government of Sudan. As my colleagues may
know, Sudan has been certified by the administration as being an active
supporter of terrorism since 1993 and is currently known to be
sheltering several terrorists sought in several countries.
Sudan has also been the scene of some of the world's most deplorable
religious persecution, persecution that the Washington Post called
unspeakable, persecutions that the United Nations has reported included
the crucifixion of a 7-year-old child because he was a Christian.
It has been estimated that more than 1.5 million Christians and other
non-Muslims have been killed in Sudan, more than all those that have
been killed in the Bosnian civil war. Christian slavery is widespread,
and it is believed that at least 30,000 children have been sold to
slavery for as little as $15. This was disputed by Louis Farrakhan some
time ago, and he challenged supporters to go to Sudan and unearth this
activity if it was really happening. Two reporters from the Baltimore
Sun did that and bought two young boys for $500.
We also have recently had the Pope pleading for an end of religious
persecution of non-Muslims. My amendment requires the administration to
apply financial transaction restrictions against terrorist states,
which were included in Public Law 104-132 to the Republic of Sudan.
Although these restrictions were intended to cover nations such as
Sudan,
[[Page H3425]]
regrettably the administration specifically exempted Sudan. And
although the United States has closed its offices in Sudan, the Sudan
still operates an embassy in the U.S., and this embassy has been cited
as supporting terrorists who conspired to bomb various New York City
landmarks.
Finally, the amendment would express the sense of Congress that
Sudan's support for terrorism and religious persecution is
unacceptable. In a recent April 1997 CRS report, CRS wrote that human
rights violations have been cited by many religious humanitarian and
international groups over the years.
Among other things, the Sudan government has been sanctioning
civilian massacres, religious persecution, kidnapping, forced
conscription of underaged boys, torture, forced circumcision of women,
mutilation of women's genitals, unlawful detention, and most recently,
slavery.
In a speech to the National Press Club on December 17, 1996, John
Eibner of the International CSI stated the following: ``Over 100 years
after the Emancipation Proclamation, the modern mind does not readily
comprehend that the practice of chattel slavery has not been laid to
rest but continues. Slavery in Sudan is not a dying practice. It is,
instead, a thriving practice that is actively promoted by the extremist
Sudan regime.''
Another human rights group stated that, during the recent three
visits to the Sudan, they talked of torture, murder, starvation and
enslavement of black Christians that, she said, resulted in at least
1.5 million deaths. Male slaves who resist conversion have their
Achille's tendons cut, female Christians are routinely raped and
sometimes forced to undergo circumcision and have their genitals
mutilated.
I took a book off my shelf that is in the office. It is called ``The
Abandonment of the Jews.'' It was written 10 years ago. And in the
beginning of the Abandonment of the Jews, David Wyman makes this
statement: ``The murder of the Jews during the Holocaust was done by
people to other people, while still other people stood by.
Comparatively few American non-Jews recognized that the plight of the
European Jews was their plight too. Most were either unaware, did not
care, or saw the European Jewish catastrophe as a Jewish problem. That
explains, in part, why the United States did so little to help.''
At the end of The Abandonment of the Jews, this is the question that
he asks: ``Would the reaction be different today? Would Americans be
more sensitive, less self-centered, more willing to make sacrifices,
less afraid of differences now than they were then?'' Regrettably it
appears that, up until now, the answer has been no.
Writing in the New York Times, A.M. Rosenthal stated the following:
``The shocking untold story of our time is that more Christians have
died this century simply for being Christians than in the first 19
centuries after the birth of Christ. They have been persecuted and
martyred before an unknowing, indifferent world and a largely silent
Christian community.''
Mr. Chairman, it is time for that silence to end. That is why I ask
my colleagues to pass this bill and send a message to Sudan that such
barbarism will no longer be tolerated.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite
number of words.
Mr. Chairman, let me just say that I rise in very strong support of
the amendment of the gentleman from Florida [Mr. Scarborough]. I think
my colleague does a really good and worthwhile service for the
suffering Christians and the suffering people of faith in the Sudan.
My Subcommittee on International Operations and Human Rights last
year held two hearings. One was on the use of chattel slavery in the
Sudan and the terrible policy of forced Islamization, where young boys
and girls, mostly boys, are kidnapped and then during the course of 6
months to 2 years, or whatever time period it seems to take, they are
brainwashed, Sun Myung Moon-like, with sleep deprivation and other
things, to separate themselves from their families, which they are
already physically separated from, but also from their faith and all
past cultural ties; and then they have this radical Islamic perspective
forced upon them.
As we all know, in southern Sudan there has been horrific policy of
what many of us consider to be genocide. Khartoum countenances this as
part and parcel of it. So I think the gentleman from Florida [Mr.
Scarborough] does a very worthwhile thing by raising this issue on the
House floor.
We also had a hearing on the persecution of Christians worldwide, and
it was the first hearing of its kind ever in the House, and heard from
a large variety of panels and people and experts from Amnesty
International to across the board. Nina Shay from Freedom House
testified, and they bemoan the fact that there is a frightening rising
tide of anti-Christianity and that this is a persecution that has to be
addressed by anyone who believes in religious freedom and religious
tolerance.
So I think the gentleman from Florida [Mr. Scarborough] does a great
service with his amendment, and I fully support it.
Mr. CAPPS. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
Mr. Chairman, I certainly appreciate the effort that is being made
here. Religious persecution is a terrible phenomenon in our world
today, and the situation in Sudan is certainly one that needs to be
addressed in a most effective manner.
I also appreciate the fact that the gentleman from Florida [Mr.
Scarborough] has revised his amendment in light of certain
administrative responses through an original draft of his amendment. I
think the purpose is a good one, but I believe that the penalty in this
amendment is counterproductive and for the following reason: that a lot
of non-governmental organizations operate in Sudan, they operate in
order to help people who are suffering under oppression from a regime
that we certainly cannot support. They have worked to help people who
are suffering from hunger.
These NGOs use banks in Khartoum, the capital of Sudan. If the NGOs
are not able to use the banks because of this amendment, it will be
much harder for the agencies that are in the Sudan trying to alleviate
the situation to operate.
So, on those grounds, and also because the administration does not
support this amendment, I am also going to oppose it.
Mr. SCARBOROUGH. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. CAPPS. Mr. Chairman, I yield to the gentleman from Florida.
Mr. SCARBOROUGH. Mr. Chairman, I guess my biggest concern is
regarding part B, which talks about financial transactions with
terrorists. The Sudan has been considered by most human rights groups
as one of the greatest sponsors of terrorism across the globe. And what
this really strikes to is the fact that President Clinton during 1996
granted a waiver to Occidental Petroleum to basically do business in
the Sudan to the tune of about $90 million and, by doing so, continues
to fund the regime that is tottering and has, in fact, worthy opponents
that are trying to bring it down.
What we are doing by allowing people to continue to do business while
providing this waiver is continuing to fund perhaps the most barbarous
antireligious-faith regime in the world today. Again, 1.5 million
Christians have been murdered since 1989, and the acts are unspeakable.
Former President Jimmy Carter has been to the Sudan and has tried to
intervene, and intervention has not provided any results. In fact, if
my colleagues could name more than two or three organizations that
remain in Sudan, I would be enlightened. Because from speaking to the
gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Wolf] and others, I understand that all
have pulled out because the regime is just so despicable and cannot be
worked with.
It is one of the most barbarous regimes on the globe today. And if we
allow business interests to trump human rights interests and freedom of
religion, then we are sending an absolutely miserable message across
the globe. This is about money over human rights, and it is about time
that we stand up and be counted to be a country that still supports the
ideas of Jeffersonian democracy instead of being concerned with market
share.
Mr. CAPPS. Mr. Chairman, reclaiming my time, the gentleman from
Florida [Mr. Scarborough] is correct. The
[[Page H3426]]
regime is a dreadful one. The persecution that is going on there is
absolutely reprehensible. We need to go after terrorist financing, and
we have provisions for that under current law and regulations.
But this amendment still hurts NGO's that are a positive,
constructive force in the Sudan; and those NGOs need to be protected
because they are helping the suffering people. It is on those grounds
precisely that I oppose the amendment.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. The question is on the amendment offered by
the gentleman from Florida [Mr. Scarborough].
The question was taken; and the Chairman pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. SCARBOROUGH. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 159, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Florida [Mr.
Scarborough] will be postponed.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Engel
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Engel:
At the end of title XVII (relating to foreign policy
provisions) add the following (and conform the table of
contents accordingly):
SEC. 1717. CRISIS IN ALBANIA.
(a) Findings.--The Congress finds the following:
(1) During March 1997 United States Armed Forces personnel
evacuated approximately 500 Americans from Albania.
(2) No Americans were injured in the evacuation.
(3) The military operation was at times risky and
dangerous, with helicopters of the United States Armed Forces
occasionally receiving fire.
(4) Several United States diplomats, including Ambassador
Marissa Lino, remained in Tirana during these unsettled and
perilous times.
(5) The evacuation is the result of a rebellion in Albania
which followed the collapse of several pyramid investment
schemes.
(6) Hundreds of thousands of Albanian citizens lost large
portions of their life savings in the pyramid investment
schemes.
(7) Hundreds of Albanians have been killed since the crisis
began.
(8) The almost complete collapse of central governmental
authority left Albania in a state of near-anarchy.
(9) Many weapons depots were raided by the general
population of Albania and many small arms were taken by the
citizenry.
(10) The proliferation of weapons in Albania has made the
situation very dangerous.
(11) On March 9, 1997, Albania's political parties agreed
to a nine-point agreement on political reconciliation.
(12) Under the nine-point agreement, President Sali
Berisha, a member of the ruling Democratic Party, appointed a
broadly based unity government, led by an opposition
socialist, former mayor of Gjirokaster Bashkim Fino.
(13) Under the nine-point agreement, President Berisha and
opposition parties have agreed to hold general elections by
June 1997.
(14) More than 5,500 multinational troops, led by Italy,
have entered Albania in order to stabilize the nation and to
create a safe security environment for the distribution of
humanitarian assistance.
(b) Declaration of Policy.--The Congress declares the
following:
(1) United States Armed Forces personnel are to be
commended for the evacuation operations in Albania.
(2) United States diplomats are to be commended for their
service in Albania during these dangerous times.
(3) The nine-point agreement of March 9, 1997, among all
Albanian political parties represents a key step toward
lifting Albania out of the current crisis.
(4) Albania's new multiparty leadership is strongly urged
to implement in good faith the terms of the nine-point
agreement of March 9, 1997, and to do all possible to
reinspire the trust of the Albanian people.
(5) The Albanian people are strongly urged to afford their
new government an opportunity to govern by laying down
weapons and making any changes to the government through
peaceful means, particularly the upcoming elections.
(6) The United States should support the new Albanian
Government as it attempts to reestablish calm and achieve
political reconciliation and should urge the new government
to guarantee human rights, free and fair elections, and
freedom of expression.
(7) The United States must remain closely engaged in the
diplomatic efforts to ease Albania's crisis and should
strongly support similar efforts by the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe and the multinational
force, led by Italy, seeking to stabilize Albania.
(8) The United States and the international community
should work with the new Albanian Government to ensure that
upcoming elections will be free and fair by supplying
political inducement, technical advice, and large numbers of
observers.
(9) The United States should support the convening of a
multinational conference, possibly in Rome, Italy, to
consider options for assisting Albania to recover from the
political and economic crisis.
(10) The United States should oppose any challenge to
Albania's international borders or territorial integrity
offered as a potential solution to the conflict.
Mr. ENGEL (during the reading). Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent
that the amendment be considered as read and printed in the Record.
The CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from
New York?
There was no objection.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, recently I had the opportunity to visit
Albania as the United States representative to the OSCE, which was
negotiating a peace in Albania between the different factions in
Albania.
As my colleagues know, Albania recently has sunk into turmoil and
anarchy as a result of failed pyramid schemes in which many Albanians
lost their life savings.
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Albania has a tragic history. It was the most oppressive Stalinist
state on the face of Europe, indeed perhaps in the world, and for 50
years lived under the most oppressive communism, isolationism and anti-
Americanism.
What I have found in my three trips to Albania has been that the
Albanian people did not believe a word of the anti-Americanism that
they were fed for so many years. In fact, Americans are most welcome.
They truly like Americans. Americans are warmly received. I am glad
that the United States has established a relationship with Albania
where we supply them with help, with aid, with military help, with
humanitarian aid. Because it is a small country, a little bit of aid
goes a long, long way.
However, as I mentioned before, there are problems in Albania. We
know that the pyramid schemes when they collapsed caused many Albanians
to lose their life savings, and as a result anarchy and lawlessness
broke out, many people were rioting in the streets, guns were stolen,
weapons depots were broken into. As a result, there was a proliferation
and is a proliferation of weapons in the street.
The European Community and the United States stepped in and tried to
calm the situation. I was asked by the State Department to be the
United States representative to these negotiations, as a year ago I was
the U.S. representative to the South Balkans Defense Ministerial and
traveled to Tirana, Albania with then Defense Secretary Bill Perry. I
have had extensive knowledge and work involving the United States-
Albanian relationship.
This amendment is introduced by myself for myself and for my
colleague the gentlewoman from New York [Ms. Molinari]. I might also
add that the gentleman from New York [Mr. Gilman], the chairman, also
wholeheartedly supports this amendment.
The amendment commends the U.S. military and diplomats for the
evacuation operation which we had to implement to get out American
personnel and American citizens. I myself left Albania 3 or 4 days
before I would have had to be evacuated. Thankfully, I was able to
leave on a plane with Chancellor Vranitzky of Austria and some of the
other diplomats.
The amendment also supports the multiparty government and agreement
of March 9, 1997. We feel that it is very important for the Albanian
people themselves to grab the bull by the horns and stop the anarchy.
That is why we in the United States have been urging the head of the
government of Albania, Sali Berisha, to form a national unity
government, a temporary national unity government, which he did form.
That was part of the bulk of the agreement of March 9, 1997.
My amendment supports this agreement. It urges the Albanian people to
give the new government a chance and to turn in their weapons, and
urges the United States to support the new Albanian Government in its
efforts to achieve political reconciliation. The amendment also urges
the new government of Albania to guarantee human rights, free and fair
elections and freedom of expression.
It urges us to remain closely engaged in efforts to ease Albania's
crisis, and strongly supports the OSCE, which is the Organization of
Security and Cooperation in Europe, efforts and the
[[Page H3427]]
Italian-led multilateral force. It urges the United States to work with
the Albanian Government to ensure that the June 29 elections will be
free and fair by supplying technical assistance and observers. The
amendment also supports the convening of a multinational conference to
help Albania recover from its political and economic crisis.
I must say on my way back from Albania, I stopped in Italy to meet
with the Italian defense minister and officials from the Italian
Government who wholeheartedly support and have been working very, very
closely with the United States in convening this multinational
conference. Finally, the amendment opposes any challenge to Albania's
border as a solution to the conflict.
Let me say, Mr. Chairman, that I believe the United States must
remain engaged in Albania. We have a stake in that part of the world.
The Albanian people, again, for 50 years were fed a steady dose of
anti-Americanism, a steady dose of the worst Communist repression, and
they did not believe a word of it. They have good, strong feelings for
the American people. We want to see democracy take root in Albania, and
a free-market economy, and my amendment goes a long way in saying that
this is what Congress wants to do.
Mr. CAPPS. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the gentleman's
amendment. In my judgment he has given a very precise and full analysis
of the situation there and has made the case for United States
engagement in Albania. The amendment outlines a series of useful steps
for United States policy which includes support for diplomatic steps to
ease the crisis, support for free and fair elections, and support for
assisting Albania's recovery. Albania is one of the trouble spots in
the world today about which we are very acutely concerned. This
amendment in my judgment spells out good policy, and I urge my
colleagues to support it.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last
word.
I want to thank my good friend the gentleman from New York for
offering this amendment. The majority has looked at it carefully and we
like it. We have worked together on issues related to Albania for a
number of years. I commend the gentleman for his leadership.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore (Mr. Dickey). The question is on the
amendment offered by the gentleman from New York [Mr. Engel].
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Nethercutt
Mr. NETHERCUTT. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Nethercutt: At the end of title
XVII insert the following section:
SEC. 1717. SENSE OF CONGRESS RELATING TO THE ABDUCTION AND
DETAINMENT OF DONALD HUTCHINGS OF THE STATE OF
WASHINGTON.
(a) Findings.--The Congress makes the following findings:
(1) Al-Faran, a militant organization that seeks to merge
Kashmir with Pakistan, has waged a war against the Government
of India.
(2) During the week of July 2, 1995, Al-Faran abducted
Donald Hutchings of the State of Washington, and 4 Western
Europeans in the territory of Jammu and Kashmir, India.
(3) Al-Faran has threatened to kill Donald Hutchings and
the Western European hostages unless the Government of India
agrees to release suspected guerrillas from its jails.
(4) Several militants have been captured by the Indian
Government and have given conflicting and unconfirmed reports
about the hostages.
(5) Donald Hutchings and the 4 Western European hostages
have been held against their will by Al-Faran for nearly 2
years.
(b) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of the Congress
that--
(1) the militant organization Al-Faran should release,
immediately, Donald Hutchings and 4 Western Europeans from
captivity;
(2) Al-Faran and their supporters should cease and desist
from all acts of hostage-taking and other violent acts within
the State of Jammu and Kashmir, India;
(3) the State Department Rewards Program should be used to
the greatest extent possible to solicit new information
pertaining to hostages; and
(4) the governments of the United States, the United
Kingdom, Germany, Norway, India, and Pakistan should share
and investigate all information relating to these hostages as
quickly as possible.
Mr. NETHERCUTT (during the reading). Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous
consent that the amendment be considered as read and printed in the
Record.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Washington?
There was no objection.
Mr. NETHERCUTT. Mr. Chairman, for the record, this particular
amendment is being introduced for myself and on behalf of the
distinguished gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. Pallone] as it relates to
a kidnapping that occurred 2 years ago of a constituent of mine in
Spokane, Washington, Donald Hutchings.
In the interest of orderly proceedings on this bill, I ask unanimous
consent to withdraw the amendment at this time, reserving the right and
intending to have this amendment redrawn and offered at a different
point in the consideration of this bill tomorrow.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. Without objection, the amendment is
withdrawn.
There was no objection.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Serrano
Mr. SERRANO. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Serrano:
At the end of title XVII (relating to foreign policy
provisions) insert the following new section:
SEC. 1717. REPORT CONCERNING OFFICIAL COMPLAINTS OF THE
GOVERNMENT OF CUBA TO THE GOVERNMENT OF THE
UNITED STATES.
(a) Report to Congress.--Not later than 3 months after the
date of the enactment of this Act, and each subsequent 3
months thereafter, the Secretary of State, after
consultations with the heads of other Federal departments and
agencies, shall submit to the Congress a report listing all
complaints by the Government of Cuba to departments and
agencies of the United States Government concerning actions
taken by United States persons or the Government of the
United States.
(b) United States Person Defined.--As used in this section
the term ``United States person'' means any--
(1) United States citizen or national;
(2) permanent resident alien; or
(3) juridical person organized under the laws of the United
States.
Mr. SERRANO (during the reading). Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous
consent that the amendment be considered as read and printed in the
Record.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New York?
There was no objection.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I reserve a point of order
against the amendment.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. The gentleman from New Jersey reserves a
point of order.
Mr. SERRANO. Mr. Chairman, this bill that is before us today has some
new provisions which speak about reports that the administration has to
come up with to deal with the issue of the enforcement of the Cuban
embargo, the embargo on Cuba. I feel that our country in my opinion is
involved in a Cold War with Cuba, and as such I think that it is time
that we begin to balance all reports and all information that we get
here in Congress.
Therefore, what my amendment does is to state that effective in 3
months and every 3 months thereafter, the Secretary of State would
report to Congress on all official complaints put forth by the Cuban
Government regarding actions taken by residents or citizens of this
country that deal with the daily lives of Cubans and the island of
Cuba.
For instance, before the Brothers to the Rescue planes were shot down
on the 24th of February of 1996, Cuba made over 10 complaints to the
FAA about the group's violations of Cuban airspace. If Congress had
seen these complaints, this tragedy might have been prevented. On a
regular basis, we hear reports about the fact that the Cuban Government
is complaining to the American Government about actions that are being
taken individually by either groups in this country or individuals who
go into the sea and go over Cuban airspace and create situations which
could lead us into a more serious confrontation once again with the
Cuban Government.
What my amendment therefore says is that the Secretary of State would
let us know about all of these complaints. For instance, the Cuban
Government makes formal protests to the State Department, but the FAA
and the American interest section in Havana hear other complaints such
as violation of Cuban airspace, dropping of leaflets in Cuba, that the
Cuban Government
[[Page H3428]]
finds offensive and provocative in many ways; American residents
traveling too close to Cuban shores, and in some cases acts that could
be considered by our Government as paramilitary or military in nature
in Cuban territory.
Please understand, Mr. Chairman, that these complaints are complaints
that our Government knows about but Members of Congress do not know
about. My amendment would ask that we be kept informed. I do this with
the full understanding that some people, some colleagues, would say
that this somehow helps the Cuban Government, that it strengthens their
ability to make public statements, that it gives them publicity that
they do not deserve. But I think it is only fair that if we are going
to continue to enforce the embargo against Cuba, something that I
oppose, if we are going to continue to ask for the Cuban Government to
behave in a certain way, then we have to propose the same behavior for
our citizens.
Picture, if you will, the situation on February 24. After that
incident and after the tragic loss of life of American citizens in that
incident, it has been pretty well established that on many occasions,
many individuals have ventured into Cuban territory and continue to do
so today. Put the shoe on the other foot. If a Cuban airplane were
flying over our capital, what would be our response? I would hope our
response would be the proper one, which is to ask them to come down
immediately and land or to shoot them down, no different than perhaps
the behavior by the Cuban Government.
Therefore, I think that as we move into this new era of having the
administration report to us on a regular basis as to how the embargo is
being enforced, that we ask our own Government to report to us and keep
us informed. If that happens, then I believe that in the future we
would have situations that we can prevent by having enough information
in our hands.
Anyone who opposes this bill, I think, would have to really
understand that we are not asking for any action to be taken, we are
not asking for anyone to be arrested for these actions. All we want to
know is when does this happen, when the Cuban Government complains
about it, and use that as we deliberate future actions with and toward
the Government of Cuba.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. Does the gentleman from New Jersey insist
on his point of order?
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. No, Mr. Chairman, I do not insist on the
point of order.
Mr. CAPPS. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
With great reluctance because of my great respect for the gentleman
from New York [Mr. Serrano], I am going to oppose this amendment. He
properly makes reference to the fact that we have got too many reports
about Cuba that have been demanded by Congress, and I think he and I
would agree that the increasing demand for more reports is a
congressional effort to constrict the executive's flexibility to
conduct foreign policy.
{time} 2145
I think still another report, and that is what he is asking for,
becomes counterproductive. I think this further restricts the
President's ability to conduct Cuba policy in the most useful manner,
and it is on that grounds specifically that I am urging my colleagues
to vote against this amendment.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore (Mr. Dickey). The question is on the
amendment offered by the gentleman from New York [Mr. Serrano].
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Fox of Pennsylvania
Mr. FOX of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Fox of Pennsylvania:
At the end of title XVII insert the following new section:
SEC. 1717. SENSE OF CONGRESS CONCERNING ASSISTANCE FOR
UKRAINE.
(a) In General.--It is the sense of the Congress that--
(1) the Government and nation of Ukraine are to be
commended for their decision to relinquish the nuclear
weapons in the possession of Ukraine after the demise of the
former Soviet Union;
(2) the Government of Ukraine is to be commended for its
recent announcement that Ukrainian enterprises will not
participate in the construction of nuclear reactors in Iran;
(3) the Government of Ukraine is to be commended for taking
a positive and cooperative position with regard to the
admission into the NATO alliance of new member-states in
Central and Eastern Europe, particularly Ukraine's
willingness to negotiate a bilateral charter with that
alliance;
(4) the Government of Ukraine is to be commended for its
efforts to ensure that the Russian-dominated Commonwealth of
Independent States organization does not serve as a means to
reintegrate the independent states of the former Soviet Union
into a new political entity under Russian leadership and
occupying the territory that comprised the former Soviet
Union;
(5) the Government of Ukraine should immediately move to
ensure that United States investors who have been subjected
to extortion, fraud, or other criminal activity, or to
inappropriate, corrupt activities carried out by officials or
representatives of the Ukrainian Government, are provided
with full restitution or compensation for their losses;
(6) the nation and Government of Ukraine are to be
commended for the adoption of a democratic constitution, the
conduct of free and fair elections, and the peaceful transfer
of executive power since Ukraine gained its independence in
1991; and
(7) the President should respond positively to any request
made by the government of Ukraine for United States
government agencies assistance and involvement in the
implementation of additional programs to fight corruption in
Ukraine and to ensure that American investors in that country
are not subjected to unfair, inappropriate, or criminal
practices on the part of officials of the Government of
Ukraine or any citizens of Ukraine.
(b) Availability of Amounts for Ukraine.--It is further the
sense of the Congress that the President should ensure that
Ukraine receives assistance for fiscal years 1998 and 1999
for political and economic reforms at a level equal to that
allocated to Ukraine for fiscal year 1997.
Mr. FOX of Pennsylvania (during the reading). Mr. Chairman, I ask
unanimous consent that the amendment be considered as read and printed
in the Record.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Pennsylvania.
There was no objection.
Mr. FOX of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the opportunity
to speak to my colleagues tonight on the amendment that will ensure
that a nation in fiscal years 1998 and 1999 will have the same level of
funding as 1997.
It should be noted that in this sense of Congress amendment that
Ukraine foreign policy has served American interests well by
unilaterally and voluntarily disarming all nuclear weapons, has
refrained from selling turbines to Russia which were to be sold to
Iran, that has welcomed the eastward expansion of NATO, that is seeking
to curtail selling of military technology to rogue states, that
further, the economic policies have unstabilized the Ukraine by
reduction of the inflation rate from 10,000 percent in 1993 to a
projected 25 percent in 1997.
We have seen 50,000 enterprises being privatized, but there has been
a formation of a Council on International Investment to be comprised of
individuals in the government and representatives of U.S. companies,
and we have even seen the Agra forum by President Leonid Kuchma of
Ukraine working with President Clinton to seek his help in designing a
national anti-corruption program in Ukraine.
I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. Smith].
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I would like to rise in very
strong support of the gentleman's amendment. The need for various types
of aid to the Ukraine cannot be underestimated. Last year, as chairman
of the Helsinki Commission, we held a hearing on the ongoing crisis in
Chernobyl. The G-7 has pledged a tremendous amount of aid to shut down
the reactor and to encase it in a way that will make it less dangerous
than it is currently, and very little of that money has been produced
over the last couple of years.
We also heard of the devastating impact of the cancers that are being
suffered by children as a result of contamination from the nuclear
fallout, and they cannot even begin to cope with the humanitarian
medical and hospital needs in the Ukraine that should have been to that
Chernobyl disaster.
As the gentleman pointed out, they have been forthcoming when it
comes to NATO. As partners, as friends, they have embraced NATO. They
have unilaterally forfeited the nuclear warheads on their own soil.
That is a grand
[[Page H3429]]
gesture of peace in my view, especially given the potential animosities
between themselves and Russia which we all know exists today.
So I believe while there are problems, as is acknowledged in this
resolution, dealing with corruption and it is insisted in this
resolution that our economic interests be treated fairly, I think the
resolution is a good one and deserves the support, and I would urge my
colleagues to support this amendment.
Mr. CAPPS. Mr. Chairman, I rise to oppose this amendment in spite of
my great respect for the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Fox]. I
understand why he is doing this, and I think there is a lot of good
reason for it. The Ukraine clearly must implement a number of important
reforms specifically in the economic and the anti-corruption areas in
order to maintain U.S. support.
However, I cannot support the amendment's recommended earmark. I do
not support earmarks in principle, and that is that the President
should have flexibility in conducting foreign affairs. Earmarking funds
for any country undermines the President's ability to achieve U.S.
foreign policy objectives.
Even though this is only a sense of the Congress amendment, it sends
an important message particularly at a time when the President, many
Members of Congress and our constituents have said Ukraine must make
important changes. It does not make sense for Congress to go on record
guaranteeing Ukraine foreign assistance. We need to send the right
message to the Ukraine, which must be a measured message. We should
applaud them for the reforms that they have undertaken, but we should
also require that they continue to reform in the appropriate ways.
So, Mr. Chairman, I urge defeat of this amendment.
Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I yield to the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Fox].
Mr. FOX of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, just to make a point of
clarification, I appreciate the support of comments with regard to part
of the motion from my colleague from California, and I would point out
a matter of clarification that this is a sense of Congress, this is not
an earmark, and so this would give flexibility to Congress and the
President to move forward, recognize that there has been advances by
Ukraine in the disarmament of nuclear weapons in the economic
stabilization, and finally we are seeing the security as well being
advanced. So I think that point should be underscored, and that is this
is not an earmark and we do hope that the colleagues, both sides of the
aisle, would support the legislation.
Mr. CAPPS. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to strike the last
word.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from California?
There was no objection.
Mr. CAPPS. Mr. Chairman, I just wanted to say to the gentleman from
Pennsylvania [Mr. Fox] that even though this is only a sense-of-
Congress resolution I still think the message needs to be a measured
message in the way that I have described it.
The question is on the amendment offered by the gentleman from
Pennsylvania [Mr. Fox].
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Engel
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Engel:
At the end of title XVII (relating to foreign policy
provisions) add the following (and conform the table of
contents accordingly):
SEC. 1717. SANCTIONS AGAINST SYRIA.
(a) Findings.--The Congress finds the following:
(1) Syria remains in a state of war with Israel and
maintains large numbers of heavily armed forces near the
border with Israel.
(2) Syria occupies Lebanon with almost 40,000 troops and
maintains undue influence on all aspects of the Lebanese
Government and society.
(3) Syria continues to provide safe haven and support for
several groups that engage in terrorism, according to the
Department of State's ``Patterns of Global Terrorism'' report
for 1996.
(4) Syria was listed by the Department of State as a
country that does not cooperate in the war on drugs.
(5) Syria has not signed the Chemical Weapons Convention,
and numerous reports indicate that Syria has increased the
production and level of sophistication of chemical weapons.
Reports also indicate that such unconventional warheads have
been loaded on SCUD-type ballistic missiles with the range to
reach numerous targets in friendly nations, such as Israel,
Turkey, and Jordan.
(6) Syria routinely commits a wide array of serious human
rights violations, and according to a recent Human Rights
Watch report, is engaging in the abduction of Lebanese
citizens and Palestinian refugees in Lebanon.
(7) Several reports indicate that Syria knowingly allowed
the explosives used in the June 1996 Dharan bombing, which
killed 19 United States service personnel, to pass through
Syria from Lebanon to Saudi Arabia.
(8) More than 20 trips by former Secretary of State
Christopher to Damascus, a meeting between President Clinton
and Syrian President Hafez Assad, and a Department of State-
sponsored intensive negotiation session at Wye Plantation
were all unsuccessful in convincing Syria to make peace with
Israel. At the same time, most reports indicated that Israel
was prepared to make substantial concessions of land in
exchange for peace.
(9) According to the Central Intelligence Agency World Fact
Book of 1995, petroleum comprises 53 percent of Syrian
exports.
(10) By imposing sanctions against the Syrian petroleum
industry, the United States can apply additional pressure
against Syria to press the Assad regime to change its
dangerous and destabilizing policies.
(b) Policy.--It is the sense of the Congress that the
United States should consider applying to Syria sanctions
which are currently enforced against Iran and Libya under the
Iran and Libya Sanctions Act of 1996 if the Government of
Syria does not eliminate its dangerous and destabilizing
policies.
Mr. ENGEL (during the reading). Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent
that the amendment be considered as read and printed in the Record.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New York?
There was no objection.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, this is a sense of Congress resolution that
given Syria's extremist and dangerous policies, that I firmly believe
the time has come for the U.S. to consider applying to Syria sanctions
which are currently enforced against Iran and Libya in the Iran-Libya
Oil Sanctions Act of 1996. The fact is that these penalties ought to be
applied to Syria because Syria remains in a state of war with Israel
and maintains large numbers of heavily armed forces near the border
with Israel. Syria occupies Lebanon with almost 40,000 troops and
maintains undue influence on all aspects of the Lebanese government and
society to the detriment of the Lebanese people. Syria continues to
provide safe haven and support for several groups that engage in
terrorism.
According to the State Department's patterns of global terrorism
report for 1996, the fact that Syria is one of the nations that support
terrorism is undisputed, and that is why there are restrictions upon
U.S. citizens' travel to Syria. Syria was also listed by the U.S. State
Department as a country that does not cooperate in the war on drugs,
and indeed the problem that we have here in the United States with
regards to drug addiction, much of it can be laid at the doorstep of
Syria.
Syria, moreover, has not signed the Weapons Convention, and numerous
reports indicate that Syria has increased the production and level of
sophistication of chemical weapons. Reports also indicate that such
unconventional warheads have been loaded on SCUD type ballistic
missiles with the range to reach numerous targets in friendly nations,
such as Israel, Turkey and Jordan.
Syria routinely commits a wide array of serious human rights
violations and, according to a recent Human Rights Watch report, is
engaging in the abduction of Lebanese citizens and Palestinian refugees
in Lebanon. Several reports indicate that Syria knowingly allowed the
explosives used in the June 1996 Dharan bombing in Saudi Arabia which
killed 19 United States service personnel to pass through Syria from
Lebanon to Saudi Arabia. That is how it was able to happen.
More than 20 trips by former Secretary of State Christopher to
Damascus, Syria, a meeting between President Clinton and Syrian
President Hafez Assad and the State Department-sponsored intensive
negotiation session at Wye Plantation were all unsuccessful in
convincing Syria to make peace with Israel. At the same time, most
reports indicate that Israel was prepared
[[Page H3430]]
to make substantial concessions of land in exchange for peace.
According to the CIA World Fact Book of 1995, petroleum comprises 53
percent of Syrian exports. So if we really want to send a message to
Syria and hit them where it hurts, this is where we can do the most
damage. By imposing sanctions against the Syrian petroleum industry,
the U.S. could apply additional pressure against Syria to press the
Assad regime to change its dangerous and destabilizing policies.
I think that clearly when we are talking about Middle East peace,
when we are talking about terrorism, and we are talking about the war
on drugs, and we are talking about all the things to which this country
is committed to help with Syria has been one of the biggest obstacles
to peace in the Middle East, the biggest obstacles to combatting the
scourge of terrorism, the biggest obstacles in trying to curb drug
addiction. Moreover, Syria maintains ties with terrorist states and
works to the detriment of U.S. foreign policy and U.S. interests
abroad.
So it is for all these reasons, Mr. Chairman, that I think it is
very, very important, the time has come for the U.S. to consider
applying to Syria sanctions which are currently enforced against Iran
and Libya in the Iran-Libya Oil Sanctions Act of 1996. The same types
are going against U.S. interests that Iran and Libya have done; Syria
has been there as well.
Again, no matter what the United States has tried to do in foreign
policy in these fields which I mentioned, Syria has been the most
uncooperative nation, so I believe that this Congress ought to go on
record as a sense of Congress resolution to say that we are tired of
Syria's nonsense, we are not going to stand idly by, that if we are
going to apply all sanctions upon Iran and Libya due to their terrorist
and extremist policies Syria ought to be treated no differently.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. The question is on the amendment offered by
the gentleman from New York [Mr. Engel].
The question was taken; and the Chairman pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 159, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from New York
[Mr. Engel] will be postponed.
Are there any other amendments?
Amendment Offered by Mr. Lazio of New York
Mr. LAZIO of New York. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Lazio of New York: At the end of
title XVII (relating to foreign policy provisions) insert
the following:
SEC. 1717. SENSE OF CONGRESS REGARDING COMPLIANCE WITH CHILD
AND SPOUSAL SUPPORT OBLIGATIONS BY UNITED
NATIONS PERSONNEL.
(a) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of the Congress
that--
(1) all United Nations staff, including diplomats, should
comply with binding United States Federal, State, and local
court orders regarding child and spousal support obligations;
(2) the internal regulations of the United Nations allows--
(A) the United Nations to release staff salary information
to the courts in spousal and child support cases;
(B) the Secretary General to authorize deduction of
dependency related allowances from staff salary;
(C) the United Nations to cooperate with appropriate
authorities to facilitate proper legal or judicial resolution
of the family's claim.
(b) Congressional Statement.--The Secretary of State should
urge the United Nations to fully comply with regulations
regarding compliance with child and spousal support
obligations by United Nations personnel, in a timely manner
and to the fullest extent possible.
(c) Limitation on Payment of Arrearages to the United
Nations.--Notwithstanding any other provision of this Act, of
funds appropriated for the payment of United States
arrearages to the United Nations out of funds authorized to
be appropriated by this Act, $10,000,000 shall not be
available until the Secretary of State certifies that--
(1) the United Nations is actively enforcing child and
spousal support payments in compliance with Federal, State,
and local court orders; and
(2) the United Nations is actively reforming its pension
policy, making the United Nations pension fund subject to
Federal, State, or local court orders of spousal or child
support.
Mr. LAZIO of New York (during the reading). Mr. Chairman, I ask
unanimous consent that the amendment be considered as read and printed
in the Record.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New York?
There was no objection.
{time} 2200
Mr. LAZIO of New York. Mr. Chairman, we have a chance tonight to help
the United Nations enforce its own rules.
We have passed strict reforms in Congress to ensure that our citizens
in America fulfill their obligations to their children and their
spouses, yet many children and former spouses living in New York have
not received the basic support they need to survive. As a matter of
fact, I should extend that to my neighboring States of Connecticut and
New Jersey as well. Their spouses are not bound by our laws to provide
or even to furnish the courts with the salary information needed to
process their claims. They are able to avoid responsibility simply
because they are employed by the United Nations.
In most family support cases, a family who fails to comply with court
orders could have their wages garnished. They may even face jail time.
But this is not the case, however, with U.N. staff. Until 1994, the
United Nations would not release any information regarding the salary
of its employees. Even with the court order of support, spouses and
children were left without payment and without recourse. In effect, the
United Nations staffers living in New York had no obligations to their
families. Lacking any legal remedy, their spouses and children were
simply abandoned in American cities.
In 1994 the United Nations finally issued a directive encouraging
employees to address their personal obligations, yet the United Nations
has been dragging its feet in providing family courts with salary
information and in taking action against its employees. The U.N. Family
Rights Committee, a volunteer organization based in New York, is
currently addressing over 40 cases of women having difficulty obtaining
support. Clearly, these regulations need stronger enforcement.
While the Family Rights Committee has made some progress, people
whose spouses have retired from the United Nations still have
absolutely no recourse. The United Nations' pensions are still
completely immune from court orders, and the United Nations Joint Staff
Pension Fund refuses to divulge any information regarding pension
payments. I might add, Mr. Chairman, in a recent inquiry to one of the
staffers as to why that occurs, the answer was that the people over
there were old and in their old ways. Totally unacceptable.
Women divorced from a retired United Nations employee legally
entitled to support are left virtually stranded. We can expect no less,
no less from the United Nations than we expect of our own citizens.
This amendment directs the United Nations to comply with its own
internal rules regarding family support and to apply those rules to its
pension policy, allowing U.S. courts and former spouses some recourse
once a U.N. official has retired. Further, it limits the payment of
U.S. arrearages to the United Nations until the Secretary of State can
certify that the U.N. is making these reforms, bringing the standards
of the U.N. in line with those of the United States. I understand that
the Members of the minority had some concerns with this, so we have
tried to narrow the scope of this.
Congress has tried to ensure that U.S. citizens meet their
responsibilities, and we must not accept less from the staff of the
United Nations. We expect the U.N. staff to be held to the highest
standards of competence, efficiency, and integrity in their
professional conduct. We should expect it in their personal conduct as
well. In short, the United States Congress cannot support a United
Nations that does not support its own family.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last
word.
Mr. Chairman, I want to applaud the gentleman from New York [Mr.
Lazio] for his fine amendment. I think he helps the issue of deadbeat
dads or parents and will, I think, make a very strong statement to the
U.N. simply to enforce their own regulations. They
[[Page H3431]]
ought to be a shining example rather than something other than that. So
I think he does a very good service, and the linkages to arrearages
could not come at a better time. So I rise in strong support of the
amendment.
Mr. CAPPS. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
Mr. Chairman, I want to commend the gentleman for the work he has put
into this amendment. We all recognize that there is a strong desire in
Congress for greater accountability for U.N. staff, a great need for
U.N. reform. We also agree that U.N. employees should comply with and
meet their family obligations. But the real question is, what is the
best way to promote such policy?
I and we do not think that withholding our U.N. arrears is the most
effective way to promote such actions by U.N. employees. We also
suspect that there are thorny legal issues that need to be dealt with
here regarding the ability of the United States courts to compel
compliance by international civil servants.
So I would ask the gentleman to withdraw the amendment and urge him
to bring this concern to the bipartisan bicameral United Nations
Working Group under the leadership of Senator Trent Lott. Clearly, this
is a serious issue that needs to be addressed, but I believe that that
would be the most appropriate context and framework for addressing this
issue.
Mr. LAZIO of New York. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. CAPPS. I yield to the gentleman from New York.
Mr. LAZIO of New York. Mr. Chairman, I would just remind the
gentleman from California [Mr. Capps], who I have a great deal of
respect for, the fact is that this is the United Nations' own rules. We
are asking them to enforce their own rules.
Up until 1994, they did not even cooperate with the least amount of
information that is needed to try and provide for this collection so
that spouses and children could survive on the streets. It is a matter
of, I think, basic ethics and morality.
I think it is absolutely the right position for America to have to
expect that U.N. employees living in America should respect their own
family obligations, and this is not a situation that is new; it is
something that has been complained about for quite some time. As a
matter of fact, there is a whole organization, a volunteer organization
that has been developed in response to the United Nations policies with
respect to this.
We have tried to narrow the scope of this amendment so that only $10
million can be held back in response to some of the concerns that the
gentleman has, which I understand, but without this leverage, more
spouses and more children are going to be left out there holding the
bag. And that should not be acceptable to this House.
Mr. CAPPS. Mr. Chairman, reclaiming my time, I understand the
gentleman's concern, but in order to proceed in proper order, since we
already have a bipartisan, bicameral working group under the leadership
of Senator Lott dealing with a wide variety of U.N. issues, I would
prefer that this matter be placed on their agenda and dealt with in
that fashion, because it is interrelated to other issues with which
that committee is dealing.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore (Mr. Dickey). The question is on the
amendment offered by the gentleman from New York [Mr. Lazio].
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Mr. PALLONE
Mr. PALLONE. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Pallone: At the end of title XVII
(relating to foreign policy provisions) insert the
following new section:
``SEC. 1717. SENSE OF CONGRESS REGARDING DEVELOPMENT OF
AZERBAIJAN'S CASPIAN SEA PETROLEUM RESERVES.
``It is the sense of the Congress that--
``(1) the President should seek cooperation from the
governments of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Turkey, as well as
private companies with an interest in developing Azerbaijan's
Caspian Sea petroleum reserves, to encourage the construction
of a pipeline route from Azerbaijan through Armenia that
could reach Turkey and Mediterranean sea ports; and
``(2) such a route for a pipeline should in no way
prejudice other trans-Caucasus pipeline routes, but would
help to promote stability and economic growth in the Caucasus
region, improving relations between neighboring countries and
the United States.''
Mr. PALLONE. Mr. Chairman, I am submitting this amendment on behalf
of myself and my colleague, the gentleman from California [Mr.
Radanovich].
The amendment simply recognizes the importance to U.S. national
interests of promoting regional cooperation between Armenia, Azerbaijan
and Turkey. Encouraging the construction of an oil pipeline from
Azerbaijan through Armenia to Turkish ports is a tangible way to
support regional cooperation.
The Caspian Sea area has been identified as one of the world's most
abundant sources of oil. Given the need to decrease U.S. energy
dependence on Middle Eastern oil, it makes sense for the United States
to promote the development of this resource. Indeed, U.S. oil companies
are already involved in this process.
Mr. Chairman, to be a commercially viable resource, the oil has to be
transported to world markets. The most logical way to bring the oil to
the outside world is via an overland pipeline from the source to
Mediterranean ports in Turkey. The most direct route would pass through
the Republic of Armenia.
Alternative pipeline routes have been proposed. I want to stress, Mr.
Chairman, that this amendment would in no way prejudice these other
routes. Indeed there are likely to be and could be other routes.
Armenia, as a stable democratic region, would be able to safely
maintain the stretch of pipeline stretching through its territory. In
addition, giving the three neighboring countries a shared stake in the
maintenance of the pipeline would improve confidence and cooperation in
this troubled region and help provide economic benefits, I believe, to
all of the nations and the Caucasus.
Given the important role that the U.S. is playing in developing this
resource, we believe it makes sense for Congress to go on record in
support of encouraging the Azerbaijan-Armenia-Turkey pipeline route.
As is indicated in my discussion of the previous amendment dealing
with Armenia, the tensions in the Caucasus region frequently generate
emotional rhetoric. We have tried very carefully, Mr. Chairman, to
craft language that is straightforward and noncontroversial in this
case.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the
amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the amendment offered by the
gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. Pallone], my friend and colleague, and
the gentleman from California [Mr. Radanovich]. I share their interest
to see a pipeline leave the Caspian Sea region and cross the Caucasus
and Turkey to reach the Mediterranean. The energy reserves of the
Caspian region and of central Asia may prove vital to the U.S. and its
allies in the course of the next few decades.
However, it is also important for the independence of the states of
those two regions that some of the pipelines that will be built to
export that energy follow routes outside the control of Russia.
Frankly, there have been too many indications that Russia has tried to
employ its control of the existing export pipelines to place political
pressure on the other independent states of the former Soviet Union.
And circumstances in surrounding areas such as the conflict in
Afghanistan and the vast distances and high mountains of China have
made it difficult to complete new export pipelines quickly.
Mr. Chairman, I also support this amendment because I do not want to
see the energy-exporting countries of the Caucasus and central Asian
regions forced to build pipelines across the territory of Iran due to
the instability and the conflict in the Caucasus and due to the Russian
manipulation of existing pipelines. Iran is a state sponsor of
terrorism, and the more hard currency it makes by shipping oil and gas
across its territory, the more the U.S. will have to guard against it.
The answer is to build a major pipeline across Turkey to the
Mediterranean. Perhaps such a pipeline, if it were to cross Armenia or
Georgia, would also prove a means of ensuring stability for all of the
countries of the Caucuses region. I support the amendment.
Mr. CAPPS. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the amendment. It is a
constructive
[[Page H3432]]
amendment. I commend the gentleman from New Jersey and the gentleman
from California for offering it.
It is in the interests of these three countries to work toward peace,
and peace will bring economic benefits. The peaceful development of
Caspian-based oil fields and pipelines in our judgment and in my
judgment will benefit all parties. So I urge support for the amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. Pallone].
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Mr. CONDIT
Mr. CONDIT. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Condit:
After division B, insert the following new divison C (and
conform the table of contents accordingly):
DIVISION C--FOREIGN AID REPORTING REFORM ACT OF 1997
SEC. 2001. SHORT TITLE.
This division may be cited as the ``Foreign Aid Reporting
Reform Act of 1997''.
SEC. 2002. ANNUAL FOREIGN ASSISTANCE JUSTIFICATION REPORT.
(a) In General.--In conjunction with the submission of the
annual requests for enactment of authorizations and
appropriations for foreign assistance programs for each
fiscal year, the President shall submit to the Congress a
single report containing--
(1) an integrated justification for all foreign assistance
programs proposed by the President for the coming fiscal
year; and
(2) an assessment of when the objectives of those programs
will be achieved so that the assistance can be terminated.
(b) Specific Information To Be Provided.--Each such report
shall include the following:
(1) Information regarding a foreign assistance program
generally.--For each foreign assistance program taken as a
whole--
(A) the total amount of assistance proposed to be provided
under that program;
(B) the justification for that amount;
(C) the objectives that assistance under that program is
intended to achieve;
(D) an explanation of the relationship of assistance under
that program to assistance under other foreign assistance
programs; and
(E) the President's estimation of the date by which the
objectives of that program will be achieved and the program
terminated.
(2) Information regarding specific assistance recipients.--
For each country or organization which is a proposed
recipient of assistance under any foreign assistance
program--
(A) the amount of each type of assistance proposed;
(B) the justification for providing each such type of
assistance;
(C) the objectives that each such type of assistance is
intended to achieve;
(D) an explanation of the relationship of each type of
assistance proposed to other types of assistance proposed for
that recipient; and
(E) the President's estimation of the date by which the
objectives of assistance for such recipient under each
foreign assistance program will be achieved and assistance
under that program to that recipient terminated.
The information required by subparagraphs (A) through (E)
shall be provided on a recipient-by-recipient basis.
(3) Information regarding centrally-funded programs.--For
each centrally-funded program under a foreign assistance
program--
(A) the amount proposed for such program;
(B) the justification for such program;
(C) the objectives each such program is intended to
achieve;
(D) an explanation of the relationship of such program to
other types of assistance proposed under that foreign
assistance program and under other foreign assistance
programs; and
(E) the President's estimation of the date by which the
objectives of such program will be achieved and such program
terminated.
SEC. 2003. REQUIREMENT FOR CONGRESSIONAL EXPLANATION OF
PROPOSED CHANGES TO THE PRESIDENT'S FOREIGN
ASSISTANCE BUDGET.
Any committee of the House of Representatives or any
committee of the Senate reporting legislation authorizing the
enactment of new budget authority for, or providing new
budget authority for, foreign assistance programs shall, to
the maximum extent feasible, include in the report
accompanying that legislation an explanation for any change
proposed by that committee--
(1) in the total amount of new budget authority authorized
or provided (as the case may be) for any foreign assistance
program as compared to the amount proposed by the President;
or
(2) in the amount of assistance for any specific recipient
of assistance, or for any centrally-funded program, under any
foreign assistance program as compared to the amount proposed
by the President.
SEC. 2004. DEFINITION OF FOREIGN ASSISTANCE PROGRAMS.
As used in this chapter, the term ``foreign assistance
program'' includes--
(1) any program of assistance authorized by the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961 (such as the development assistance
program, the economic support fund program, and the
international military education and training program) or
authorized by the African Development Foundation Act, section
401 of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1969 (relating to the
Inter-American Development Foundation), or any other foreign
assistance legislation;
(2) any program of grant, credit, or guaranty assistance
under the Arms Export Control Act;
(3) assistance under the Migration and Refugee Assistance
Act of 1962;
(4) assistance under any title of the Agricultural Trade
Development and Assistance Act of 1954;
(5) contributions to the International Monetary Fund;
(6) contributions to the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development, the International Development
Association, or any other institution within the World Bank
group; and
(7) contributions to any regional multilateral development
bank.
Mr. CONDIT (during the reading). Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous
consent that the amendment be considered as read and printed in the
Record.
The CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from
California?
There was no objection.
Parliamentary Inquiry
Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. Chairman, parliamentary inquiry.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. The gentleman will state it.
Mr. MENDENDEZ. Mr. Chairman, may I ask, are we still on title XVII?
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman is correct.
Mr. CONDIT. Mr. Chairman, this amendment requires the President to
prepare a yearly comprehensive report justifying all foreign aid
requests and reporting on whether the existing assistance programs are
meeting their objectives, and when they can be terminated or graduated.
The amendment also requires the committee of the Congress to make in
their report a similar explanation, a comprehensive justification for
their foreign assistance request.
This is a pretty straightforward bill. It is about accountability
requiring us in the House and the administration to let us know how we
are spending our foreign aid money and whether or not we are achieving
our objectives with those programs.
I would in addition like to thank the gentleman from New Jersey [Mr.
Smith] for his tolerance and for allowing me the opportunity to
introduce this amendment tonight, as well as my colleague from
California.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the
amendment.
I would like to congratulate the gentleman on his very fine
amendment. The majority has looked at it very carefully. We like it. We
think it will help the bill, so I thank him for his contribution to
this legislation.
Mr. CAPPS. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
I simply want to commend the gentleman from California [Mr. Condit]
on an excellent amendment. This, when passed, will provide useful
information, and I stand wholeheartedly in support of it.
{time} 2215
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. The question is on the amendment offered by
the gentleman from California Mr. Condit.
The amendment was agreed to.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. Are there any further amendments?
Amendment offered by Mr. Menendez
Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Menendez:
At the end of the bill add the following (and conform the
table of contents accordingly):
DIVISION C--MISCELLANEOUS PROVISIONS
SEC. 2001. ACTIVITIES AND PROGRAMS IN LATIN AMERICA AND THE
CARIBBEAN REGION AND ASIA AND THE PACIFIC
REGION.
Of the amount made available for assistance for a fiscal
year under sections 103 through 106 of the Foreign Assistance
Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2151a through 2151d), including
assistance under section 104(c) of such Act (22 U.S.C.
2151b(c)), the amount made available for activities and
programs in Latin America and the Caribbean region and the
Asia and the Pacific region should be in at least the same
proportion to the total amount of such assistance made
available as the amount identified in the congressional
[[Page H3433]]
presentation documents for development assistance for the
fiscal year for each such region is to the total amount
requested for development assistance for the fiscal year.
Mr. MENENDEZ (during the reading). Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous
consent that the amendment be considered as read and printed in the
Record.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New Jersey?
There was no objection.
Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. Chairman, this amendment is straightforward. It was
adopted in the original committee bill that came before the Committee
on Rules. This language which I seek to include was included in the
foreign operations appropriations bill last year. It creates no
increase in authority or money, but simply put, it is a firewall to
protect development assistance funds for Latin America and Asia from
being reprogrammed.
The Asia and the Pacific region is home to 60 percent of the world's
population and 75 percent of the world's poor. Since 1993, the Latin
American, Caribbean, Asian, and Pacific regions have taken drastic
funding cuts. Development assistance to Latin America and the Caribbean
region dropped nearly in half, to half the level, which does not, I
believe, reflect the commitment of this Congress or the government to
the region.
Simply because of its proximity, Latin America should always be
considered a priority region for the United States. The political and
economic problems of the region manifest themselves in problems which
affect our country and our future here at home: illegal immigration,
narcotics trafficking.
As I listen to Members speak about the impact of immigration and
drugs in our country, I cannot help but think our efforts to combat
these problems at their root are insufficient. With 50 percent of Latin
America and the Caribbean living below the poverty line, we will not
see a decline in illegal immigration as long as the economic outlook to
our south remains depressed.
Similarly, we cannot expect a decline in the drug trade when the
reality for many poor and rural farmers is that cocoa is the only crop
by which they support and feed their families. We need to create an
alternative. Development assistance in the context of economic
development, agricultural development, and education works to combat
the problems which plague the streets of America.
Instead of fighting a war of words, we would be better served by a
forward-looking policy toward these countries which includes enhanced
development assistance.
Latin America is an important economic and trade partner. Democracy
has swept through the region. Today only one country, Cuba, remains
outside of that hemispheric commitment to democracy and free trade. In
view of those facts, in view that Mickey Kantor has told us when he was
the Trade Representative that Latin American trade between the United
States and Latin America equaled trade to the entire Pacific Rim minus
Japan, it tells us what we should be doing.
So if Members support business, they seek to create jobs, promote
economic growth, if they oppose illegal immigration and narcotics
trafficking, they should support this amendment, which again simply
puts a firewall to protect development assistance for Latin America and
Asia from being reprogrammed, creates no new increase in authority or
money, but makes sure that we are engaged with an important region of
the world.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last
word.
Mr. Chairman, I want to commend my friend for his amendment. I served
as ranking member of the Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere for a
couple of terms. It was very apparent that Latin America often got
short-shrifted and did not get its fair share of developmental aid.
In the heyday of the Nicaraguan and El Salvadoran crisis, the Contras
and all of that, all of a sudden everybody cared about Central America.
When that was over, it seemed a lot of people just wanted to look
elsewhere. I think the amendment is a good step in the right direction,
and in Asia as well. I thank the gentleman for his amendment.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. The question is on the amendment offered by
the gentleman from New Jersey Mr. Menendez.
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment offered by Mr. Smith of New Jersey
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Smith of New Jersey:
Insert at the end of the bill the following new title:
TITLE . UNITED STATES POLICY WITH RESPECT TO FORCED ABORTION AND
FOREIGN ORGANIZATIONS THAT PERFORM OR PROMOTE ABORTION
SEC. . FOREIGN ORGANIZATIONS THAT PERFORM OR PROMOTE
ABORTION.
Section 104 of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, Public
Law 87-195, is amended by the addition of the following
subsection:
``(h) Restriction on Assistance to Foreign Organizations
that Perform or Actively Promote Abortions.--
``(1) Performance of Abortions.--
``(a) Notwithstanding section 614 of this Act or any other
provision of law, no funds appropriated for population
planning activities or other population assistance may be
made available for any foreign private, nongovernmental, or
multilateral organization until the organization certifies
that it will not, during the period for which the funds are
made available, perform abortions in any foreign country,
except where the life of the mother would be endangered if
the pregnancy were carried to term or in cases of forcible
rape or incest.
``(b) Paragraph (a) may not be construed to apply to the
treatment of injuries or illnesses caused by legal or illegal
abortions or to assistance provided directly to the
government of a country.
``(2) Lobbying activities.--
``(a) Notwithstanding section 614 of this Act or any other
provision of law, no funds appropriated for population
planning activities or other population assistance may be
made available for any foreign private, nongovernmental, or
multilateral organization until the organization certifies
that it will not, during the period for which the funds are
made available, violate the laws of any foreign country
concerning the circumstances under which abortion is
permitted, regulated, or prohibited, or engage in any
activity or effort to alter the laws or governmental policies
of any foreign country concerning the circumstances under
which abortion is permitted, regulated, or prohibited.
``(b) Paragraph (a) shall not apply to activities in
opposition to coercive abortion or involuntary sterilization.
``(3) The prohibitions of this subsection apply to funds
made available to a foreign organization either directly or
as a subcontractor or sub-grantee, and the required
certifications apply to activities in which the organization
engages either directly or through a subcontractor or sub-
grantee.''
SEC. . FORCED ABORTION IN THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA.
Section 301 of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, Public
Law 87-195, is amended by the addition of the following new
subsection:
``(i) Limitation Relating to Forced Abortions in the
People's Republic of China.--Notwithstanding section 614 of
this Act or any other provision of law, no funds may be made
available for the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) in
any fiscal year unless the President certifies that (1) UNFPA
has terminated all activities in the People's Republic of
China, and the United States has received assurances that
UNFPA will conduct no such activities during the fiscal year
for which the funds are to be made available; or (2) during
the 12 months preceding such certification there have been no
abortions as the result of coercion associated with the
family planning policies of the national government or other
governmental entities within the People's Republic of China.
As used in this section the term ``coercion'' includes
physical duress or abuse, destruction or confiscation of
property, loss of means of livelihood, or severe
psychological pressure.''
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey (during the reading). Mr. Chairman, I ask
unanimous consent that the amendment be considered as read and printed
in the Record.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New Jersey?
There was no objection.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I move that the Committee do
now rise.
The motion was agreed to.
Accordingly, the Committee rose; and the Speaker pro tempore (Mr.
Cooksey) having assumed the chair, Mr. Dickey, Chairman pro tempore of
the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union, reported
that that Committee, having had under consideration the bill (H.R.
1757) to consolidate international affairs agencies, to authorize
appropriations for the Department of State and related agencies for
fiscal years 1998 and 1999, and for other purposes, had come to no
resolution thereon.
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