[Congressional Record Volume 143, Number 63 (Wednesday, May 14, 1997)]
[House]
[Pages H2667-H2669]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
BUDGET AGREEMENT
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of
January 7, 1997, the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Hastert] is
recognized for the balance of the time as the designee of the majority
leader.
Mr. HASTERT. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from South Dakota,
who has made a great impact in his freshman year here in this Congress,
and we certainly appreciate the good work he has done.
The gentleman is right, this Congress is making history. I think the
104th Congress made history when we had the contract, and we started to
do the things that people said, there is some commonsense things that
Congress ought to do. We ought to make government a little bit smaller
and smarter. We need to start cutting our cost of government.
And, of course, the 104th Congress was the first Congress that spent
less than any other Congress before it, I think which goes back 40
years. As a matter of fact, we saved $53 billion, but we could not pass
a balanced budget amendment in that Congress, did not get it through
the Senate and may not get a balanced budget amendment through this
Congress. We certainly hope so, and we will come back and work at it
again.
But one of the things we need to do is balance the budget. That is
what it is all about. And we have worked hard to do that. That is one
of our goals.
I think the American people, first of all, expect Congress to balance
the budget. They also expect us to do the job and, if we cannot pass an
amendment, then we will have to do it the hard way; that is, get down.
And, of course, one of the things that we have had problems over the
years is that the amount of money that Congress actually appropriates
is just a fraction of what the amount of money that Congress actually
spends. What Congress spends are the entitlements.
Over the last 50 years, entitlements, that is money that never passes
through the Committee on Appropriations, that is money that is never
actually voted on by the Congress, it just is spent. It is the debt. It
is farm programs. It is Medicaid and Medicare and other things out
there. Those are the entitlements that have gone awry. They have had an
increased inflation rate of about 15 percent per year.
Any time that you have a 15 percent per year inflation rate, we find
out that all of a sudden the money we have spent every 5 or 6 years
doubles and that is what has happened to the debt. We find ourselves
with a debt of over $5 trillion, a huge debt out there, and, as a
matter of fact, $1 out of every $4 that the Federal Government brings
in just goes to interest on the debt.
One of the things we have also found out is that what we have done is
saddle our children, the gentleman talked about his kids and he worries
about his kids, we have saddled our children with a debt that they are
going to have to pay off unless we do something now. And now is the
time. We cannot pass it off for another year or another decade or into
the next century. We have to do it now, if we are going to affect the
future for our children.
As a matter of fact, a child that is born today will have to go out
and earn $168,000 or some huge number like that just to pay his or her
share of the interest on the debt.
So what has Congress decided to do? What have we tried to lay out?
What are our parameters here? Well, we want to balance the budget of
this year, 1997, in a bipartisan blueprint. And we have. We have worked
with the other side of the aisle. That is what the American people want
us to do. They elected the President and they elected this Congress. So
we need to come out together and find a way to work together. And we
have.
So we have a bipartisan blueprint for the future in order to get
Washington's fiscal house in order in the next 5 years. So by the year
2002, we have balanced that budget.
So the four principles that I think that we talk about when we have
tried to work on that budget agreement, budget plan, is that we are
balancing that budget by the year 2002, and we have to keep it in
balance. We cannot just balance it once and say we have done that. We
need to keep it in balance. And if we have any kind of growth at all,
if we have the kind of growth that we had in JFK's term of office,
economic growth, we have certainly seen the stock market go up, we have
seen job expansion, we see the lowest unemployment rate in this country
that we have seen in decades, so the economy is expanding.
{time} 1830
If we have the kind of expansion that JFK had, we could balance the
budget
[[Page H2668]]
in a year. We could actually balance the budget and start to bite in
and take out that debt.
If we have the kind of expansion we had during the Reagan years, we
could start to balance that budget in 2 years and start to dig in to
that debt and pay off that debt and get it down so our kids do not have
to pick it up.
And if we have regular growth that we have had, the average growth
that this country has had, around 2.3 percent, something like that,
then we could start to balance that budget.
It will take a little longer, maybe 4 or 5 years, but we are in
exceptional times. And certainly if we can get the budget agreement
together and have some type of exceptional growth that we are certainly
experiencing, we can do a phenomenal thing and try to balance the
budget and do away with that huge debt we have.
So that is the first principle we have to keep in mind. Then, one of
the things that I think we owe to the American people is tax relief. It
is something the Republicans have talked about for a long, long time.
We have talked about it in the Contract With America and then we talked
about it as we came into this election year and through the election,
and now here we are, we are back in Congress.
Tax relief. What does that mean? Is it special groups of people? Some
say we are just giving tax relief to special groups, but it is the
American workers, the family, the middle-class Americans that need
help.
A fellow in my district who is a schoolteacher talked to me and said,
I earned $35,000 last year. I wanted to do something for my wife and my
kid, and I wanted to buy a computer so they had something at home to
work on and enjoy this, so I went out and got a part-time job.
He made $5,000. Just about $5,000. He said, by the time I ended up
paying the taxes on that extra $5,000 that I earned, it was not hardly
worth going out and doing it. It put me in a higher tax bracket. It
changed the contributions that my wife had to make.
All this problematic situation that he got into was a disincentive.
It is a disincentive for people to go out and be productive. He said, I
would probably have been better off if I had stayed home and did not do
it. But he did do it. And he is a hardworking American, proud of his
family, proud of being self-sufficient and taking care of his family
and buying a home and being part of the American dream.
So I said, well, one of the things that we are talking about is the
child tax credit, a $500 tax credit per child. If there are two kids at
home, it means that that family, for every child they have at home
under the age of 21, there would be a deduction for $500. If a family
has three children, it is $1,500 credit.
That takes off the tax responsibility that a family has on their
taxes. That is for people who work. That is something that is great for
people who are providing for their family, buying a home, keeping the
kids in school, working a couple of jobs to make things work. Those are
the types of things we can provide for the American family, is that
type of tax credit, that type of help.
Also, one of the things we have certainly talked about in tax relief,
we have a lot of seniors in my district and people who have bought and
made an investment from time to time throughout their life, hopefully
to save for their future. Well, their future is here.
Those people are 65 or 70 years of age, maybe 72, and the house that
they bought, the tenant house they bought, or the starter house
themselves, they kept it for a tenant house and built a new house for
themselves in the 1960's or 1970's, and that tenant house they bought
for $25,000 or $30,000 back then, today is worth $150,000, $160,000.
And then they start to figure the capital gains, the penalty they have
to pay because they made an investment for their future to take care of
themselves.
Instead of worrying about Government or some agency or some
Government handout program to take care of them, they provided for
their own future. But what is the penalty? It is such a huge penalty on
capital gains, they say I am not going to hand that money over to the
Federal Government, I will not sell that tenant house, or I will not
sell that stock, or I will not hold back the 40 acres we bought a
couple of years ago because I cannot afford to sell it.
So capital gains have stopped people from cashing in on those
investments they made for their future because there is such a penalty.
We will change that. The capital gains treatment we have in this bill
will allow our senior citizens in this country to be able to start to
sell some of those assets off so they can provide for their own future,
something that they worked on for 25 or 30 or 40 years to make a
difference.
Certainly we can start moving those assets around in this country. We
can talk about the development that we have. Certainly a positive
thing. And, of course, the death tax that people have to live under. A
small family business, the family farms that we have; people are afraid
that if they die they cannot pass their farm on or they will not be
able to pass their business on to the next generation.
Mr. Speaker, we are talking about the tax treatment out there, the
death tax, so that people do not have to give up their small businesses
or sell everything off on the farm for them to pass it on to their
children. That is a very, very important issue and something that we
provide in this bill.
Mr. THUNE. If the gentleman would yield, I see our distinguished
leader here on the floor, and we all want to make room because, of
course, I am sure he will have some very pithy commentary that we can
enjoy listening to, but I would just like to make one observation about
something the gentleman said. I think it is an important point.
A lot of the time it has been suggested that the capital gains issue
has been depicted as something that only benefits those in the higher
income brackets and on the death tax as well. I talk to a lot of
people, I do not come from a State where we have a lot of high incomes.
We are a resource-, capital-poor State, and yet we have a lot of small
businesses in my home State and we have a lot of farms and we have a
lot of homeowners.
And what people I think fail to realize is that those are the things
that the capital gains tax relief that we have talked about, the death
tax relief, those are the things that benefit the small towns, the Main
Streets, the businesses, the person who wants to pass on their farming
operation to the next generation, the person, as the gentleman noted,
who might be approaching their older years and wants to sell a house.
These are things that are very mainstream issues; they are mainstream
America. They benefit, I believe, the working people of this country
who have worked hard and saved and now want an opportunity to realize
some of the benefits of that effort.
Mr. HASTERT. Mr. Speaker, I agree with the gentleman. What has
happened, Uncle Sam has been penalizing folks who want to put the free
enterprise system to the test and save for the future. Americans should
be able to keep more of their hard-earned money, and that is what this
bill would allow them to do.
Mr. Speaker, I would recognize our majority leader in the House, the
gentleman from Texas [Mr. Armey], for anything he may have to say.
Mr. ARMEY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and let
me thank the gentleman from South Dakota [Mr. Thune], for engaging in
this special order.
I also want to take a moment, Mr. Speaker, to express my appreciation
for the Speaker's kind indulgence, the gentleman from the First
District of Tennessee, Mr. Bill Jenkins, who is in the Speaker's chair
presiding this evening, who has ably succeeded and working in a place
that was held for so many years by our beloved colleague, Jimmy
Quillen, and who represents my mother and father-in-law.
If I could talk about this agreement on the budget for a moment,
beginning with my mother and father-in-law. We all love our parents, my
folks being on Social Security and, of course, to some degree also
dependent upon Medicare for their health and the needs of health in
their life. There are folks that as we approach this very historic
budget agreement, on behalf of their grandchildren we have done this in
such a way to ensure that in fact there will be financial viability of
Medicare in particular and Social Security sometime in the future for
their children and grandchildren.
[[Page H2669]]
This is an enormous comfort for senior Americans, especially those
who have come to a point in their life where they have come to where
they have pretty well come to depend on Medicare being there. For 3
years now, we have had recurring reports from the Medicare trustees
that the system faced solvency problems, and for 3 years we have tried
to reach an agreement with the White House by which we could address
this solvency question so we could give peace of mind and comfort and a
certain sense of assuredness to our senior citizens.
So when I look at this agreement and realize that one of the first
things we have done in this agreement, and thanks largely to the
persistence and the thoughtful work of the gentleman from Illinois [Mr.
Hastert], who has dealt with this problem in the greatest of detail, is
we have assured that solvency of Medicare. Mom and dad do not have to
worry. Their health care needs will be there, preserved.
That is very important. And yet we have done that in a manner that is
respectable to their desire and their concerns about their
grandchildren, our grandchildren.
We have a budget that clearly drives consistently to balance no later
than the year 2002. Why do I say no later than the year 2002? By virtue
of the manner in which we account for things in Washington, this is the
least optimistic estimate we could make about when we get that arrival
date for balance. We do that with real permanent and immediate reforms
in all entitlement spending programs that assures that the great
compassion of the American people will be there and available to the
most vulnerable of our American citizens, particularly the elderly and
the children that depend upon the programs of the Federal Government
for food and clothing and shelter.
But as we reform those programs and make them more responsible and
more responsive to the needs of the truly needy, we also make room for
budget savings in the future, and then we are able to couple that with
tax relief.
We were talking here a little bit about tax relief, and I would like
to talk about that one tax relief that people do not always identify as
a family tax benefit: the reduction in the capital gains tax. As the
gentleman from Illinois knows, I am an economist by training and, of
course, the first testament of the discipline of economics is Adam
Smith's wonderful work ``The Wealth of Nations,'' written, incidently,
in 1776, where Adam Smith laid out a principle that has been known and
respected by economists ever since. Never has it come into doubt in the
development of the discipline of our field that the road to economic
progress, economic growth, is through abstinence and capital formation,
savings, and the building of productive capacity. And that,
immediately, in the person of a family, translates into more, better
jobs with better chances of promotion.
And what is that heightens the heart of a mom or a dad, or for that
matter even more so a grandma and a grandpa, than to see their young
ones finish their education, their schooling and their training and
find themselves able to launch into a career where they can begin to
develop their own family with the confidence that the jobs are there,
the promotion will be there, the pay raise will be there.
As we do that, and we have that economic growth, and we have so much
room for a larger growth rate for the American economy, just to get up
to the historic average we could grow by at least a percentage point
more than we do, that means so much in the lives of our children and
our grandchildren.
People do not understand that. They think of the capital gains tax
reduction as something that is done for business. It is not that at
all. It is done for these youngsters finishing college and looking for
a job and looking for a promotion when the first baby comes along,
looking for a raise when the time comes for the braces.
{time} 1845
That is what capital gains tax reduction is all about.
The other aspect of this agreement that I think heightens the heart
of our senior citizens especially is after a lifetime of hard work, and
let us face it, we work for our children each and every day of our
life.
I remember when I was a youngster, I sort of implored to my dad, I
said, ``Now, Dad, they've got a Mother's Day and they've got a Father's
Day. Why don't they have a kids day?"
He said, ``Well, son, every day is kids day.'' I think he was right.
Every day of his life was worked in devotion to me and my needs as we
do for our children, and then for us to be able as we come along to
more able take the accumulation of our life's work and our savings and
our investment and the business that we built or the farm that we
created and be more able to leave that to our children. We find that
our life's work has that enormous payoff. Can you imagine what that
means in the life of grandma and grandpa, mom and dad, and then again
in the life of those children.
This is a good budget agreement, Mr. Speaker. I want to thank the
gentleman from Illinois again for yielding.
Mr. HASTERT. I thank the distinguished majority leader from Texas. He
certainly speaks words of wisdom. We listen to those all the time. I
thank the gentleman very much for being here.
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