[Congressional Record Volume 143, Number 55 (Thursday, May 1, 1997)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E816-E817]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                   ICELANDIC FOREIGN MINISTER ON NATO

                                 ______
                                 

                        HON. GERALD B.H. SOLOMON

                              of new york

                    in the house of representatives

                         Thursday, May 1, 1997

  Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, I have just returned from a meeting of the 
heads of delegations to the North Atlantic Assembly in Reykjavik, 
Iceland, where Icelandic Foreign Minister Halldor Asgrimsson delivered 
a remarkable speech on the future of the North Atlantic Alliance.
  I am inserting the text of the speech into the Congressional Record 
and commend it to the attention of Members.

   Speech by HE Halldor Asgrimsson, Minister for Foreign Affairs and 
                     External Trade--April 5, 1997

       Ladies and Gentlemen, it is a great pleasure to welcome 
     representatives of the North Atlantic Assembly to Iceland. We 
     are proud to be one of the founding members of NATO, an 
     institution of unrivalled importance to Icelandic, European 
     and, most importantly, Trans-Atlantic security.
       Through membership of NATO Iceland shares its fate with its 
     allies. In fact, we like to think of Iceland's membership in 
     NATO as the very embodiment of the Trans-Atlantic link.
       To reinforce our security we have since 1951 had a 
     bilateral defense agreement with the United States, pursuant 
     to the North Atlantic Treaty. The defence of Iceland's 
     sovereignty has thereby been based on a credible US military 
     presence and robust reinforcement plans. It is my strong 
     belief that this agreement has been to the mutual benefit of 
     both countries and served to increase allied security as a 
     whole.
       The post-cold war era has called for some adjustments in 
     our bilateral defence cooperation as reflected by the changed 
     security environment in Europe and the North Atlantic. This 
     has been achieved by a special understanding, or ``Agreed 
     Minute'' signed one year ago, which sets the force levels at 
     Keflavik to the bare minimum of what we consider credible 
     defences for this country.
       The nature of the threat our Alliance is faced with has 
     changed, but the risks are still there. Russia's Northern 
     fleet is still a force to reckon with, and is of growing 
     importance to Russia's overall military capability and its 
     status as a major power.
       I do not wish to issue any gloomy predictions as regards 
     future developments in that great and important country and 
     most sincerely hope to see Russia develop as a prosperous 
     democracy with a strong and lasting partnership with the 
     west. But we have to be aware of the fact that there is still 
     a level of uncertainty about Russia's future course.
       The NATO base at Keflavik offers an excellent 
     infrastructure and operational capability to preserve the 
     security functions needed in this part of the world.
       The crucial element here is the continuation of one of the 
     basic principles of our Alliance, the indivisibility of 
     security for the member states. This principle becomes all 
     the more important now when we are taking the first steps 
     towards accepting new members.
       Ladies and Gentlemen, we have today the opportunity of 
     creating a Europe whole and free, a goal that eluded us for 
     over forty years due to the post war division of Europe, and 
     Cold War rivalry. The profound changes and transformation 
     that started in 1989 continue. Fortunately these have, on the 
     whole, been positive.
       Still terrifying events have also occurred of scale and 
     cruelty we thought belonged to Europe's past and the post-
     cold war era has brought new risks and challenges as well as 
     new opportunities.
       I believe there are several collective lessons that can be 
     learned from the events since 1989. One is that peace is not 
     to be taken for granted. Another is that despite overall 
     progress, people in our part of the world are still capable 
     of inflicting pain and suffering on fellow human beings. A 
     third, and fundamental lesson, is that the North Atlantic 
     Alliance and the Trans-Atlantic link remain the base of our 
     collective security now that we take on new security 
     challenges that threaten peace and stability in our region.
       1997 will be a landmark year for our alliance. The current 
     issues we commonly face are of profound importance for the 
     emerging new European Security Architecture. These are the 
     internal adaptation of NATO, the enlargement process, the 
     extended outreach to our partners through PfP and the 
     proposed Atlantic Partnership Council, and the strengthening 
     of relations with Russia and Ukraine.
       The internal adaptation process is by no means easy. It is 
     important that throughout this transformation we do not lose 
     sight of our primary objective of ensuring credible Allied 
     defense, well into the next millennium. As the Alliance 
     transforms itself, we should take care not to let national 
     aspirations stand in the way of our mutual success.
       We have seen the development of the Combined Joint Task 
     Force concept that makes the Alliance better suited to take 
     on new missions like crisis management and conflict 
     prevention. Also, the decision to build and reinforce a 
     European Security and Defense Identity within the Alliance, 
     and not separate from it, is a key factor in the current 
     adaptation. One of the objectives of the current adaptation 
     should be to have European allies properly engaged in the 
     defense structure.
       At the same time the Trans-Atlantic link and a strongly 
     visible and credible American presence in Europe and the 
     command structure needs to be maintained. Nothing should be 
     done to undermine that. If we do that, we threaten the very 
     foundation of our Alliance and our common security.
       Another key task facing the Alliance is the preparation for 
     new members. At the Summit in July, the decision on which 
     countries to invite to the first post-cold war enlargement of 
     NATO will be made. This will be the fourth time the alliance 
     will enlarge since its foundation.
       Since the start of the enlargement process, we have seen 
     decisive action from many of our partners, who have expressed 
     their interest in membership, to fulfill membership criteria. 
     This in itself has had a very positive influence on European 
     security. Many of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe 
     have already concluded, or are about to conclude agreements 
     with their neighbors settling previously unresolved disputes. 
     In this way, NATO enlargement is already proving to be of 
     benefit to European security as a whole.
       Enlargement is important to erase the artificial division 
     of Europe and to recognize, through concrete action, that 
     free independent countries have the right to choose their own 
     security arrangements. This right is clearly stated in the 
     OSCE documents and has been confirmed as recently as at the 
     OSCE Lisbon Summit last December. It would be totally 
     unacceptable if certain countries were to be defined as not 
     being eligible for NATO membership. In this context I would 
     like to draw your attention to the case of the Baltic States 
     and ask that their needs and aspirations receive your 
     goodwill and attention.
       After the end of the Cold War NATO has engaged in 
     constructive dialogue and cooperation with its former 
     adversaries. In 1991 this took on concrete form with the 
     establishment of the North Atlantic Co-operation Council. In 
     1994 this co-operation and dialogue was brought to a new 
     level with the initiation of the Partnership for Peace 
     program.
       PfP has proved to be one of the most effective security co-
     operation programs ever, and has brought together all the 
     NATO allies and virtually every European country, regardless 
     of past or present affiliations. The experiences gained 
     through PfP have been vital to the success of the peace 
     operation in Bosnia Herzegovina.
       We should enhance PfP and further strengthen co-operation 
     with our partners with the establishment of an Atlantic 
     Partnership Council. This will be especially important in 
     light of the Alliance's enlargement, since unfortunately, the 
     Alliance will not be able to accommodate all countries 
     aspiring for membership in the first round of post-Cold War 
     enlargement.
       Again, in this context we must make it crystal clear that 
     the Alliance remains open, and that this first post Cold War 
     enlargement will not be the last. Furthermore, we should 
     ensure that countries that still see membership of NATO as 
     their ultimate goal will be able to co-operate and adapt to 
     the Alliance's mode of operation as far as possible through 
     the enhanced PfP and APC.
       As regards those countries that do not seek membership, the 
     APC and enhanced PfP will

[[Page E817]]

     also provide an opportunity to work constructively with NATO 
     to improve security and stability in Europe as a whole.
       This year Iceland has the pleasure to host a robust 
     Partnership for Peace exercise, ``Cooperative Safeguard 97,'' 
     the first exercise within the framework of PfP to be 
     conducted in here in our country.
       The scenario for Cooperative Safeguard 97, focusing on 
     natural disaster relief, is extremely important to Iceland. 
     The Icelandic nation has always been at the mercy of the 
     forces of nature, be it earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, 
     avalanches or cruel seas. The exercise gives the domestic 
     agencies and organizations working in this field an excellent 
     opportunity to test their strength in international co-
     operation. Furthermore it is my strong belief that all 
     participating partnership states will benefit greatly from 
     the type of civil and military co-operation which is the 
     backbone of the exercise.
       The importance of Cooperative Safeguard 97 is not confined 
     to its value as a disaster relief exercise. It also has a 
     great political significance as a practical manifestation of 
     the intimate co-operation and friendly relationship that has 
     developed between NATO and non-NATO countries through PfP. 
     Twenty countries will participate. Russian participation in 
     the exercise is especially significant.
       Russia, and Ukraine, occupy a special place in Europe and 
     in the outreach of the Alliance to non-members. An 
     independent, democratic and stable Ukraine is in all our 
     interests. Therefore the Alliance is in the process of 
     developing an effective relationship with Ukraine. I hope 
     this new security relationship will be formalized by the time 
     of the Madrid summit.
       Our relations with Russia are at the same time going 
     through a rapid transformation. We realize and recognize 
     Russia's difficultly in appreciating Nato's enlargement, but 
     frankly it is not for Russia to decide, veto, or prevent.
       We have collectively been working hard to explain to the 
     Russians that enlargement is not directed against the 
     security interests of any country and the Alliance has always 
     been and will continue to be defensive in nature; the 
     Alliance has never had any territorial aspirations. NATO 
     enlargement will happen not because the Alliance wants to 
     expand, but because the countries of Central and Eastern 
     Europe are exercising their sovereign right to choose their 
     own security arrangements.
       However, a constructive participation of Russia in European 
     security is of fundamental importance. That is why we must 
     intensify and formalize our relations with Russia through a 
     special charter or agreement. It is very important that our 
     Secretary General has had the full support of all allies in 
     carrying out these discussions and I hope they will soon come 
     to a fruitful conclusion that will be of benefit to the 
     security of NATO, Russia and Europe as a whole.
       The goal is to establish far-reaching consultative 
     mechanisms and opportunities for extended co-operation, and 
     even joint action, between Russia and the Alliance. The 
     Alliances' co-operation with Russia in IFOR and SFOR has 
     proved that facing practical problems, NATO and Russia can 
     work together effectively and efficiently for the benefit of 
     European security.
       Ladies and Gentleman, I have briefly discussed Iceland and 
     NATO, and some of the most important tasks facing our 
     Alliance in the immediate future. In less than eight years we 
     have witnessed European security changing from confrontation 
     to co-operation, from hostility to partnership. This is 
     however no time for complacency. We need to continuously move 
     forward and stay alert, otherwise we risk loosing what we 
     have already gained. That is why the North Atlantic Alliance 
     will continue to be important, relevant and necessary to 
     ensure that peace and stability will prevail, for current and 
     future generations.
       Finally, our Alliance is based on freedom and respect for 
     democratic principles, Iceland has the oldest parliament in 
     the world, founded almost twelve hundred years ago. We attach 
     great importance to the role of parliament and 
     parliamentarians in preserving and enhancing democracy in our 
     country. Likewise, the importance of democratic principles is 
     reflected in your valuable work in the different parliaments 
     of Alliance member states. As we enlarge our Alliance to 
     include the new democracies to our east, we will contribute 
     to the strengthening of freedom and democratic development 
     which is the key to prosperity and progress. Likewise it is 
     of utmost importance that the new democracies themselves make 
     every effort to strengthen the democratic process within as 
     well as respect for those principles through their actions. 
     Strong and viable democratic development is fundamental to 
     European security and stability, and of course the 
     enlargement of NATO.

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