[Congressional Record Volume 143, Number 50 (Thursday, April 24, 1997)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Page E741]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




        INTRODUCTION OF EUROPEAN SECURITY ACT OF 1997, H.R. 1431

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                        HON. BENJAMIN A. GILMAN

                              of new york

                    in the house of representatives

                        Thursday, April 24, 1997

  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to introduce today the European 
Security Act of 1997, H.R. 1431.
  The purpose of this bill is twofold. First, it is designed to carry 
forward the work we began 2 years ago in the Contract With America 
advancing two of our top national security priorities: NATO enlargement 
and ballistic missile defense.
  Second, it is intended to show that, contrary to the conventional 
wisdom, both of these important objectives can be achieved without 
disrupting relations with Russia.
  NATO enlargement is a project near and dear to my heart. This is the 
fourth bill I have introduced on the subject in as many years, and I am 
pleased to say that the three previous ones were all enacted into law. 
I hope that our record of congressional support bodes well for the bill 
we are introducing today.
  I believe that the work we have done in Congress has brought the 
administration and NATO to where they are today on enlargement. The 
Atlantic Alliance will begin the first round of enlargement this July. 
The countries we focused on in last year's NATO enlargement 
legislation--Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Slovenia--are 
considered the front runners for selection in July.
  The bill I am introducing today identifies two problems with the way 
NATO enlargement is proceeding.
  First, we are concerned about the countries that may be left out of 
the first round of enlargement. We think it is critical that such 
countries not be left in any security vacuum. These countries must be 
reassured that they will not be forgotten; that the door to NATO will 
remain open to them.
  Second, we worry that in the rush to mollify Russia, concessions may 
be made that could jeopardize European security and the integrity and 
effectiveness of NATO. We are concerned, for example, that new NATO 
members could be relegated to second-class status. We worry that 
concessions might be made that could make it impossible for NATO to 
defend these countries effectively. We must not allow NATO's decision-
making structure to be compromised.
  To reassure the countries that are not currently front runners for 
admission, this bill directs the President to designate additional 
countries to receive NATO enlargement assistance under the NATO 
Participation Act. Such designation would give them the same status 
under United States law as Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, and 
Slovenia. The bill gives the President 180 days in which to do this.
  The bill goes on to express the sense of Congress that Romania, 
Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania would make good NATO members and should 
be invited to join as soon as they satisfy all relevant criteria.
  Regarding Russia, the bill spells out concessions that we would 
consider unacceptable. But then it goes on to recognize that, in 
principle, we should go about enlarging NATO in a manner sensitive to 
Russia's interests. Accordingly, we approve in concept such 
undertakings as the NATO-Russia Charter and adaptation of the 
Conventional Armed Forces in Europe [CFE] Treaty.
  To make clear that the purpose of NATO enlargement is not to 
emasculate Russia--as many in Moscow appear to believe--this bill 
provides the President the legal authority he has requested to 
implement the so-called CFE Flank Agreement.
  We do this because we know of no better way to demonstrate to Russia 
that our objective is not renewed military confrontation between our 
countries, but friendship. We genuinely believe that NATO enlargement 
will enhance the security of all countries in Europe, including Russia.
  With regard to ballistic missile defense, we also try to demonstrate 
that our objectives can be achieved in a manner that enhances Russia's 
security as much as our own. To this end, the bill authorizes a program 
of ballistic missile defense cooperation with Russia to be carried out 
by the Department of Defense. This program is authorized to include 
United States-Russian cooperation regarding early warning of ballistic 
missile launches from such rogue states as Iran and North Korea, and 
cooperative research, development, testing, and production of 
technology and systems for ballistic missile defense.
  In addition, the bill includes provisions designed to protect the 
constitutional prerogative of Congress to approve arms control 
agreements with Russia bearing on ballistic missile defense.
  I look forward to working with my colleagues and the administration 
toward the prompt enactment of this measure.

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