[Congressional Record Volume 143, Number 45 (Wednesday, April 16, 1997)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E677-E679]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




  TEXT OF ADDRESS BY SPEAKER NEWT GINGRICH TO THE AMERICAN CHAMBER OF 
                          COMMERCE, HONG KONG

                                 ______
                                 

                           HON. NEWT GINGRICH

                               of georgia

                    in the house of representatives

                       Wednesday, April 16, 1997

  Mr. GINGRICH. Mr. Speaker, with the bipartisan excursion to Korea, 
China, and Japan that 13 Members took part in last month, and the 
review of the trip several of us participated in through last week's 
special order, public interest in Asia is at an all-time high. With its 
low tax rates, balanced budget, and surging economy, the experience of 
Hong Kong has much to teach Americans. Thus, I enter into the 
Congressional Record a copy of comments made there to the American 
Chamber of Commerce.

  Text of Address by Speaker Newt Gingrich to the American Chamber of 
                  Commerce, Hong Kong, March 27, 1997

       (Following introduction by Mr. Douglas Henck, Chairman of 
     the American Chamber of Commerce)
       Thank you very much, Doug. Let me say first of all that, as 
     a Georgian, I am delighted to be here, as you can imagine. If 
     you're from Atlanta, you sort of wake up every morning with a 
     certain worldwide sense of curiosity, partly based on CNN, 
     partly based on Coca Cola, partly based on Delta Airlines--I 
     have now done my constituent duty [laughter] and, of course, 
     the Olympics last year brought it all home in a dramatic way. 
     So in that sense, I'm delighted to be here.
       It occurred to me, we had a very good meeting with your 
     board of directors a few minutes ago and I want to share a 
     little bit of the way we're approaching this. I think we are 
     a little different than a lot of congressional delegations. 
     This is the beginning of what we believe, will be a long-term 
     commitment to look at a number of issues in a positive way 
     and to frame things in a way that we think will be effective. 
     And I'll talk about that more when we're done. But we also 
     approach this, I think, with a very different approach at a 
     human level. We recognize that America is a remarkable 
     country but that we have much to learn. I mentioned the other 
     night in a meeting we had in talking about imperfections. We 
     were in South Korea at the time, the Republic of Korea. And I 
     mentioned that two of my colleagues on this trip, Congressman 
     Hastings of Florida and Congressman Jefferson of Louisiana, 
     in their lifetime, would have found it difficult, if not 
     impossible, to go across America comfortably because they 
     could not, when they were young, have found hotels in many 
     towns to accommodate them. Jay Kim, our Congressman from 
     California, who has very close family relations and friends 
     in Korea, commented in a way that I think moved all of us 
     that night. That he and his family, he was very young, when 
     Seoul was overrun by North Korea in 1950. Then Seoul was 
     liberated by the United Nations Command, and then Seoul was 
     overrun a second time and his family fled that time. And he 
     came to America. And his first job was working as a janitor 
     in a hospital, cleaning the hospital. And he recently went 
     back to that hospital, where his son, I believe it is, is now 
     a doctor. And one of the older doctors looked at Jay for a 
     moment and said: Didn't you use to scrub the floors here? And 
     he said ``yes.'' He of course is now quite successful and has 
     decided that, while he is successful, he is willing to go 
     through the complexities of public life and so he is also a 
     congressman. And it occurs to us, I think, that we've come on 
     this trip to engage in a dialogue between an imperfect 
     America which has been open to all people of all backgrounds 
     and which seeks to illustrate the best in the human spirit 
     and a variety of countries with whom we desire nothing but 
     friendship and goodwill. For part of the genius of America 
     has been to seek everywhere to extend and exalt the human 
     spirit, so that everyone can have the opportunities that Jay 
     Kim found and to recognize that we need to keep looking at 
     our own imperfections and to reach out to correct those that 
     in our lifetime still exist.
       In that sense, I am particularly pleased to have an 
     opportunity to be with you here today to share some 
     observations at this historic moment of transition for Hong 
     Kong. We are particularly delighted to visit Hong

[[Page E678]]

     Kong, because the people of Hong Kong have created a 
     prosperity that is a tribute to endeavor. Your energy, your 
     courage, your vision, and your creativity have built a 
     standard of living admired throughout the world.
       Expanding economic growth is a goal of our agenda in the 
     U.S. Congress. We are about to begin a historic debate 
     between a flat income tax and the replacement of the income 
     tax with a sales tax, two choices that will dramatically 
     improve the current Internal Revenue Service 110,000-agent 
     very complex system. As we discuss Hong Kong's future, we 
     also want your advice about America's future. We have been 
     asking questions beyond just the reversion question. We have 
     been asking about economic growth, about tax codes. Hong Kong 
     has a binding commitment to a balanced budget. It has no 
     outstanding government debt. It has a remarkably low tax 
     rate.
       Not surprisingly, Hong Kong has remarkable economic growth. 
     Ten years of Hong Kong's growth rates would transform the 
     American economy and prove to the world that freedom and free 
     enterprise are the model for 21st century success. So, we 
     Americans have much to admire and to learn from you who have 
     helped make Hong Kong a jewel for the entire planet.
       I am also here to use this moment to reflect on some 
     enduring American values, values that I believe can serve as 
     a guide for the transition that faces Hong Kong this summer. 
     I am told the overall view from Hong Kong, as the July 1 
     deadline approaches, continues to be upbeat but cautious. 
     Confidence and uncertainty often exist together, especially 
     for a society faced with momentous change.
       As an American, I believe that the confidence to face that 
     future begins with a commitment to freedom. No American 
     leaders would be true to our tradition if they came here and 
     congratulated you on your economic achievements without also 
     saying we believe that economic vitality ultimately depends 
     upon political and personal freedom.
       For that reason, America cannot remain silent about the 
     lack of basic freedom--speech, religion, assembly, the 
     press--in China. Were we to do so, we would not only betray 
     our own tradition, we would also fail to fulfill our 
     obligation as a friend of both China and of Hong Kong. For no 
     one can be considered a true friend if that person avoids the 
     truth.
       As Americans, we take seriously a country's commitment to 
     human rights. And I say this in the context of having already 
     said: There are failures in America, there are weaknesses, 
     and there are places where we can legitimately be criticized. 
     And our answer should be to listen to those critics and to 
     look at those criticisms, and to try to improve our 
     performance. But we cannot look the other way when the 
     People's Republic of China ignores Article 35 of its own 
     Constitution by depriving a citizen of his free speech; we 
     cannot disregard its failure to uphold Article 36 of its own 
     Constitution every time it denies the free exercise of 
     religion.
       The truth is that any effort to provide a partial freedom 
     to any people, to tell them that they can be free in one 
     sphere but not in another, will ultimately fail. China needs 
     to understand that political freedom must accompany economic 
     freedom. If it attempts to restrict the freedom Hong Kong 
     already enjoys, it will have political--and economic--
     consequences.
       We support the Sino-British Joint Declaration which governs 
     the peaceful reversion of Hong Kong to the People's Republic 
     of China, and we fully expect China to honor its pledge of 
     ``one country, two systems.'' We are concerned that China has 
     taken steps to weaken Hong Kong's Bill of Rights. In 
     addition, it has decided to dissolve the elected legislative 
     council on June 30.
       As July 1 approaches, the leaders of Congress would look 
     with deep concern on any action that would undermine the 
     Sino-British Joint Declaration. We believe that preserving 
     key elements of Hong Kong society--the rule of law, an 
     independent civil service and judiciary, respect for civil 
     liberties, freedom of religion, a free press--is essential to 
     Hong Kong's future.
       If Hong Kong loses the things in which its society is 
     grounded, both American values and American interests will 
     suffer, and the people of Hong Kong will lose opportunity.
       It is our strong view that China must maintain Hong Kong's 
     current laws regarding civil rights. These laws are necessary 
     to ensure its future prosperity. Even minor changes or 
     seemingly minor changes in these laws could undermine 
     confidence in the rule of law in Hong Kong, which would 
     significantly affect Hong Kong's attractiveness as a regional 
     center for commerce. Any unilateral changes would indicate 
     that China values power over keeping its word.
       A smooth transition in Hong Kong, consistent with the Joint 
     Agreement and Basic Law, will be a key test for Beijing. 
     Reversion will test Chinese standards of governance and 
     international conduct. How that transition is managed will be 
     critical to the future of Taiwan, to China's international 
     standing, and to China's relations with the United States.
       Ultimately, we believe the transition for Hong Kong will 
     succeed if it leads to broader economic and political freedom 
     for both ``systems.'' And as Americans, we believe that 
     freedom strengthens both the individual and society.
       Our country reacts faster to crises, rectifies its mistakes 
     more rapidly, and maintains a more dynamic national consensus 
     precisely because it has a freely elected government based 
     upon ``We the People.'' Those three words are the first three 
     words of our Constitution, and they frame our view of 
     government.
       People who are free to work anywhere come to America 
     because they know that America offers greater opportunity. 
     People who are free to study anywhere come to America because 
     they know that there is more creative research going on in 
     our universities and corporations than in any other country 
     in the world. This freedom and creativity derives from the 
     deepest convictions of our people, and it is built into the 
     political and economic system that has made us a great 
     nation. The legislature invented by American's Founding 
     Fathers is a wonderful protection from any government that 
     would attempt to ignore or thwart the will of the people. 
     That's why the Constitution begins in Article I by 
     establishing the branch of government closest to the people, 
     the United States Congress.
       That branch is closest to the people because it is most 
     sensitive to any change that might infringe upon our liberty. 
     Because the founding fathers feared dictatorship, they wanted 
     a government designed to preserve freedom.
       They deliberately created a system that dispersed the power 
     of the federal government widely: two legislative bodies, the 
     executive branch, the judiciary. And they reserved all other 
     powers to the state and to the people. They recognized that 
     while God gives us freedom, governments all too often are 
     ready to take that freedom away.
       Now America's history has been one of permanent tension 
     between order and freedom between government and the 
     individual, between selfishness and selflessness, between 
     idealism and cynicism. For over 200 years, Americans have 
     worked, fought, sweated and bled, to preserve and extend 
     freedom to all people of all backgrounds from all races and 
     every country of the world.
       Look around the world today. We are in the third decade of 
     a global democratic revolution. From Portugal and Spain in 
     the mid-seventies, to Latin America, Central and Eastern 
     Europe, and the Soviet Union and its allies, the old 
     oppressive regimes have been replaced with new democracies.
       In some cases--like the former Soviet Union--the political 
     change preceded the creation of free markets, while in 
     others--like South Korea and Taiwan--there was a substantial 
     transformation of the economic system before political 
     freedom was achieved.
       But at the end of the day all found that freedom was 
     indivisible. It was not possible to grant one form of 
     freedom--whether political or economic--without finally 
     granting it all.
       And I want to suggest to you that beginning on July 1, Hong 
     Kong has a duty that is historic, because its great economic 
     endeavor can have a moral purpose--the expansion of freedom.
       As Americans, we believe our freedom is not the gift of any 
     government. It is a right bestowed by our Creator. With the 
     liberty we receive from God, we can work together and live 
     together to achieve remarkable things.
       If you visit the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, you will 
     find etched in stone the Second Inaugural Address Lincoln 
     delivered near the end of our civil war. It is short enough 
     to be one wall, yet it refers to God twelve times. If you 
     walk across to the Jefferson Memorial, you will read on the 
     wall, ``The God who gave us life, gave us liberty at the same 
     time; the hand of force may destroy but cannot disjoin 
     them.''
       If you read our founding document, the Declaration of 
     Independence, you will find the fundamental belief that our 
     Creator has given us the inalienable rights of life, liberty, 
     and the pursuit of happiness.
       And at the conclusion of that great declaration of freedom, 
     you will read that the Founding Fathers pledged their lives, 
     their fortunes, and their sacred honor. They viewed their 
     ``sacred'' honor as their most valuable collateral, and they 
     put it at risk in order to secure the blessings of liberty 
     that we hold as our inalienable right. As Americans, we still 
     recognize today that we cannot be successful if we do not 
     recognize that our rights come from our Creator.
       This American system of Creator-endowed rights based on 
     self-evident truths is as current as Microsoft, 
     biotechnology, and the space shuttle. However, its roots go 
     back through our Founding Fathers, to the signing of the 
     Magna Carta in 1215, the creation of Roman law 300 years 
     before Christ, the rise of Greek democracy 500 years before 
     Christ, the founding of Jerusalem by King David 3,000 years 
     ago, and ultimately, to the statement of God's law given to 
     Moses in the earliest period of recorded history.
       It all relates to East Asia. The Chinese word for crisis 
     combines the characters for ``danger'' and ``opportunity.'' 
     In that sense, Hong Kong faces a ``crisis'' today. It has 
     danger and opportunity. There could be problems or there 
     could be a greater Hong Kong of even greater prosperity, of 
     even greater importance, to the world. On the one hand, Hong 
     Kong confronts challenges and even dangers as it approaches 
     reversion to China. On the other hand, it has enormous 
     opportunities in technology, in entrepreneurship, in the 
     sheer level of human talent dedicated to dynamic economic 
     growth.
       For its part, China also faces a ``crisis,'' meaning 
     ``danger'' and ``opportunity.'' Mishandling reversion would 
     endanger China's relationship with Taiwan, the region, and

[[Page E679]]

     the broader international community. Honoring the commitments 
     of the Joint Declaration and the Basic Law, on the other 
     hand, would not only enhance economic growth in China; it 
     would also strengthen China's standing in the international 
     community.
       If you, as leaders in the Hong Kong business community, can 
     continue to harness the energy aroused by danger and 
     opportunity, and, virtually every entrepreneur every morning 
     senses both of those, we will all stand in admiration at the 
     excitement you continue to produce and the further progress 
     you achieve as you enter the 21st century.
       Free societies rely on the courage, creativity, and 
     commitment of each individual citizen. Dictatorship may 
     marshal the obedience of their unthinking subjects, but 
     democracies rely on the unique spark of each person's God-
     given talent. It may be a far less orderly society, but it is 
     a vastly superior one.
       Since each of us is uniquely endowed by the Creator with 
     inalienable rights, there is not and cannot be a single 
     dream. A free society has as many dreams as there are people. 
     The power of those dreams has made America a great country 
     filled with good people. The power of those dreams has made 
     Hong Kong a uniquely successful community admired and studied 
     all around the world.
       We want to see the continued fulfillment of the dream of 
     each citizen of Hong Kong. We want to be helpful and making 
     sure that the opportunity outweighs the danger. We recognize 
     that this is a long-term process, that true friendship and 
     good neighbors require much talking over a long period of 
     time and, whenever possible, require avoiding arguments in 
     favor of having discussions. One of the steps we are going to 
     take, after talking with a wide range of leaders here, 
     including Mr. Tung, the current governor, the members of the 
     legislative council, members of the business community, is 
     that Congressmen Bereuter, who was the chairman of our Asia 
     subcommittee, will be regularly coming back at the advice and 
     suggestion of a very broad range of folks to visit here and 
     to visit Beijing in a positive way, to seek positive 
     understanding, to have a positive dialogue. We leave tonight 
     to go to Beijing. We hope to meet with members of the 
     National People's Congress to talk about the idea of a long-
     term relationship between our two legislative bodies, to 
     develop the understanding and the dialogue.
       Now, creating freedom didn't happen overnight anywhere. 
     Having a healthy, open, free society is hard and going 
     through transitions is difficult. We have more than enough 
     examples of pain and failure in American history to not look 
     on anyone with a judgmental sense of superiority. But we also 
     know that, in the end, adhering to the great virtues of 
     individual freedom and seeking to protect the right of the 
     maximum number of people pursuing the maximum amount of 
     happiness, because they get to define their lives is, in 
     fact, the ultimate destiny of the human race. And in that 
     calm optimism we can afford to reach out a helping hand to 
     everyone, to have a dialogue with anyone, and it is in that 
     spirit of learning from your successes, coming to understand 
     your situation, and hopefully having a genuine exchange in 
     the next few days in Beijing and beyond that, in Tokyo and in 
     Taiwan, that we've started this trip. I think just to tell 
     you that we have all found Hong Kong to be fully as 
     remarkable as everyone always told us it was. Those of us who 
     are here for the first time, just as you would expect, are 
     overwhelmed by the achievement of the people of Hong Kong. 
     And we look forward to helping you build on that to a even 
     better 21st century.
       Thank you very, very much.

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