[Congressional Record Volume 143, Number 40 (Tuesday, April 8, 1997)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E593-E595]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
HAITI--AN UPDATE
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HON. ELTON GALLEGLY
of california
in the house of representatives
Tuesday, April 8, 1997
Mr. GALLEGLY. Mr. Speaker, as chairman of the Western Hemisphere
Subcommittee I directed my subcommittee staff director to travel to
Haiti during the recent district work period to observe first hand the
political, economic, and social situation in that country.
As the House knows, the United States, in partnership with the
international community, is trying to help that nation recover from
years of dictatorial rule, domestic intimidation, murders and political
harassment, human rights abuses, and economic chaos.
For a little over a year now, the government of President Preval has
been trying to make progress on many fronts from democratization to the
restoration of law and order to economic development and open markets.
His efforts are daunting. And while well intentioned and pointed in the
right direction, his initiatives have not progressed very far and in
many instances are being opposed by forces within that country who do
not want him to succeed.
The United States has committed to help Haiti in this reconstruction
effort. We all knew this would not be easy and would not happen over
night. The staff's observations bear that fact out. I am submitting a
summary of their observations for the Record. A more detailed report
has been submitted to the International Relations Committee and is
available from the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee for the Members.
Memorandum--April 7, 1997
To: Chairman, Western Hemisphere Subcommittee; and Ranking
Member, Western Hemisphere Subcommittee
From: Vince Morelli, Subcommittee Staff Director; David
Adams, Subcommittee Democratic Professional Staff; and
Denis McDonough, Full Committee Democratic Professional
Staff
Re: Report of STAFFDEL to Haiti
During the period March 24 through March 26 we visited the
Republic of Haiti as part of the Committee's oversight
responsibilities for the Hemisphere. The purpose of the
STAFFDEL was to gain a first-hand account of the political
and socio-economic situation in country and the progress to
date on the reconstruction of the nation. The STAFFDEL was
hosted by U.S. Embassy, Port Au Prince, which is headed by
Ambassador William Swing.
During our visit, which included meetings with Haitian
government, U.S. State, A.I.D., and Department of Justice
representatives, Haitian business sector and the
international donor community, STAFFDEL had the extraordinary
opportunity to spend one hour with Haitian President Rene
Preval to discuss the state of affairs in his country.
general observations
Although our time-in-country was limited, it became obvious
to STAFFDEL that the challenges facing the Government of
Haiti (GOH) are enormous. Progress to date on some fronts
has, at best, been steady if slow and almost negligible on
others. The reconstruction of Haiti into a viable democracy
with strong institutions and a commitment to the rule of law
is progressing and can be achieved within the next few years,
but a vibrant, self-sustaining economy may not be achievable
in the short-term, even with the privatization goals under
discussion at this time.
In any event, the ability of the GOH to achieve even a
modest amount of success in the short-term will largely be
dependent on continued political stability, a steady pace of
reform by the government and a continued commitment of
financial and technical assistance from the international
community, including the United States.
STAFFDEL was encouraged by President Preval's continued
commitment to rebuild Haiti in accordance with the economic
plan he presented upon his inauguration despite the many
challenges he has had to confront, including on-going
political unrest, the occasional outburst of crime and
lawlessness, differing levels of commitment among some of his
own Ministers, the lack of adequately trained human resources
and the March 26 attempt to force a vote of no-confidence
against his Prime Minister, Mr. Rosny Smarth.
STAFFDEL would also make the following specific
observations.
Democracy and civic participation
Although not fully understood or appreciated by many
Haitians, the democratization of the country, while still
fragile, seems to be taking hold. Over the past two years,
Haitians have gone to the polls five times and will vote
again on April 6. In general, Haitians equate democracy with
the freedom to speak on any subject and to openly criticize
the government, a new found experience which many have taken
full advantage of. Events such as the March 26 debate in the
Parliament over the state of affairs in Haiti, in reaction to
a call for a vote of ``no confidence'' against the Prime
Minister, was unprecedented.
However, many in the country blame the democratization
process for the rise in crime and violence and the inability
of the government to create jobs. And, the government does
not appear to be doing an adequate job educating the general
population as to how they can effectively participate in the
process. Civic education is very low and the lack of
political participation, overshadowed by other concerns, is
reflected in things such as low voter turnout and politicians
with little political base.
While STAFFDEL was in Haiti, final preparations were being
made for the Senatorial (9 seats) and local assembly
elections. These elections were scheduled for April 6.
Representatives from the International Republican Institute
(IRI) and the National Democratic Institute (NDI) who are
monitoring the elections believed that these elections would
be competitive only in a limited way since some parties were
boycotting them and because many voters were simply
disinterested in yet another election which they saw as
meaning little for their current situation. However,
observers were concerned
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about the low level of interest in the elections and,
particularly, that these would be the first elections where
security would not be provided by the international
community. As a result there were no security arrangements in
place as of our visit. Interlocutors noted that while there
had been no outright political violence they described ``gun
play'' and ``burning tires'' as intimidating events and
feared that the lack of security would simply cause people to
stay home.
Addendum: the April 6 elections were held, apparently
without serious incident, or voter participation. It would
appear that on average only about 15% of the voting
population went to the polls. This was disappointing but not
totally unexpected.
Government
The government, as defined through the personality of
President Preval still seems to enjoy the support of the
majority of Haitians. The President seems sincerely committed
to rebuilding Haiti through tough economic reform programs,
including privatization, civil service reform, and law and
order. Other parts of the government, however, seem to
function at various levels of commitment and competence.
While some Ministers are considered supporters of former
President Aristide and do not entirely subscribe to the
current government's direction, others are doing their
best with little resources and a dearth of experienced
technical managers. This has resulted in little progress
in areas such as civil service downsizing and
infrastructure development.
Parliament on the other hand seems to get mixed reviews
primarily because the concept of a deliberative legislative
body, sharing the decision-making power of governing, is so
new. The legislators we met seemed to be committed to the
task of rebuilding the country and enthusiastic about their
role, even if they seemed somewhat unsure of their actual
level of authority. However, divisions within the Lavalas
political organization, namely between the pro-Preval and
pro-Aristide wings which dominate the Parliament, has
resulted in a period of legislative paralysis especially with
respect to key issues such as passing a budget which is seven
months overdue and reconciling two different versions of
civil service reform. The April 6 elections could be good
news for former President Aristide and bad news for President
Preval. Senators elected under the Lavalas Family banner
could well control the legislature and could prevent serious
reforms from taking place.
law and order
Violence remains a serious and recurring problem. However,
most of this seems perpetrated largely by rival gangs seeking
dominance in an area or as a result of political infighting
largely among the various factions of the Lavalas political
movement. Despite the occasional acts of violence, the
establishment of public security seems to be on the right
track. This growing sense of law and order has been due in
large part to the slowly emerging professionalism of the
Haitian National Police (HNP). Just over one year old, the
HNP has been getting better at its job of policing despite
the fact that their training is minimal and that they lack
adequate equipment such as armament, communications and
transportation. Weaknesses still exist in the area of mid-
level management and investigative techniques. Overall,
however, the commitment of Secretary of State for State
Security, Robert Manuel and HNP Director General, Pierre
Denize, to build a truly professional policy force was
encouraging.
Complicating the law and order process is the simple fact
that a professional and capable justice system simply does
not exist. What there is is inefficient and often corrupt.
Training programs for judges, lawyers, and courts are
underway supported by the U.S. Department of Justice. But a
smooth running, competent system is years away. Until then,
the efforts of the police to investigate crimes and put
criminals away will be severely undermined.
An even bigger test of the security system could come as
early as July when the United Nations mandate expires. If the
U.N. security force, which today numbers 1,300 uniformed
troops, is withdrawn, the HNP could be strained to its
limits. In our discussions with various officials, it became
clear that the U.N. security presence should be retained in
Haiti until at least the end of July, if not longer, in order
to give the HNP more time to prepare.
Economy
In general, the Haitian economy is in a state of shambles.
On the positive side, the economy is showing some progress in
that inflation is being brought under control, the local
currency, the gourde, is being stabilized and budget
expenditures are being tightened. On the other hand, jobs are
not being created and important infrastructure improvements
in roads, electricity and the port are at a standstill. In
some cases, such as in the privatization of the major
utilities and the seaport, political opposition by the anti-
economic reformers and the anticipated job loss among the
civil service, provide the major impediment. In cases such as
road construction and improvement, the lack of qualified
government contract managers and skilled contractors, not
money, is the problem. With few exceptions, the Haitian
private sector has been reluctant to invest within the
country because of their uncertainty over the long-term
political stability of the government and its commitment to
reform. The international investment community is waiting to
see the results of the first wave of privatization as well as
the commitment of the Haitian private sector. The
international lending community is prepared to provide some
$1.5 billion in assistance if the Haitian government
continues to initiate political and economic reforms in a
timely manner.
While STAFFDEL agreed that privatization was an important
barometer of the GOH commitment to economic reform, the
importance of this process and the timetable for its
accomplishment may be over emphasized. Privatizing closed
facilities such as the flour mill and cement factory, while
important symbolically, at best would create only a few jobs.
The more important facilities such as the telephone and
electric companies will take much longer to accomplish for a
whole variety of reasons including the fear of foreign
ownership of Haiti's important assets since the Haitian
private sector is not likely to be able to raise the
necessary capital to buy these operations. While this process
must be encouraged to proceed as expeditiously as possible,
it will not solve Haiti's economic problems and cannot be
done overnight as some have suggested. Even the goal of March
1998 for the privatization of all nine public enterprises,
given where they are now, seems ambitious. In the interim,
there are some more visible reforms which could be achieved
which would reaffirm the government's commitment and which
would bring revenues into the treasury. Most important of
these would be reforms at the port, and especially of the
customs department. Loss of revenue among imports of basic
staples such as rice and cooking oil are well known.
Smuggling of these commodities is growing, representing a
significant loss of revenue for the GOH. It would not take
must effort to address this problem through measures ranging
from ``shiprider'' agreements with the U.S. Coast Guard to
more strict enforcement of cargo reporting and accounting, to
a more effective, corruption-free, collection of duties.
Outlook
Despite the recent spate of unrest and violence, which
appears to be somewhat over dramatized in the press, it was
STAFFDEL's assessment that Haiti was heading in the right
direction, if slowly. Although Ambassador Swing likes to say
that ``everything in Haiti is broken'', the most severe
problem facing President Preval, and the most difficult to
address is the inability of the economy to create jobs. This
alone is the issue which creates the climate of unrest. To do
this, however, the domestic private sector and the
international investment community have to be convinced
that they can turn a profitable business while operating
in a safe environment. The law and order issue is being
addressed as fast as it can by producing a professional
police force. However, not every crime will be solved on a
timely basis nor will every criminal be put in jail until
enough well trained policemen are put on the beat and
until a more responsive judicial system comes on line.
Civil service reform legislation has been passed but not
yet enacted so the government's plan to downsize will
continue slowly. But until economic reforms take hold, as
symbolized by the privatization effort, large private sector
jobs programs will not be forthcoming. Privatization of the
flour mill, cement factory and airport could be accomplished
by the end of the summer but none of these will produce large
numbers of new jobs. And even though government officials
like to point out that the majority of the Haitian people
would not care who owned or operated these companies as long
as they had electricity and could make a phone call anytime,
there is enough political opposition, opposition which
President Preval seems unable or unwilling to overcome, to
make this a slow process.
Finally, there is the ``Aristide'' factor. Although the
former President has not come out forcefully in opposition to
the current direction of the government being promoted by
President Preval, Aristide's former Prime Minister, there is
speculation that Aristide is working behind the scenes to
sabotage the more ambitious plans of the government. It is
known that Aristide is contemplating a political comeback by
running for President in five years when Preval's term
expires. So as not to lose public support as Haiti moves
forward toward reconstruction, many believe that Aristide is
encouraging the gang violence in the urban centers,
especially in the Cite Soleil section where a strong base of
his support is located. Many also believe he is orchestrating
the political violence among the factions of the Lavalas
political movement and it is well known that he is opposed to
privatization and has advised his followers in the
government, now stronger as a result of the recent elections,
to deliberately drag their feet on these reforms.
The question of Aristide's influence and the kinds of force
he can bring to bear on the direction of the country is still
a matter of debate. But the fact that President Preval,
knowing who among his own Ministers oppose his policies, is
moving slowly with respect to their removal and replacement,
is an acknowledgment that Aristide's power is respected.
Similarly, certain members of the Parliament, unsure of the
future political landscape, display a reluctance to be more
aggressive toward reform.
STAFFDEL concluded that President Preval has chartered the
right course for Haiti even if, at times, he seems to be
somewhat reluctant to make all the necessary
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moves to traverse that course with all speed. The rebuilding
of Haiti into a viable democracy with a strong rule of law
and a vibrant economy will not be easy and certainly will
take time. However, if the economy does not show signs of
expanding, political unrest will rise. This slow pace could
lead to a new wave of violence designed to undermine
confidence in the Preval government and its policies. Any
major law and order problem will have negative consequences
for Haiti's stability and could throw Haiti back into a
period of paralysis, upheaval and possible anarchy.
Lastly, we would be remiss if we failed to acknowledge the
hospitality, hard work and cooperation of the U.S. Embassy in
Port-au-Prince. Ambassador Swing and his team were confident
that Haiti's chances for success were good despite the
difficulties. Ambassador Swing's commitment and dedication
were manifest in his willingness to give us as much time out
his busy schedule as we needed. And his efforts to have us
meet with U.N. Special Representative, Ambassador Ter Horst,
Haitian Parliamentarians, and especially President Preval,
were more than we expected. Ambassador Swing has been in
Haiti longer than a normal posting but his presence, his
expertise, his dedication and his relationship with the
Haitian leadership are invaluable during these critical
times. We also want to acknowledge Political Counselor Sue
Ford Patrick for all the work she did in getting us to all of
our meetings and for providing valuable insights to
conditions in the country.
And finally, we wish to commend Colonel Stull, Commander of
the U.S. Support Group, and his troops for the fine work they
are doing in Haiti. The dedicated men and women of our
Marine, Navy and Army contingents there are providing
important humanitarian and civic assistance projects in
addition to their normal security mission. Their mission in
Haiti is often overlooked, and sometimes even questioned, but
their presence is invaluable and a credit to their respective
services.
key individuals staffdel met with while in haiti
Government of Haiti: Mr. Rene Preval, President; Mr. Leslie
Delatour, Central Bank Governor; Mr. Robert Manuel, Secretary
of State for State Security; Mr. Pierre Denize, Director
General, Haitian National Police; and Mr. Jean August Brutus,
HNP Commissaire.
Legislative branch: Mr. Macdonald Jean, Senator; Mr. Jean
Robert Sabalat, Senator; Mr. Alix Fils-Aime, Deputy; and Mr.
St. Juste Momprevil, Deputy.
Representatives of the Council on Modernization of Public
Enterprises (CMEP).
Representatives of the Haitian Private Sector.
United Nations: Ambassador Enrique Ter Horst, Special
Representative to the Secretary General; and General Pierre
Daigle, Commander, U.N. Support Mission on Haiti.
Representatives of the International Donor Group including
the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and the Inter-
American Development Bank.
Representatives of other Organizations in Haiti including:
Adventist Relief and Development Agency; International
Republican Institute; National Democratic Institute; and
Inter-American Foundation.
United States Support Group: Colonel Stull, Commander.
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