[Congressional Record Volume 143, Number 33 (Friday, March 14, 1997)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2308-S2309]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
COMMUNICATIONS DECENCY ACT: COMPELLING INTEREST STATEMENT
Mr. COATS. This coming Wednesday, Mr. President, March 19, the
Supreme Court is scheduled to hear oral arguments on the
constitutionality of the Communications Decency Act. This act was
passed by this Senate in the last Congress by an overwhelmingly
bipartisan vote of 84-16. The previous Senator talked of cooperation
between parties, and there certainly was a significant degree of
cooperation on this issue. We worked on a bipartisan basis, securing 84
votes for its passage. Eventually, Congress passed the act as part of
the historic telecommunications reform legislation.
The Communications Decency Act, passed by Congress by an
overwhelming, bipartisan margin, and signed by the President, simply
extends the principle that exists in every other medium of
communication in our society, a principle which has been repeatedly
upheld as constitutional by the Supreme Court.
Stated simply, this principle holds that it is the responsibility of
the person who provides material deemed pornographic, that it is that
person's responsibility to restrict access by minors to that material.
The foundation of the principle is articulated clearly in the case New
York versus Ferber, and I quote from that case: ``It is evident beyond
the need for elaboration that the State's interest in `safeguarding the
physical and psychological well-being of a minor' is compelling.'' Let
me repeat that judicial decision again, New York versus Ferber. ``It is
evident beyond the need for elaboration that the State's interest in
`safeguarding the physical and psychological well-being of a minor' is
compelling.''
This principle of compelling interest is the basis on which the
Communications Decency Act was constructed. That is why we believe it
is constitutional and the Court will hold it so after it hears the
arguments next Wednesday. There is a long history of court decisions
which recognize the interest of the State in safeguarding the
psychological and physical well-being of minors. Mr. President, I have
a copy of a brief in support of the Communications Decency Act. It was
filed by a number of organizations: Enough is Enough, the Salvation
Army, the National Political Congress of Black Women, the National
Council of Catholic Women, Victims Assistance Legal Organization,
Childhelp USA, Legal Pad Enterprises, Inc., Focus on the Family, the
National Coalition for the Preservation of Family, Children and Family,
Citizens for Family Friendly Libraries, Computer Power Corp., Help Us
Regain the Children Organization--I am just reading some of these
here--Mothers Against Sexual Abuse, National Association of
Evangelicals, One Voice/American Coalition for Abuse Awareness,
Religious Alliance Against Pornography, Lenore J. Weitzman, Ph.D., and
so forth, a whole series of groups that have filed this brief. I
commend these organizations for their leadership. I will be drawing on
some of their comments in the brief during my remarks.
Mr. President, it is now beyond question that exposure to pornography
harms children. A child's sexual development occurs gradually
throughout childhood. Exposure to pornography, particularly the type of
hard-core pornography currently available on the Internet, distorts the
natural sexual development of children. Essentially, pornography shapes
children's sexual perspective by providing them distorted information
on sexual activity. The type of information provided by pornography
does not provide children with a normal sexual perspective.
As stated in the brief, pornography portrays unhealthy or antisocial
kinds of sexual activity such as sadomasochism, abuse, and humiliation
of females, involvement of children, incest, voyeurism, bestiality,
torture, objectification and is readily available on the Internet.
The Communications Decency Act is designed, as I said, to employ the
same restrictions that are currently employed, and have been held
constitutional, in every other medium of communication.
Why do we need these protections? Let me quote Ann Burgess, professor
of nursing at the University of Pennsylvania, when she states that
children generally do not have a natural sexual
[[Page S2309]]
capacity until the ages of 10 or 12, but pornography unnaturally
accelerates that development. By short-circuiting the normal
development process and supplying misinformation about their own
sexuality, pornography leaves children confused, changed, and damaged.
Mr. President, this is not what the Congress wants. This is not what
the American people want. We expressed that in our debate and in our
vote in the last Congress. Surely we have not come to a point in our
society where we find it tolerable that any pornographer with a
computer and a modem can crawl inside our children's minds and distort
and corrupt their sexual development?
As if the psychological threat of pornography doesn't present a
sufficient compelling interest, there is also a significant physical
threat. As I have stated, pornography develops in children a distorted
sexual perspective. It encourages irresponsible, dehumanized sexual
behavior, conduct that presents a genuine physical threat to children.
In the United States today, about one in four sexually active teenagers
acquire a sexually transmitted disease every year, resulting in 3
million sexually transmitted disease cases. Infectious syphilis rates
have more than doubled among teenagers since the mideighties. One
million American teenage girls become pregnant each year. A report
entitled ``Exposure to Pornography, Character and Sexual Deviance,''
concluded that as more and more children become exposed not only to
soft-core pornography, but also to explicit deviant sexual material,
society's youth will learn an extremely dangerous message: Sex without
responsibility is acceptable.
Mr. President, it is clear that early exposure to pornography
presents a disturbing psychological threat to children and a disturbing
physical threat. However, there is a darker and even more ominous
threat, for research has established a direct link between exposure and
consumption of pornography and sexual assault, rape, and molesting of
children.
As stated in a publication called, ``Aggressive Erotica and Violence
Against Women,'' virtually all lab studies established a causal link
between violent pornography and the commission of violence. This
relationship is not seriously debated any longer in the research
community. What is more, pedophiles will often use pornographic
material to desensitize children to sexual activity, breaking down
their resistance in order to sexually exploit them.
A study by Victor Cline found that child molesters often use
pornography to seduce their prey, to lower the inhibitions of the
victim, and as an instruction manual. Further, a W.L. Marshal study
found that ``87 percent of female child molesters and 77 percent of
male child molesters studied admitted to regular use of hard-core
pornography.''
Mr. President, all you have to do is pick up the telephone and call
the FBI, ask their child exploitation task force about the volume of
over-the-Internet attempts to seduce, abuse, and lure children into
pornography and sexual exploitation.
I could go on and on, Mr. President, citing these studies, but there
is really no need to do that. The evidence is clear. The compelling
interest of the Government in restricting children's access to
pornography is beyond credible dispute, both morally and legally.
The Communications Decency Act is a narrowly tailored law, designed
to protect children from the pornography that is so widely available
and easily accessed on the Internet. As I have said, it is a simple
extension of the constitutional restrictions on such material that
exist today in every other communications medium in our society.
The Communications Decency Act provides for the prosecution of those
who utilize an interactive computer device to send indecent material to
a child or uses an interactive computer device to display indecent
material in a manner easily accessible to a child.
In addition, the Communications Decency Act encourages blocking
software and other technologies by providing good-faith defenses
designed to protect the good Samaritan attempting to block or screen
pornographic material.
However, ultimately, it preserves the constitutionally established
principle that pornography should be walled off from our children. To
overturn the Communications Decency Act would represent a fundamental
shift in paradigm, throwing our children into a hostile sea of
pornography that threatens their psychological and physical well-being.
I am confident that the Court will not be so callous with the basic
well-being of our children.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that a list of organizations
in support of this brief to the Supreme Court in the case of Janet
Reno, et al. versus American Civil Liberties Union, et al. be printed
in the Record.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
Brief Amici Curiae of Enough Is Enough, the Salvation Army,
National Political Congress of Black Women, Inc., the
National Council of Catholic Women, Victims' Assistance Legal
Organization, Childhelp USA, Legal Pad Enterprises, Inc.,
Focus on the Family, the National Coalition for the
Protection of Children and Families (and other amici . . . )
in support of appellants.
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