[Congressional Record Volume 143, Number 30 (Tuesday, March 11, 1997)]
[House]
[Pages H856-H859]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
A POSITIVE AGENDA FOR THE 105TH CONGRESS
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of
January 7, 1997, the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Fox] is
recognized for 60 minutes as the designee of the majority leader.
Mr. FOX of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I thank you for the time for us
to have this special order to speak not only of the importance of
moving ahead with a positive agenda for the 105th Congress, but also I
rise today in the spirit of the Hershey accords, the achievements of
our recent weekend in Hershey, PA, to join my colleagues in offering
this special order. Probably the most important bipartisan issue we can
address for the citizens of this country is the balancing of the
Federal budget.
I rise here today and will be joined by several of my distinguished
colleagues, not least of which is Gil Gutknecht, a Congressman from
Minnesota, and urge the President to work with us using the same
economic assumptions, meeting the requests made by the Congress
following the number of elections and producing a budget that
responsibly balances our budget by the year 2002. Once we can see where
the President's priorities are in the free market of a balanced bucket
then we can begin a civil debate over the policy differences among the
various proposals.
I just want to say at the outset that my feelings are that having
talked to Republicans and Democrats alike this past weekend, our issues
of balancing the budget, campaign finance reform, working on things
like FDA reform, improving our transportation and working on other
issues of common concern throughout the Congress certainly can be
accomplished because the bipartisan spirit that I felt and the finding
the common ground, I think, was very special.
You know for many of us, who may be one party or the other, we do not
meet other Members of the aisle, the opposite Members of the aisle,
unless we are on their committee or we come from their State. This
particular retreat gave us for the first time in a long time a chance
for us to meet on a personal level other Members who we do not serve
within the same committee or from the same State, and by that we are
able to at least find common ground, and while we do not want anybody
to give up their principles, we do not want anybody to give up their
agenda, we do want to make sure that we, as Members of Congress, will
always remain civil, Mr. Speaker, and to make sure that we can do more
and be more productive because we give the mutual respect they each
deserve.
I wanted to ask Congressman Gutknecht, who was an active participant
at the conference, what his impressions were before we get into the
issues of balanced budget and other items that are on your agenda, and
I know how active you have been on your committee work, Gil. Could you
tell a little bit of what your impressions were of the retreat and
whether you thought it succeeded in achieving the goals that it set out
to begin with.
Mr. GUTKNECHT. Well, I would have to say it this way, that I was one
of those who was not all that eager to go along, and it was guilt that
got me to go to Hershey, PA. It may have been the chocolate that kept
me there after the first several hours. But I must tell you as the
weekend went along it was a very valuable experience, not only for me,
but I hope for my colleagues and, most importantly, I think, for the
American people.
I think that the American people sent us sort of a message in the
last congressional elections. What they said in effect was that we want
the Republicans to continue to control the House of Representatives and
the Senate, but we want President Clinton, the Democrat, to run the
executive branch of Government, and we want there to be some checks and
balances, but what they also said is they want us to work together as
much as we possibly can.
And one of the valuable things, I think, that came out of Hershey is
we now, all of us who were there at least, have a little better
understanding of a sense of history, and if you look at this
institution, the House of Representatives, there have been some rather
bloody fights on this House floor. I mean there have been Members who
have been caned, there have been fist fights, there have been
arguments----
Mr. FOX of Pennsylvania. The caning was in the Senate, the fist
fights were in the House.
Mr. GUTKNECHT. But we have had more than our share of fisticuffs that
were associated with the debate here on the floor. We have also had
periods where there was consensus building, cooperation, and much more
agreement and ability to work together in a civilized way.
{time} 1900
I think what will happen as a result of what we saw in Hershey is
hopefully both sides will begin to reach out to the other side. I think
in the end what we really need to do is agree where we can agree, have
honest debate where we disagree. And I think the American people expect
that, but I think they also expect us to compromise where we can.
Mr. Speaker, I would hope that over the next several months and over
the balance of this 105th Congress we will see more civilized debate.
There has been entirely too much trivializing, too much demonizing, too
much personalizing the debate that occurs on the floor of this House.
We are going to have an honest discussion tonight about the budget.
We obviously have a somewhat different view of the President's budget
and the need to balance the budget perhaps than some of our colleagues.
I brought with me some charts, and I am going to walk down there in a
few minutes, and we are going to talk about what the President has
proposed, what we might dispose. But I think most importantly we need
to talk about, what does this mean to the average American family? What
is this balancing the budget all about? Is it just some kind of an
accounting exercise, or does it really ultimately impact real families
and real Americans in homes and in the neighborhoods where they live?
Mr. Speaker, I think as we go through and talk a little bit about
this, I think we can demonstrate that this really does have a dramatic
impact not only on Americans today but, more importantly, on Americans
in the future. We have some very serious problems, but I think, if we
approach them in a cooperative relationship, a respectful relationship
where we can have a civil and honest debate about the great issues
facing our country today, then I think both the Congress and the
American people will have been well served by what transpired up in
Hershey, PA.
[[Page H857]]
I would just say publicly for the benefit of those who may be
watching back in Pennsylvania, I know we cannot refer to them, but I
would like to thank them and all the folks from Pennsylvania for
everything that they put into the weekend, because they really did a
wonderful job and showed us tremendous hospitality. It was a beautiful
setting, wonderful people. I think I gained about 4 pounds in 3 days,
but it was just fantastic.
I would also just share one more thing that relates to Pennsylvania.
I reminded some of the folks who were in my group, and I intend to do a
1-minute tomorrow morning and talk about, among other things, one of
the things that Benjamin Franklin said. During the Continental
Congress, there were some rather bitter and vicious debates that took
place on the floor of those meetings. And after several days of very
bitter rancor, debate going on in the Continental Congress, one morning
Benjamin Franklin of Pennsylvania rose slowly at the back of the House
Chambers and he said, ``Let us for a moment, Mr. Speaker, contemplate
our own fallibility.''
Mr. Speaker, one of the things that we discussed in some of our
sessions in Hershey was that there are two things that I think we need
more of in this body. One is a little more humility, and second is a
little more humor. Hopefully, we can bring that about in the coming
days and weeks of this debate.
Tonight we want to talk about the budget, what it means to average
Americans; talk a little bit about why the President's budget leaves a
little to be desired. It is a starting point but something we have to
work on with our colleagues here in the Congress and with the folks
down at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. I am going to move down here and turn
it back to the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Fox].
Mr. FOX of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I wanted to mention that for a
first bipartisan conference in Hershey I was very pleased to see 220
Members, both sides of the aisle being there. I think that augurs well
for the future, when the next event I hope that we will have three-
quarters, if not seven-eighths of the House present. Not only was
Speaker Gingrich there, but a Democratic leader, minority leader,
Richard Gephardt was there, which shows that this was a bipartisan
effort. Those who came to the bipartisan conference certainly left with
the idea that we are going to do our part to raise the level of
civility and professionalism and to make sure that we try to find a
common ground without giving up principles and without giving up
important items on our agenda, not only in our State, but in our
country.
Mr. Speaker, one other item I think I should mention, a very
important thing, is we found out that we have different regional needs.
The Midwest has needs that the South does not need, and the South has
needs that need to be respected as well. So one of the outcomes that I
think are going to happen, we are going to find Members visiting in
those other regions. So while I am talking about how important mass
transit is to the East so we do not have mass gridlock, overloading the
roadways and increasing pollution and trying to help us get more trains
and those initiatives, I can understand the Midwest having some
interest in agriculture programs, and over in the Pacific Northwest and
some of their environmental concerns.
So we need to have this shared vision for America where we all come
together and work as well as we can.
Mr. Speaker, I think in looking at the balanced budget, in starting
that discussion tonight, I think that is something that the Republicans
and Democrats need to work on. The Clinton budget, I might say at the
outset, leaves a deficit of $70 billion in 2002, and it also, according
to the Joint Committee on Taxation, is going to increase taxes by $23
billion by 2002.
Mr. Speaker, I am interested in hearing the analysis of the gentleman
from Minnesota [Mr. Gutknecht] of the Clinton budget as a starting
point for this House to move on. And I hope that we will have the
gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. Saxton] join us, who is the chairman of
the Joint Economic Committee, and I would hope that he could join us as
well.
Mr. Speaker, if the gentleman from Minnesota could start us on his
outline of the Clinton budget, I know it would be a good starting point
for tonight's discussion.
Mr. GUTKNECHT. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman. As I said earlier,
we need to have an honest debate about the numbers. Before we can have
an honest and civil debate about the budget, we have to be speaking the
same language. We cannot have a debate where I am speaking in German
and someone else is speaking in French and someone else is speaking in
another language altogether.
One of the problems we have in terms of our debate about the budget
is we tend to be speaking in Congressional Budget Office terms, and the
President this year is speaking in terms of the Office of Management
and Budget. They take different assumptions.
Right now the Congressional Budget Office has gone through the budget
that the President submitted, and what they have told us is that
actually total deficit goes up under the President's plan in the first
couple of years and then begins to come down; but even in the last year
of the President's budget, the year 2002, he is still about $69 billion
short.
Now, we do not really want to have a debate about the Congressional
Budget Office, who is more accurate, the CBO or the OMB or whomever,
because I think sometimes the American people do not understand that.
But what I hope they will understand is that, before we can have a
debate about the budget, we all have to be speaking the same language.
So one of the things I think we need to get in agreement with the White
House on over the next couple of weeks is what are the assumptions we
are going to use.
One of the things we could do, and I learned this when I was in the
State legislature and served on the Pension Commission, is that
assumptions are everything. If we assume an economic growth rate, for
example, of 3.5 percent over the next 5 years, frankly you do not have
to make much in terms of budget changes in terms of the spending side,
because the economic growth will solve it. If we assume a very low
interest rate, it has a dramatic impact on the deficit. As a matter of
fact, we were told by the Congressional Budget Office in the Committee
on the Budget a couple of weeks ago that, if interest rates change by
one-quarter of 1 percent, either up or down, it changes the deficit by
$50 billion over the next 5 years.
So one of the things we want to do is hopefully get the White House
and the Congress to at least be using the same assumptions so that we
are speaking the same language. As I say, then we can have a civil and
honest debate about which items we are going to increase and which ones
we are going to reduce.
I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey.
Mr. SAXTON. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding. First
let me commend the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Fox] and the
gentleman from Minnesota [Mr. Gutknecht] for sponsoring this discussion
tonight. If I may just ask the gentleman's explanation of deficit in
the Clinton budget.
The gentleman mentioned the scoring that takes place by two different
agencies, the CBO and OMB. In spite of the fact that they do different
scoring, they both agree, do they not, that the deficit goes up
initially and then falls ever so slightly during the 1998-99 time
frame, and then during the last 2 years of the 5-year plan, the
President's 5-year plan, the deficit reduction that takes place is
about 70 percent of the total deficit reduction that takes place during
the whole plan. So we are essentially, under this proposal, pushing
most of the deficit reduction off until after the year 2000, when we
then promise the American people we will get to it. Is that fair to say
under both sets of scoring?
Mr. GUTKNECHT. Mr. Speaker, under both sets of scoring, and I think
that is an accurate point, both the Congressional Budget Office and OMB
acknowledge that in the first year, and this is really the only budget
that counts for this Congress, is the budget we are going to debate for
fiscal year 1998, both would agree that the deficit actually goes up
this year, which in the view of some of us is a step in the wrong
direction, because we have been moving in the right direction. Partly,
[[Page H858]]
and let us give some credit, we want to give credit to the White House
and to the economy and other things, but part of it is that the 104th
Congress did confront some of those spending issues.
Mr. Speaker, we did make some real reductions in discretionary
domestic spending, and it is showing some impact. The deficit now is
about half of what it was when Congressman Fox and I first came to
Washington. As a matter of fact, it is less than half of what it was
when we first came to Washington.
I would point out this other chart. This again is according to the
Congressional Budget Office, which is the official scorekeeper for the
House and the Senate, that the deficit will be about $69 billion in the
year 2002.
To get to the other point that the gentleman from New Jersey [Mr.
Saxton] made, 98 percent of the deficit reduction comes in the last 2
years of the President's budget plan. That is one of the concerns we
have that is entirely too heavily what we call backend-loaded.
Actually, according to the CBO, the increase in the deficit will be
about $24 billion more than it would have been if this Congress did
nothing.
Mr. SAXTON. Mr. Speaker, it just seems to me, and this chart points
it out even more clearly, I said that 70 percent of the reduction takes
place in the last weeks of the last 2 years, and my colleague is saying
that virtually all of the deficit reduction under the President's plan,
98 percent, takes place during the last 2 years. It would seem to me
that, if we are going to be serious about deficit reduction and getting
to a balanced budget, that we ought to start in earnest right away to
make a serious step down of the deficit to take place beginning in 1998
and not waiting until the year 2000. Would my colleague agree with that
analysis?
Mr. GUTKNECHT. If the gentleman would yield back, that is one of the
debates that we have had, and over the last couple of years Congresses
have used what we called a manana budget. It is real easy to cut the
budget after we leave office. So what we are really concentrating on is
what can we do in fiscal year 1998 to put us on a path toward a
balanced budget.
Mr. FOX of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I think it is very clear that
your leadership and the leadership of Congressman Saxton is needed to
move us forward to have a balanced budget. I know that Congressman
Saxton is the chairman of the Joint Economic Committee and has been
trying to work to make sure we get that balanced budget, because by
doing that, we reduce the interest cost, whether it is for car loans,
for mortgages, for student loans, all of the items in life where we can
make a cost difference for families back in our districts. That is what
it is all about.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to at this time to include with our
discussion tonight the gentleman from Utah [Mr. Cook], who has been
doing a great deal of work and has been speaking out about fiscal
responsibility when he ran for the office and in his early weeks here
as a Congressman has displayed that kind of fiscal responsibility. I
would like to call on Congressman Cook now, if he could give us some of
his thoughts on this issue and just where we should be going in this
105th Congress on the balanced budget.
Mr. COOK. Mr. Speaker, I really appreciate this opportunity to speak
briefly on a subject that is very dear to me. As a longtime advocate of
a balanced budget and tax reform, I am not really happy about President
Clinton's proposed 1998 budget. I think in many ways this budget is a
mockery of the American people's desire for a balanced budget and
responsible spending in Washington.
President Clinton promised us a plan that would balance the budget by
2002. However, as my colleagues have been saying, the Congressional
Budget Office reports that Clinton's budget would have a deficit of $69
billion in 2002. Under the President's spending plan, the budget
deficit would even drop to last year's level of $107 billion until
2000. Between now and then, the deficit would balloon, to allow the
President to increase aid to foreign countries and pad our welfare
program, six new entitlement programs. And he would increase welfare
spending alone by $21 billion over the next 5 years.
President Clinton is proposing a budget that carries tax-and-spend
ways through, I believe, the rest of his administration, leaving the
bulk of his own deficit reductions for another President to implement.
Play now, pay later.
The American people expect better of their President. This splurge
now, starve later tactic, I think, is an offense to our people who are
really looking hopefully to Washington for the fiscal responsibility
they yearn for from their leaders.
I am a strong supporter of tax reform and tax relief for struggling
American families. As a longtime proponent of tax reform, I really
question the President's claim that he too wants to help working
American families when he heaps $23 billion in proposed permanent tax
increases on those families.
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His promise of the family-friendly tax cut, the $500 per child tax
cut, would only be good for the next 3 years if the economy does not
perform the way he hopes it will. The much-touted education tax credit
would only apply to families with children in college during the next 3
years on the same basis.
President Clinton offers his tax breaks that last only while he is
around to take credit. Conveniently, his tax increases, too, do not
start until after he leaves office, but unlike the tax breaks, they are
very permanent. Indeed, his proposed legacy of $23 billion in tax
increases will linger, I am afraid, decades after he is gone.
With those tax increases, he will make it harder for American
families to pull one end close enough to meet the other. He barters our
children's future with tax increases and false promises of a balanced
budget, ironically while claiming to build a bridge to that future.
The Democrats' success in defeating the balanced budget amendment in
the Senate was a disappointment to many, many of us and, I think, to
the American people who hoped this year would finally be the year when
Congress made that tough decision. We must keep faith with those
Americans who must balance their own budgets and rightfully expect
Congress to do likewise.
We cannot approve yet another White House tax-and-spend budget. If
President Clinton does not have the courage to begin whittling Federal
spending down, I think while he is around to take some of the heat
himself, we do have that courage. We made an agreement, I think, with
the American people, an agreement that included fiscal prudence and
meaningful tax relief.
The idealism and confidence of those promises are the reasons I
wanted to come to Washington. I was proud to come back here this year
and stand with those who in 1994 promised a better way. We have had a
rough few years with the White House fighting every inch of progress in
keeping our word to the American people. Some who have stood for this
have lost their bids for reelection along the way.
But keeping our word is not about our own political careers. It is
not about popularity in the polls. It is about restoring integrity to
government. It is about once again deserving the trust of the American
people.
Mr. SAXTON. If the gentleman will yield on the one point that he made
on his mention of taxes, I think it is very important to point this
out, and I think the gentleman is right on, relative to this issue,
when we talk about balancing the budget. There are undoubtedly some in
this Chamber, as apparently the President is, apparently at least
partly in favor of tax increases to try to move toward a balanced
budget.
I think it is a very foolish course to follow, because history shows
that every time Congress has increased taxes, Congress has also seen
fit to increase spending by $1.59 for every dollar we have increased
taxes. So in spite of the fact that we had tax increases in 1990 and
tax increases in 1993, in both cases, in a stated attempt to balance
the budget, in both cases the deficit got worse. There are reasons for
that that I will not go into, but they had to do with the way the
economy performs when we raise taxes and the way it performs in a
positive way when taxes are reduced.
I happen to favor a version of the balanced budget amendment which
creates a supermajority provision to raise taxes. In other words, if we
as an institution decide that it might be a good
[[Page H859]]
idea to raise taxes instead of cutting spending to balance the budget,
then we ought to do it, in my view, with a supermajority two-thirds
vote.
It makes imminently common sense to me, because history has shown
that over and over and over again, this institution and the President
have chosen to try to control the deficit by increasing taxes. It has
not worked. We need to recognize that. The supermajority provision in
the balanced budget amendment seems to me to be one safeguard against
the Congress falling into that trap yet again.
Mr. FOX of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I have to agree with the
comments made by the gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. Saxton] and the
gentleman from Utah [Mr. Cook]. They are very poignant regarding the
importance of balancing the budget.
Mr. Speaker, I would yield back the balance of my time and ask the
Speaker to consider making the Speaker's designee the gentleman from
Wisconsin [Mr. Gutknecht]
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