[Congressional Record Volume 143, Number 27 (Wednesday, March 5, 1997)]
[Senate]
[Pages S1940-S1942]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
U.S. MERCHANDISE TRADE DEFICIT
Mr. DORGAN. Mr. President, I come to the floor today because we will
be taking up an issue dealing with the confirmation of a nominee for
U.S. Trade Ambassador. In conjunction with that will be an issue raised
by the Senator from South Carolina [Mr. Hollings] on a matter relating
to the negotiation of international trade agreements and whether in
those negotiations, agreements can be reached that effectively change
U.S. law. I intend to support the amendment offered by the Senator from
South Carolina. I think he is absolutely correct, and I hope to be able
to come and speak to that point when he offers his amendment.
As we begin talking about the nomination of the U.S. Trade
Ambassador, I want to take a moment to mention something that occurred
about 2 weeks ago which passed almost unnoticed in this town, and it
relates to the issue of trade. It relates to the kind of trade
ambassador we have and relates to the kind of trade policies we employ.
A couple of weeks ago, we learned that in this last year the
merchandise trade deficit experienced by the United States of America
was $188 billion--a $188 billion trade deficit. This makes 21
consecutive years of U.S. merchandise trade deficits, with a cumulative
total of nearly $2 trillion.
We have spent a lot of time in recent days with books stacked on
books 8 feet high in this Chamber showing fiscal policy and budgets.
Perhaps we should have a chair or a table that stacks piles and piles
of trade agreements and trade deficits one on top of another to show
what we owe others in the world from an accumulation of nearly $2
trillion in trade deficits.
That is the other deficit, the deficit no one wants to talk about,
the deficit no one wants to address. And yet, it is a deficit that
predicts a weakness and a continual weakening in America's
manufacturing base. That which we used to produce at home is now all
too often produced abroad. That which was manufactured here is
manufactured somewhere else. Good jobs that paid well with good
benefits here are now offshore. And that is what this deficit spells.
No country in history that I am aware of has long remained a strong,
dominant world power without retaining its core manufacturing base, for
economic health in any country is not what you consume but, rather,
what
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you produce. What you produce is measured by the strength and the
breadth and the dimensions of your manufacturing base. This trade
deficit is injuring our country. No one seems to care much about it or
be willing to do much about it.
Six countries comprise more than 90 percent of our current trade
deficit: Japan, nearly 30 percent of the deficit; China, 24 percent of
the deficit; Canada and Mexico, which represents NAFTA, the NAFTA trade
agreement, that is 24 percent of the deficit; Germany and Taiwan
together, about 16 percent of the deficit.
NAFTA was one the most recent trade debates we have had in this
Chamber. We were told that if we have a free trade relationship with
Mexico and Canada, our two nearest neighbors, we would have new vistas
of economic opportunity and create hundreds of thousands of new
American jobs. Well, NAFTA was passed--not with my vote, but NAFTA was
passed. The NAFTA bill was enacted, it is now law, and now we are
choking in trade debt with our two neighbors.
The architects of NAFTA knew what they were doing. They constructed a
kind of economic cow that feeds in the United States and is milked by
both neighbors. No one that I know of can credibly come around to this
Chamber who had advertised the virtues of NAFTA and now do anything but
be embarrassed with what has happened. What has happened is injuring
this country. Giant trade deficits with Canada and Mexico are hurting
this country.
Mexico now sends more automobiles to the United States than the
United States exports to all the rest of the world. Let me say that
again because I think it is important. Mexico now ships more
automobiles into the United States of America than the United States of
America exports to all of the rest of the world.
We were told: Well, NAFTA, that's just a little old thing so that
some of those low-skilled jobs can go down south. They could do some of
those low-skilled jobs at lower labor costs down south. So, what are
the largest imports into the United States from Mexico today? The
product of low-skilled jobs? No. Electronics, automobile parts,
automobiles. Exactly the opposite of what was predicted.
My point is that we must be concerned about this, we must be vigilant
about it, and we must try to do something about it. We must have the
same energy in this Chamber on this issue as there has been exhibited
on the issue of fiscal policy, the budget deficits that result from
fiscal policy that is out of balance.
There is merit, enormous merit in requiring that we march toward a
balanced budget in the fiscal policy in this country because you cannot
keep saddling your children and grandchildren with consumption that you
now have and saying, well, we are going to consume, but you pay the
bills. That is not fair, it is not right, and it is not healthy for
this country's economy.
There is something else that is fundamentally unhealthy about this
country's economy, and that is our trade relationships that result in
this enormous trade deficit that we have, a merchandise trade deficit
of $188 billion. I could spend hours talking about the specifics, and I
cannot and I will not because I do not have the time. Let me just
mention one item, and I will bet not many people understand.
For example: Let's talk about T-bone steak that is shipped from the
United States to Japan, just to demonstrate the low expectations we
have of those with whom we trade. Some while ago there was a
negotiation on beef from America to Japan, and at the end of the
negotiation there was a day of feasting, people believing that those
who engaged in these negotiations had just won a gold medal at the
Olympics. Enormous success, we were told. They crowed about the
successful negotiation on beef.
Well, where are we now some years later? We are getting more beef
into Japan. That is true. So they all say that is enormously
successful. Guess what. There is a 50 percent tariff on American beef
being sent to Japan. Does anybody under any set of circumstances
believe that is success, that we now are able to get beef into Japan
with a 50 percent tariff, and therefore we ought to say, ``Hosanna''?
That is not fair trade. That is not free trade. That is not open
trade. It is not fair for this country. It is not fair for our beef
producers. And I can go through line after line and example after
example. T-bones to Tokyo. They ought to go there without a 50-percent
tariff on them to be fair to our producers. We purchase much of what
they export to us. They ought to purchase what we export to them
without impediment.
I do not want to go on. I would like to talk about trade in some more
detail, with my colleague from West Virginia, Senator Byrd, and Senator
Hollings and others. I would say, for myself, and I expect I could say
on their behalf, we do not complain about this as people who believe
that we ought to put walls around our country.
I believe in expanded trade. I believe in expanded opportunity. But I
darned sure believe in retaining a manufacturing base in this country,
insisting that trade around the world be fair trade. Nobody in this
country working in a manufacturing plant ought to have to compete with
a 14-year-old working 14 hours a day making 14 cents an hour. Nobody
under any condition ought to be expected to or ought to have to compete
with that, and it happens every day in every way under our trade
agreements.
I am just saying the other deficit, nearly $2 trillion at this point,
with this year's trade deficit being one of the largest in history,
that deficit we ought to care about and ought to do something about.
Ambassador Barshefsky--we are going to vote on her. She is tough. She
has confronted a number of other countries on trade relationships in a
significant way. I appreciate that. But she is only as tough as the
administration will allow her to be in demanding fair trade. The last
several administrations, the last four administrations, in fact, have
been disappointments to me on trade, including this one. They have done
better than previous administrations, but not good enough. It is not
good enough for this country.
It used to be, we could handle international competition with one
hand tied behind our backs because we were the biggest, the best, the
most. That is not true anymore. We face shrewd, tough, international
competitors and it is time we understand that trade relationships must
be fair and must be balanced, and must care about this country's
productive sector as well.
I am not going to speak at length about the amendment offered by
Senator Hollings. I do intend to support it when he offers it. I hope
to be able to come down and speak about it. But I did want to say a few
words, just as a precursor to a discussion we will have about the
confirmation of another trade ambassador.
We have had trade ambassadors. We have confirmed them. We have heard
the talk about straightening out some of our trade relationships. But
year after year, the merchandise trade deficit continues to grow with
almost no notice and almost no one seeming to care about its impact on
this country.
Mr. President, I expect to come back later in the day when we debate
these issues. With that I yield the floor.
Several Senators addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Roberts). The Senator from Ohio is
recognized.
Mr. McCAIN. Will the Senator from Ohio yield to me for just 1 minute?
Mr. DeWINE. I will be happy to yield.
Mr. McCAIN. I appreciate the remarks of the Senator from North
Dakota. The fact is, it is hard for me to understand the argument when
the American economy is the best it has been, in the opinion of any
expert, in a long, long time. Our unemployment is low, our trade
continues to grow, our economy continues to grow. It is a direct result
of free trade. How can we make the argument, which will be done later
on, that somehow we should be reraising barriers that are protectionist
and isolationist when it flies in the face of what every outside expert
says has been the main engine of growth of the American economy, and a
that is free trade?
What Ms. Barshefsky has just done, in the negotiation of the telecom
agreement, is a signal, an important and remarkable advance to the
effort of free trade in allowing American companies and corporations
into foreign markets so we can hire more
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Americans and continue to have this remarkable growth in our economy
and a bright future for Americans. The debate will be drawn, time after
time, and has been, between protectionism, between the desire to raise
those protectionist barriers, to go back to the good old days of Smoot-
Hawley or whether we are going to move forward with free trade and
reduce barriers.
I believe the American people and those people who are engaged in
business, those who are in the business of doing business, will
strongly support the position that the administration holds of free
trade and reduction of barriers for competition.
I yield back to my colleague from Ohio.
Mr. DeWINE. Mr. President, I now ask unanimous consent the period of
morning business be extended until the hour of 1:30 and I be permitted
to speak for up to 20 minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
Mr. LEVIN. Reserving the right to object, I am wondering whether I
could reserve 8 minutes of that time, between now and 1:30, as part of
the unanimous consent agreement?
Mr. DeWINE. I have no objection.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. LEVIN. I wonder if my friend from Ohio will yield me just 1
minute of that time now while the Senator from North Dakota is on the
floor, to react to his comments?
Mr. DeWINE. I will be more than happy to do that.
Let me just state the topic I want to talk about is going to take
awhile. So I will be more than happy to yield. If you go on too long, I
will simply come back later on. That will be fine.
Mr. LEVIN. I just ask if the Senator will yield 1 minute, and then I
will yield the floor and come back for the remainder of my 8 minutes.
But while Senator Dorgan is on the floor, I just wanted to comment for
a few seconds. I just wanted to compliment Senator Dorgan for his
comments. His speech is a free trade speech. We all have to listen
carefully to what he said. That 50-percent tariff on American beef
going to Tokyo--it is absurd that we tolerate it.
In NAFTA, we permit, for 25 years, Mexico making it a crime to sell
an American used car in Mexico. That is part of NAFTA. NAFTA, for 10
years, restricts American-assembled automobiles from going into Mexico.
So, what the Senator from North Dakota is pleading with us to do, is to
insist that we have as much access for our manufactured goods and our
agricultural products to other countries as they do to our country. I
commend him on his remarks and I reserve the remainder of my time.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Ohio is recognized.
Mr. DORGAN. Will the Senator from Ohio yield 30 seconds to me?
Mr. DeWINE. I will be more than happy to.
Mr. DORGAN. I will not engage the remarks of the Senator except to
say we should reserve the decision on this point. One can drive down a
street and see a Cadillac in front of an expensive house, and if you do
not understand the debt that will be used to repossess the house and
the Cadillac, you don't understand the financial position there. The
same with our country. The fact is, our abiding trade deficits are
undermining our country's long-term economic future and we had better
not decide to ignore them. We had better confront them on behalf of
American producers and on behalf of this country's interests. This is a
debate we must have soon.
I appreciate very much the indulgence of the Senator from Ohio.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Ohio is recognized again.
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