[Congressional Record Volume 143, Number 22 (Wednesday, February 26, 1997)]
[Senate]
[Pages S1653-S1654]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                     HOMOSEXUALITY IN THE MILITARY

  Mr. COATS. Mr. President, I want to briefly address an item that was 
in the news this morning titled ``New Study Faults Pentagon's Gay 
Policy.'' This morning the New York Times reported that with great 
alarm. It seemed that 850 men and women were discharged last year from 
the military for being homosexuals. They talk about an alarming 
increase in the number of people discharged under this policy that the 
Congress enacted just a couple of years ago.
  First of all, we should put this in perspective. The 850 discharged 
amounts to six one-hundredths of 1 percent of active duty military 
personnel, and I do not think anybody on that basis can claim there is 
some kind of vendetta or witch hunt or anything else going on. It is 
really important for us to stand back and review where we are today 
following the debate that we had on gays in the military in 1994.
  First, it is important to understand that the U.S. military maintains 
a

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commitment, a consistent commitment to the principle that homosexuality 
is incompatible with military service. This conviction has been one 
that was more thoroughly investigated and examined than perhaps any 
other policy, at least controversial policy, that this Senate body has 
examined in my memory and in many people's memories. We held exhaustive 
hearings. We held field hearings. We brought in experts from every 
perspective from the left, the right, and everywhere in between. 
Regardless of what their philosophical position was, we gave people the 
opportunity to express their opinion on this issue.
  The evidence and the findings of fact that are laid out in the law 
itself that this Congress passed by a very substantial margin and which 
was signed by the President clearly demonstrated a factual basis and a 
rational basis for the policy that was adopted. The conviction is 
justified and, I think, clearly won the support of an overwhelming 
majority of both the House and the Senate and reaffirmed and signed 
into law and now has been reaffirmed into law.
  Now, I know there are some who still disagree with the conclusion 
that the Senate arrived at and that the Congress arrived at, but they 
presented their argument in a national debate. That argument did not 
prevail and did not come close to prevailing. They lost that argument 
because we were able to demonstrate, on a bipartisan basis, led by 
Senator Nunn and was something I participated in and many others, that 
clear, open homosexuality undermines unit cohesion and military 
effectiveness. It creates an unavoidable sexual tension, often in close 
quarters, which compromises the central purpose of the military, and 
that is to be effectively prepared to be able to fight and win wars if 
necessary or if called on.
  Second, the U.S. military defines homosexuality as it has always 
defined homosexuality. First, making a statement that you are a 
homosexual is a presumption, is a clear indication, that you have 
adopted a homosexual lifestyle and is grounds for discharge. Second, 
engaging in a homosexual act is prima facie evidence of the case that 
you are a homosexual as defined in the law. Third, entering into a 
homosexual marriage. Those are the criteria.
  In the public debate, people have tried to call this policy many 
different things, but in fact it is the policy the military held even 
before we passed the so-called don't ask, don't tell policy in 1994, 
and it is the policy we enforce today. So when military commanders 
implement this policy, they are not violating the rules. They are 
simply enforcing the law as we in the Congress wrote the law, supported 
the law, voted for the law, on a bipartisan basis, and as that law was 
accepted and signed into law by the President, the current President, 
of the United States.

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