[Congressional Record Volume 143, Number 13 (Wednesday, February 5, 1997)]
[Senate]
[Pages S1027-S1034]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




 SENATE CONCURRENT RESOLUTION 5--RELATIVE TO THE NORTH ATLANTIC TREATY 
                                OF 1949

  Mr. ROTH (for himself, Mr. Lieberman, Mr. Lugar, Ms. Mikulski, Mr. 
Hagel, Mr. McCain, Mr. Cochran, Mr. Enzi, and Ms. Moseley-Braun) 
submitted the following concurrent resolution; which was referred to 
the Committee on Foreign Relations:

                             S. Con. Res. 5

       Whereas the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is a 
     community of democracies that continues to play a critical 
     role in addressing the security challenges of the post-Cold 
     War era and in creating an environment of enduring peace and 
     stability in Europe;
       Whereas NATO remains the only security alliance with both 
     real defense capabilities and transatlantic membership;
       Whereas the North Atlantic Council held a ministerial 
     meeting on December 10, 1996, at NATO Headquarters in 
     Brussels, Belgium, and--

[[Page S1028]]

       (1) decided to hold a summit meeting on July 8 and 9, 1997, 
     during which it will extend invitations to accession 
     negotiations to one or more countries that have participated 
     in the process of intensified dialogue with NATO;
       (2) established for the North Atlantic Alliance the goal of 
     welcoming one or more new members by the time of the 
     Alliance's fiftieth anniversary in 1999;
       (3) announced that the Council seeks to reach agreement 
     with the Russian Federation on arrangements that would widen 
     and deepen the current relationship between the Russian 
     Federation and NATO in order to enhance security and 
     stability in the Euro-Atlantic area; and
       (4) announced its commitment to further developing and 
     reinforcing a distinctive and effective relationship with 
     Ukraine;
       Whereas Congress has repeatedly endorsed, with bipartisan 
     majorities, the enlargement of NATO through the enactment of 
     legislation that includes the NATO Participation Act of 1994, 
     the NATO Participation Act Amendments of 1995, and the NATO 
     Enlargement Facilitation Act of 1996;
       Whereas the North Atlantic Assembly, a multinational body 
     composed of delegations from the 16 signatory nations of the 
     North Atlantic Treaty, has called for the Alliance to welcome 
     new members through the adoption of resolutions, including 
     Resolution 255 (1994) entitled ``NATO Partnership for Peace 
     and the Enlargement Process'', Resolution 268 (1996) entitled 
     ``On a Wider Alliance for Enhanced Stability and Freedom'', 
     and Resolution 271 (1996) entitled ``Toward the 1997 NATO 
     Summit'';
       Whereas the enlargement of NATO, a defensive alliance, 
     threatens no nation and reinforces peace and stability in 
     Europe, the enlargement of NATO would provide benefits to all 
     nations;
       Whereas NATO has extended its membership to additional 
     nations on three different occasions since its founding in 
     1949; and
       Whereas the new members of the North Atlantic Alliance must 
     assume all the rights and obligations under the North 
     Atlantic Treaty, signed at Washington on April 4, 1949: Now, 
     therefore, be it
       Resolved by the Senate (the House of Representatives 
     concurring), That Congress--
       (1) regards the political independence and territorial 
     integrity of the emerging democracies in Central and Eastern 
     Europe as vital to European peace and security and, thus, to 
     the interests of the United States;
       (2) endorses the goal established by the North Atlantic 
     Council to welcome one or more new members by the time of the 
     fiftieth anniversary of the North Atlantic Alliance in 1999;
       (3) calls upon the Alliance to extend invitations to 
     accession negotiations to those nations who seek membership 
     in NATO and who are ready to make a net contribution to the 
     Alliance's security by 1999, including Poland, the Czech 
     Republic, Hungary and Slovenia;
       (4) endorses the commitment of the North Atlantic Council 
     further to develop and reinforce a distinctive and effective 
     relationship between the Alliance and Ukraine;
       (5) endorses the pledge of the North Atlantic Council that 
     the Alliance will remain open to the accession of further 
     members in accordance with Article 10 of the Washington 
     Treaty;
       (6) endorses the Alliance's decision to seek a charter with 
     Russia that reflects the common interest that Russia and the 
     Alliance have in reinforcing enduring peace and stability in 
     Europe;
       (7) calls upon the President to fully use his offices to 
     facilitate the objectives and commitments described in 
     paragraphs (2) through (6); and
       (8) reserves the right of advice and consent to the 
     ratification of treaties and pledges seriously and 
     responsibly to review the results of accession negotiations 
     between the North Atlantic Council and prospective NATO 
     members.
       Sec. 2. The Secretary of the Senate shall transmit a copy 
     of this concurrent resolution to the President.

  Mr. ROTH. Mr. President, one of the greatest foreign policy 
opportunities and challenges before the 105th Congress is the 
consolidation of a wider, peaceful, and democratic Europe.
  The inclusion of the new democracies of Central and Eastern Europe in 
the core institutions of the transatlantic community has been a 
cornerstone of American foreign policy for the last 50 years.
  Its attainment remains both a strategic and moral imperative for the 
United States.
  A key step toward this end is the inclusion of democracies from 
Central and Eastern Europe as full members in the North Atlantic Treaty 
Organization [NATO].
  This is a step that has been endorsed by the U.S. Congress. It is a 
step that has been endorsed by the American people.
  It's a step that must be taken.
  I was glad to hear the President emphasize last night in his State of 
the Union Address that the first task of our foreign policy is to build 
an undivided, democratic Europe.
  He is right to emphasize that a wider NATO and stable partnership 
between the alliance and Russia are cornerstones to this vision.
  As we look to the 21st century, and the uncertainties that still 
threaten our vital interests and those of our allies--as we see the 
need to maintain an organization that is dedicated to safeguarding 
freedoms, promoting democracy, and supporting the rule of law--we 
realize that NATO is critical to our future.
  It is not enough to win the cold war; we must now ensure the peace. 
This is NATO's commission * * * a commission the alliance must continue 
to carry out.
  Now more than ever, NATO has the opportunity to fulfill the role for 
which it was originally intended.
  Those who know the history of the alliance understand the historic 
significance of this moment. With the cold war behind us, NATO is now 
in the position to consolidate a wider democratic Europe--the very 
reason for which the alliance was born.
  We must welcome this.
  Enlarging and strengthening the alliance is a catalyst for increased 
security, productive communication, enhanced cooperation, and common 
objectives.
  An alliance that is outward-looking and inclusive provides a 
framework for peace that possesses infinite capabilities.
  For these reasons, the North Atlantic Council recently issued an 
historic communique that offers a long-awaited blueprint for building 
the alliance's relationship with the new democracies of Central and 
Eastern Europe.
  The communique calls for the alliance to advance its original 
objectives by moving toward the integration of these nations. It 
articulates the North Atlantic Council's intention at its July summit 
meeting in Madrid, to extend invitations to accession negotiations to 
one or more countries which have participated in NATO's intensified 
dialog process.
  The communique establishes for the alliance the goal of welcoming new 
members by the time of NATO's 50th anniversary in 1999.
  It also announces the North Atlantic Council's objective to reach 
agreement with the Russian Federation on arrangements that will widen 
and deepen their current relationship in order to enhance security and 
stability in the Euro-Atlantic area.
  Mr. President, NATO enlargement is not a new issue before the 
Congress, but it is among the most important foreign policy issues the 
105th Congress will face.
  The timeline established by the North Atlantic Council is both worthy 
and challenging.
  NATO's 50th anniversary will be in April of 1999. To ensure the 
accession of new members into the alliance by that date, 16 parliaments 
or legislatures will have to ratify accession treaties.
  Considering the important role the United States will have to play in 
ensuring success in this process, it is incumbent upon the 105th 
Congress to lead the ratification process.
  Toward this end, I call upon my colleagues to endorse the goals and 
timetable established by the North Atlantic Council through a 
resolution sponsored by Senators Lieberman, Lugar, Mikulski, Hagel, 
McCain, Cochran, and myself.
  I encourage my colleagues to approach this resolution with an eye 
toward the July summit in Madrid.
  The principal theme of this summit will be enlargement, and this 
resolution expresses the ``sense of Congress that the extension of 
membership in NATO to the democracies of Central and Eastern Europe is 
essential to the consolidation of enduring peace and stability in 
Europe.''
  The resolution we introduce today also reviews congressional support 
for NATO enlargement--as well as the support of the North Atlantic 
Assembly which represents over 200 legislators from more than 40 
political parties around the world.
  Most importantly, this resolution declares that Congress regards the 
political independence and territorial integrity of emerging 
democracies in Central and Eastern Europe as vital to European peace 
and security and, thus, to the interests of the United States.
  Our resolution calls upon the alliance, during the Madrid summit, to 
extend invitations to accession negotiations to Poland, the Czech 
Republic, Hungary, and Slovenia.

[[Page S1029]]

  It endorses the pledge of the North Atlantic Council that the 
alliance will remain open to the accession of further members in 
accordance with article 10 of the Washington Treaty.
  It also endorses the alliance's decision to seek a charter with 
Russia that reflects the common interest that Russia and the alliance 
have in reinforcing enduring peace and stability in Europe.
  Finally, this resolution reserves the Senate's right of advise and 
consent over international treaties. It pledges that the Senate will 
seriously and responsibly review the outcomes of accession negotiations 
between the North Atlantic Council and prospective NATO members.
  Passage of this resolution prior to the Madrid summit meeting in July 
would reiterate and reaffirm both at home and abroad the strong 
bipartisan support behind NATO enlargement in the United States.
  This would strengthen the President's position within the alliance on 
the issue of enlargement as he prepares for the July summit in Madrid.
  And, it would further reinforce the groundwork that has been laid for 
NATO enlargement, demonstrating that the 105th Congress is ready and 
willing to aggressively address this important issue.
  I urge my colleagues to support this resolution, to send a strong and 
unmistakable message to our friends and allies, and to ensure that the 
NATO's half century of success carries well into the future.
  I would also like to submit for the Record some important documents 
concerning the support for NATO enlargement I am finding in my home 
State of Delaware.
  On 19 December 1996, the Wilmington Town Council passed a resolution 
introduced by Council Member Bartowski endorsing Poland's membership in 
NATO. I ask unanimous consent that this resolution be printed in the 
Record.
  There being no objection, the resolution was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

                               Resolution

       Whereas, the Republic of Poland is a free, democratic and 
     independent nation with a long and proud history, whose sons 
     and daughters have played significant roles in the history of 
     Wilmington; and
       Whereas, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization is 
     dedicated to the preservation of the freedom and security of 
     its member nations and there is now a plan for enlargement of 
     NATO to proceed in 1997 and 1998; and
       Whereas, the Republic of Poland has expressed its desire to 
     share in both the benefits and obligations of NATO in 
     pursuing the development, growth and promotion of democratic 
     institutions and ensuring free market economic development 
     and Poland may be invited to NATO membership, if criteria are 
     met, as early as Spring, 1997; and
       Whereas, Poland recognizes its responsibilities as a 
     democratic nation and wishes to exercise such 
     responsibilities in concert with members of NATO; and
       Whereas, the Republic of Poland desires to become part of 
     NATO's efforts to prevent the extremes of nationalism; and
       Whereas, it has been observed that ``whenever Europe and 
     the United States go separate ways, they pay a terrible 
     price'' and the security of the United States is dependent 
     upon the stability of Central Europe, of which Poland is a 
     vital part.
       Now, therefore, be it
       Resolved by the Council of the City of Wilmington, 
     Delaware, That:
       1. This Council respectfully urges the President of the 
     United States and the Congress of the United States to 
     continue their support of the Republic of Poland's entry into 
     the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and to support the 
     establishment during 1997 and 1998 of a timetable for such 
     entry, partly in order that NATO may be cohesive, effective, 
     credible and display a sense of co-responsibility for the 
     security and stability of the whole of Europe.
       2. The City Clerk is hereby directed to forward duly 
     authenticated copies of this resolution to the President of 
     the United States; the Presiding Officer of both branches of 
     the United States Congress; the members thereof from the 
     State of Delaware, including Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr. of 
     the Senate Foreign Relations Committee; Robert Hunter, the 
     U.S. Permanent Representative to NATO; Marek Lesniewski-Laas, 
     the Honorary Consul of the Republic of Poland; and former 
     Wilmington Mayor John E. Babiarz.

  Mr. ROTH. Mr. President, this resolution, as well as the one that we 
are introducing in the Senate today, reflect the recognition, that by 
any measure, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization has been a 
resounding success.
  It has kept the peace, reinforced geo-political relationships, and 
provided the foundation upon which we were able to bring the cold war 
to a peaceful end.
   Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the North Atlantic 
Council Communique be printed in the Record.
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

 Ministerial Meeting of the North Atlantic Council, December 10, 1996--
                            Final Communique

       1. As we look ahead, the new NATO is taking shape, 
     reflecting the fundamental changes in the security 
     environment in Europe and the enduring vitality of the 
     transatlantic partnership which underpins our endeavours. The 
     broad vision of this new NATO and its role in the development 
     of a new European security architecture was set out at the 
     1994 Brussels Summit and further defined at our last meeting 
     in Berlin. The Alliance's adaptation and reform is well 
     underway. We will take this process forward today.
       The Alliance is resolved to preserve its political and 
     military strength, ensuring its ability to carry out the full 
     range of its missions--as IFOR and its planned successor SFOR 
     in Bosnia and Herzegovina clearly show. We have issued a 
     separate statement in this regard. The Alliance will continue 
     to strengthen European security by maintaining its capability 
     for collective defence, admitting new members, expanding and 
     strengthening cooperative relationships with all Partners, 
     including building a strong security partnership with Russia 
     and a distinctive relationship with Ukraine, and realising 
     the European Security and Defence Identity within the 
     Alliance.
       The evolution of the Alliance takes place in the context of 
     our aim to help build a truly cooperative European security 
     structure. We welcome as a contribution the important 
     decisions taken at the recent OSCE Summit in Lisbon and the 
     decision by the States Parties to the CFE Treaty to begin 
     negotiations in early 1997 with a view towards adapting the 
     Treaty to the changing security environment in Europe.
       2. Against this background, we have decided to recommend to 
     our Heads of State and Government to convene a Summit meeting 
     in Madrid on 8/9 July 1997 to set the course for the Alliance 
     as it moves towards the 21st century, consolidating Euro-
     Atlantic security. To achieve this aim, major decisions will 
     have to be taken by the time of the Summit concerning NATO's 
     internal adaptation, the opening of the Alliance and its 
     ability to carry out all its new roles and missions. The 
     agenda for our Summit will include:
       Agreeing a new command structure, which enables all Allies 
     to participate fully, and further advancing the 
     implementation of the Combined Joint Task Force (CJTF) 
     concept, in order to enhance the Alliance's ability to carry 
     out the full range of its missions, while preserving the 
     capability for collective defence, based on a 
     strong transatlantic partnership;
       Finalizing, to the satisfaction of all Allies, all the 
     necessary arrangements for the European Security and Defense 
     Identity (ESDI) within NATO, which will allow for the 
     preparation and conduct of WEU-led operations with the 
     participation of all European Allies if they were so to 
     choose;
       Inviting one or more of the countries which have expressed 
     interest in joining the Alliance to begin accession 
     negotiations;
       Pledging that the Alliance will remain open to the 
     accession of further members and will remain ready to pursue 
     consultations with nations seeking NATO membership, as it has 
     done in the past;
       Strengthening cooperative relations with all our Partners 
     including through an enhanced Partnership for Peace (PfP) and 
     the initiative to establish an Atlantic Partnership Council;
       Intensifying and consolidating relations with Russia beyond 
     the Partnership for Peace by aiming at reaching an agreement 
     at the earliest possible date on the development of a strong, 
     stable and enduring security partnership;
       Further developing an enhanced relationship with Ukraine;
       Enhancing our Mediterranean dialogue;
       Further developing our ability to carry out new roles and 
     missions relating to conflict prevention and crisis 
     management; and
       Further enhancing our political and defense efforts against 
     the proliferation of nuclear, biological and chemical weapons 
     and their delivery means.
       3. We warmly welcome the decision of the Government of 
     Spain, endorsed by the Spanish Parliament on 14 November 
     1996, to take the necessary steps to participate in the 
     Alliance's new structure. Spain's participation will further 
     strengthen the cohesion and military effectiveness of the 
     Alliance, as it takes on new roles and missions, reinforce 
     the transatlantic link and help develop ESDI within the 
     Alliance.
       4. Stability and security in the whole Euro-Atlantic area 
     are our primary goal. We want to help build cooperative 
     European security structures which extend to countries 
     throughout the whole of Europe without excluding anyone or 
     creating dividing lines. Recent decisions at the OSCE Summit 
     meeting in Lisbon on European security cooperation and the 
     decision to adapt the CFE Treaty to the new European security 
     environment establish a cooperative foundation for our common 
     security. The Alliance, for its part, has developed a broad 
     pattern of intensive cooperation with North Atlantic 
     Cooperation Council (NACC) and PfP Partner

[[Page S1030]]

     countries and with other international organizations and is 
     thereby contributing to security and stability in the Euro-
     Atlantic area. With the same aim, we are now working towards 
     opening the Alliance to new members; developing ever-
     closer and deeper cooperative ties with all Partner 
     countries who so wish; building a strong, stable and 
     enduring security partnership with Russia; strengthening 
     our relationship with Ukraine; and enhancing our 
     Mediterranean dialogue.
       5. We reaffirm that the nuclear forces of the Allies 
     continue to play a unique and essential role in the 
     Alliance's strategy of war prevention. New members, who will 
     be full members of the Alliance in all respects, will be 
     expected to support the concept of deterrence and the 
     essential role nuclear weapons play in the Alliance's 
     strategy. Enlarging the Alliance will not require a change in 
     NATO's current nuclear posture and therefore, NATO countries 
     have no intention, no plan, and no reason to deploy nuclear 
     weapons on the territory of new members nor any need to 
     change any aspect of NATO's nuclear posture or nuclear 
     policy--and we do not foresee any future need to do so.
       6. A number of countries have long-standing aspirations to 
     become full members of our Alliance and have undertaken 
     intensive and wide-ranging preparations and reforms with this 
     aim in mind. We are now in a position to recommend to our 
     Heads of State and Government to invite at next year's Summit 
     meeting one or more countries which have participated in the 
     intensified dialogue process, to start accession negotiations 
     with the Alliance. Our goal is to welcome the new member(s) 
     by the time of NATO's 50th anniversary in 1999. We pledge 
     that the Alliance will remain open to the accession of 
     further members in accordance with Article 10 of the 
     Washington Treaty. We will remain ready to pursue 
     consultations with nations seeking NATO membership, as we 
     have done in the past.
       We are satisfied with the intensified, individual dialogue 
     which the Alliance has been conducting throughout this year 
     with interested Partners. This dialogue has improved their 
     understanding of specific and practical details of how the 
     Alliance works. It has provided the Alliance in turn with a 
     better understanding of where these countries stand in their 
     internal development as well as in the resolution of any 
     external issues with neighbouring countries. We have tasked 
     the Council in Permanent Session to prepare comprehensive 
     recommendations for decisions to be taken by the Summit on 
     which country or countries to invite to begin accession 
     negotiations. The process should include:
       An intensified dialogue with interested Partner countries 
     including in a ``16+1'' format, as appropriate;
       Analysis, on the basis of further political guidance to be 
     elaborated by the Council in Permanent Session, of the 
     relevant factors associated with the admission of potential 
     new members;
       Preparation of recommendations on the adaptation of 
     Alliance structures necessary to integrate new members into 
     the Alliance;
       Preparation of a plan for conducting the accession talks 
     with one or more new members.
       7. We look forward to tomorrow's meeting of the NACC, which 
     will mark its fifth anniversary. The NACC has provided us 
     over the years with a valued opportunity to consult regularly 
     with our Partners on political and security issues. Through 
     NACC and Partnership for Peace, we have achieved the 
     development of common approaches to European security and 
     brought the NACC countries closer together in a spirit of 
     cooperation and a common commitment to European security. We 
     are committed to ensuring that the NACC goals of enhancing 
     transparency and confidence in security matters among member 
     states remain central to future cooperation. In order to 
     derive maximum benefit from our NACC meetings, we want to 
     move towards further deepening our political dialogue and 
     giving it more focus.
       8. We are pleased with the dynamic development of 
     Partnership for Peace and the role it plays in building 
     European security cooperation. The Partnership for Peace will 
     continue as a permanent element of the Alliance's cooperative 
     effort to contribute to the development of a more stable 
     European security area and, with those Partners seeking to 
     join NATO, will also facilitate their preparations to meet 
     the responsibilities of membership in the Alliance. 
     Substantial progress has been achieved in enhancing the scope 
     and substance of our Partnership cooperation, in particular 
     the growing range of exercises, the broadening and deepening 
     of the PfP Planning and Review Process, the intensification 
     of work on civil-military relations, and civil emergency 
     planning and disaster relief. In the current IFOR operation, 
     in which 13 Partner countries are cooperating with Alliance 
     armed forces, the Partnership for Peace has proved its value 
     with regard both to political commitment to joint crisis 
     management and to military interoperability.
       We want to develop on the basis of transparency ever-closer 
     and deeper cooperative ties open to all Partner countries by 
     making the Partnership more operational; strengthening its 
     political consultation element, taking full account of the 
     respective activities of the OSCE and the relevant European 
     institutions such as the WEU and the EU; and involving 
     Partners more in operations planning and Partnership 
     decision-making. To this end, the Alliance has set up a 
     Senior Level Group to develop by the time of the Summit 
     meeting a clearly strengthened and thus more attractive 
     Partnership for Peace. We have received an interim report on 
     the ongoing work and agree that work should begin without 
     delay to implement its recommendations. These include:
       Enhancing the political dimension of the Partnership 
     through increasing opportunities for political consultations;
       Expanding the agreed fields of military missions within PfP 
     to the full range of the Alliance's new missions, as 
     appropriate, including Peace Support operations over and 
     above previously agreed areas;
       Broadening the NATO/PfP exercise programme in accordance 
     with the expanded scope of the Partnership;
       Enabling Partner countries to participate in the planning 
     and execution of PfP activities (exercises and operations);
       Involving Partners more substantively and actively in PfP-
     related parts of the regular peacetime work of NATO's 
     Military Authorities;
       Affording the appropriate opportunity to Partners who join 
     future NATO-led PfP operations to contribute to the provision 
     of political guidance for oversight over such operations, 
     drawing on the experience gained in Operation Joint 
     Endeavour;
       Examining, together with Partners, the possible modalities 
     for the elaboration of a political-military framework for PfP 
     operations, building on the current work of the Political-
     Military Steering Committee;
       Enhancing Partner participation in decision-making for PfP 
     programmes issues;
       Increasing regional cooperation within the Partnership 
     provided it remains open to all Partners and remains an 
     integral part of the overall PfP;
       Expanding the Planning and Review Process; and
       As soon as the Brussels Agreement on the Status of Missions 
     and Representatives of Third States to NATO comes into force, 
     offering Partners the opportunity to establish diplomatic 
     missions with NATO.
       We have asked the Council in Permanent Session to ensure 
     implementation of these recommendations without delay and to 
     continue the work on the enhancement of Partnership for Peace 
     and also to review its common funding and resource 
     implications, with a view to providing a further report by 
     the SLG with recommendations for decisions at the time of the 
     Spring Ministerial meeting.
       9. With the rapid growth of our activities under both NACC 
     and PfP, we have identified a need for greater coherence in 
     our cooperation in a framework which will establish with 
     Partners a more meaningful and productive cooperative and 
     consultative process, building on the elements of NACC and 
     PfP which we and our Partners deem most valuable. To this 
     end, we have agreed to work with Partners on the initiative 
     to establish an Atlantic Partnership Council (APC) as a 
     single new cooperative mechanism, which would form a 
     framework for enhanced efforts in both practical cooperation 
     under PfP and an expanded political dimension of Partnership. 
     We have accordingly tasked the Council in Permanent Session 
     to draw up the modalities for such a council, in close 
     coordination with Partners, by the time of our next meeting.
       10. We affirm our support for the political and economic 
     reform process in the Russian Federation. We welcome the 
     landmark Presidential elections in Russia. * * *
       A broad process of integration and cooperation is underway 
     in Europe; Russia is a part of it through its membership in 
     the OSCE and the Council of Europe and its relationship with 
     NATO as well as the European Union and the WEU. The pattern 
     of consultations anchored by our regular ``16 +1'' 
     discussions, provide a firm foundation on which to build. We 
     welcome Russia's participation in Partnership for Peace and 
     encourage it to take full advantage of the opportunities 
     which the Partnership offers.
       We value the close and effective cooperation between Russia 
     and NATO in IFOR. This cooperation demonstrates that NATO and 
     Russia can collaborate effectively in the construction of 
     cooperative security structures in Europe. We appreciate and 
     welcome Russia's readiness to contribute to a follow-on 
     operation to consolidate peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina. We 
     look forward to continuing the experience of working closely 
     together, which we believe will have a lasting, positive 
     impact on our relationship.
       Today, we reiterate our commitment to a strong, stable, and 
     enduring security partnership between NATO and Russia. This 
     partnership demonstrates that European security has entered a 
     fundamentally new, more promising era. It constitutes an 
     important element of the developing European cooperative 
     security architecture to which Russia has an essential 
     contribution to make. It will further enhance stability and 
     security in the Euro-Atlantic area. By the time of the 
     Summit, we aim to reach agreement with the Russian Federation 
     on arrangements that can deepen and widen the scope of our 
     current relationship and provide a framework for its future 
     development. We want to ensure that NATO and Russia have a 
     strong, flexible means to consult and cooperate as part of 
     our evolving relationship. Agreement might be expressed in a 
     document or could take the form of a Charter, which could 
     encompass:
       The shared principles that will form the basis of our 
     relationship;
       A broad set of areas of practical cooperation in particular 
     in the political, military,

[[Page S1031]]

     economic, environmental, scientific, peacekeeping, armaments, 
     non-proliferation, arms control and civil emergency planning 
     fields;
       Mechanisms for regular and ad hoc consultations; and
       Mechanisms for military liaison and cooperation.
       We therefore task the Council in Permanent Session to 
     develop further guidance on these matters on the basis of 
     which the Secretary General could explore with Russia the 
     possibility of such agreement.
       11. We continue to support Ukraine as it develops as a 
     democratic nation and a market economy. The maintenance of 
     Ukraine's independence, territorial integrity and sovereignty 
     is a crucial factor for stability and security in Europe.
       Ukraine's development of a strong, enduring relationship 
     with NATO is an important aspect of the emerging European 
     security architecture. We greatly value the active 
     participation of Ukraine in the Partnership for Peace and 
     look forward to next year's exercise near Lviv. We also 
     value Ukraine's cooperation with European institutions 
     such as the EU and the WEU. Ukraine has made an important 
     contribution to IFOR and UNTAES, and we welcome its 
     commitment to contribute to a follow-on operation to 
     consolidate peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
       We welcome the continued development of our broad 
     cooperation beyond PfP. We note with satisfaction the recent 
     meeting between the Alliance and Ukraine on issues related to 
     the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. We welcome 
     the progress made towards establishing a NATO information 
     office in Kyiv, and look forward to its opening in the near 
     future. We welcome Ukraine's active interest in further 
     enhancing its relations with the Alliance. We are committed 
     to the development in coming months, through high level and 
     other consultations, of a distinctive and effective NATO-
     Ukraine relationship, which could be formalised, possibly by 
     the time of the Summit, building on the document on enhanced 
     NATO-Ukraine relations agreed in September 1995, and taking 
     into account recent Ukrainian proposals.
       12. We support the Middle East peace process, and urge all 
     participants to remain firmly committed to it.
       We reaffirm our conviction that security in Europe is 
     closely linked with security and stability in the 
     Mediterranean, and that the Mediterranean dimension is 
     consequently one of the various components of the European 
     security architecture. In this regard, as part of the 
     adaptation of the Alliance, we will work towards enhancing 
     our relations with non-NATO Mediterranean countries through 
     our dialogue.
       The dialogue complements other international efforts, such 
     as those undertaken by the Barcelona process, the OSCE and 
     the WEU without creating any division of labour. We welcome 
     the report of the Council in Permanent Session on the 
     progress of and recommendations for future steps to develop 
     the dialogue with Mediterranean countries through political 
     dialogue and other activities agreed by the Alliance. Egypt, 
     Israel, Jordan, Mauritania, Morocco and Tunisia have 
     reiterated their interest in the development of our 
     relations. We have decided to enhance our Mediterranean 
     dialogue in a progressive way and have tasked the Council in 
     Permanent Session to report at our next meeting on the 
     implementation of the activities foreseen in the report as 
     well as on the scope for further development.
       13. We are carrying forward the process of the Alliance's 
     internal adaptation, with the fundamental objectives of 
     ensuring the Alliance's military effectiveness, maintaining 
     the transatlantic link, and developing the ESDI within NATO. 
     In keeping with the decisions taken by NATO Heads of State 
     and Government at the 1994 Summit Meeting and by the 
     Ministerial meetings in June this year in Berlin and Brussels 
     and with a view to preparing for the Summit next year, our 
     primary focus has been on three closely linked issues: the 
     development of a new command structure for the Alliance; the 
     implementation of the CJTF concept; and the development of 
     the ESDI within NATO.
       14. We welcome the progress made in the development of the 
     future command structure, noting that two structural 
     alternatives have been selected by the Military Committee for 
     future assessment and subsequent political consideration and 
     agree the proposed way ahead. We urge the Council in 
     Permanent Session and the Military Committee to complete the 
     work as quickly as possible. Once approved, this new command 
     structure will help ensure the Alliance's military 
     effectiveness so that it is able, in the changing security 
     environment facing Europe, to perform its traditional mission 
     of collective defense and through flexible and agreed 
     procedures to undertake new roles in changing circumstances 
     and to provide for increased participation by Partner 
     countries. It will constitute a renovated, single 
     multinational command structure, reflecting the strategic 
     situation in Europe and enabling all Allies to participate 
     fully.
       15. We welcome the progress made towards realizing the CJTF 
     concept, on the basis of the Overall Politico-Military 
     Framework approved by us last June. We direct the Council in 
     Permanent Session and the NATO Military Authorities to pursue 
     vigorously their work on this concept, bearing in mind its 
     importance for future Alliance operations, including the 
     possible involvement of development of ESDI.
       16. We are pleased with the progress made in developing the 
     appropriate arrangements for ESDI within NATO, as decided at 
     the Brussels Summit and at our meeting last June in Berlin. 
     The newly created Policy Coordination Group has contributed 
     significantly to this process.
       17. We note in particular the steps taken towards 
     implementing the concept of separable but not separate 
     capabilities:
       The decisions of the Council in Permanent Session on 
     political guidance concerning the elaboration of European 
     command arrangements within NATO able to prepare and conduct 
     WEU-led operations;
       The decisions of the Council in Permanent Session regarding 
     the arrangements for identifying NATO capabilities and assets 
     which might be made available to the WEU for a WEU-led 
     operation;
       The progress to date on arrangements for the release, 
     monitoring and return or recall of Alliance assets and 
     capabilities;
       The decision of the Council in Permanent Session with 
     respect to modalities of cooperation with the WEU;
       The progress on work regarding planning and conducting 
     exercising for WEU-led operations, following receipt of 
     illustrative profiles for WEU missions.
       18. We have directed the Council in Permanent Session  to 
     submit to the Spring 1997 Ministerial meetings a report on 
     the adaptation of Alliance structures and procedures 
     related to the future command structure, on the 
     implementation of the CJTF concept, and on further 
     progress with recommendations for decisions in the 
     development of ESDI within the Alliance.
       19. We welcome the close and intensifying cooperation 
     between NATO and the WEU. At their meeting in Ostend on 19 
     November 1996, WEU Ministers agreed that it would be valuable 
     for WEU to become actively involved in the Alliance's defense 
     planning process and expressed their readiness to 
     participate. Early agreement is now being sought in the WEU 
     on the participation of all European Allies in WEU-led 
     operations using NATO assets and capabilities, as well as in 
     planning and preparing for such operations. This would be a 
     key contribution to the development of ESDI within the 
     Alliance. We have tasked the Council in Permanent Session to 
     develop the NATO-WEU relationship further in order to ensure 
     effective cooperation in preparing for possible WEU-led 
     operations.
       20. We are pleased with the successful outcome of the OSCE 
     Summit in Lisbon and, in particular, the adoption of a 
     declaration on security as a result of work on a Common and 
     Comprehensive Security Model for the 21st Century. The Lisbon 
     Summit has created a security framework in which all European 
     states can participate on an equal footing. The Security 
     Model adopted in Lisbon is a comprehensive expression of the 
     endeavour to strengthen security and stability. It 
     complements the mutually reinforcing efforts of NATO and 
     other European and transatlantic institutions and 
     organisations. We attach great importance to the role of the 
     OSCE as a primary instrument in preventive diplomacy, 
     conflict prevention, post-conflict rehabilitation and 
     regional security cooperation, as well as to the enhancement 
     of its operational capabilities to carry out these tasks. We 
     believe the OSCE, as the only pan-European security 
     organisation, has an essential role to play in European peace 
     and stability. We are committed to supporting its 
     comprehensive approach to security. The principles and 
     commitments on which the OSCE is built provide the standards 
     for the development of a comprehensive and cooperative 
     European security structure.
       We commend the OSCE for its essential contribution to the 
     implementation of civil aspects of the Peace Agreement for 
     Bosnia and Herzegovina, particularly in supervising the 
     preparation and conduct of the elections, in promoting and 
     monitoring human rights and in overseeing the implementation 
     of agreed confidence--and security--building measures and 
     sub-regional arms control agreements. The OSCE thereby 
     demonstrates its central role in contributing to regional 
     stability and security.
       We are pleased with the support given by IFOR to the OSCE 
     in carrying out its tasks. The cooperation between OSCE and 
     IFOR is a good example of our concept of mutually reinforcing 
     organisations. The practical assistance given by NATO to the 
     OSCE in helping to establish measures to verify the 
     confidence-building and arms control agreements of the 
     Dayton Accords testifies to a growing cooperation between 
     NATO and the OSCE. We reiterate our readiness to further 
     develop the cooperation between the two organizations.
       The democratic and economic development, independence, 
     sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states are 
     essential factors for stability and security in the Euro-
     Atlantic area. We commend the OSCE for its mediation efforts 
     in a number of regional conflicts through its various 
     missions, and recognize the valuable work of the High 
     Commissioner on National Minorities. We support the efforts 
     of the Minsk Group to achieve a political settlement of the 
     conflict in and around Nagorno-Karabakh.
       The OSCE acquis in the field of disarmament, arms control, 
     and confidence- and security-building measures continues to 
     contribute significantly to political and military stability. 
     We consider the full implementation, the further development, 
     and if necessary, the adaptation of these measures to be 
     indispensable elements in our effort to further enhance the 
     European security architecture. We welcome the recent 
     adoption by the Forum for Security Cooperation of the

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     Framework for Arms Control and its Future Agenda.
       21. The CFE Treaty is a fundamental cornerstone of security 
     and stability for all in the Euro-Atlantic area. We are 
     committed to maintain and strengthen it. Consistent with our 
     broader goal of enhancing political cooperation and military 
     stability in a Europe without dividing lines, we welcome the 
     decision of the 30 States Parties to the CFE Treaty on 1 
     December 1996 in Lisbon to launch negotiations to adapt the 
     Treaty to the changing security environment in Europe. We 
     look forward to beginning negotiations in the Joint 
     Consultative Group in Vienna in January 1997 on the basis of 
     the scope and parameters (Terms of Reference) document agreed 
     on Lisbon.
       Our common goal is to enhance security for all States 
     Parties, irrespective of whether they belong to an alliance, 
     and preserve their right to choose and change their security 
     arrangements. Within the broader political context of 
     enhanced security for all, this process should strengthen the 
     cooperative pattern of relationships between States Parties, 
     based on mutual confidence, transparency, stability and 
     predictability. Committed, like the other States Parties, to 
     adapting the Treaty by developing mechanisms which will 
     enhance the Treaty's viability and effectiveness, we will 
     pursue steps to review the Treaty's group structure, to adapt 
     the Treaty system of limitations and to enhance its 
     verification and information provisions. To that end, the 
     members of the Alliance will develop and table proposals for 
     the negotiations in Vienna.
       We reaffirm our support for the CFR Flank Agreement, 
     reached at this year's Review Conference in Vienna. We urge 
     all States Parties who have not yet done so to approve this 
     Agreement before the end of the extended provisions 
     application period efforts directed at resolving outstanding 
     implementation issues.
       The members of the Alliance reaffirm the commitment made at 
     Lisbon to exercise restraint during the period of 
     negotiations as foreseen in the document in relation to the 
     current postures and capabilities of their conventional armed 
     forces--in particular, with respect to their levels of forces 
     and deployments--in the Treaty's area of application. As 
     decided in Lisbon, this commitment is without prejudice to 
     the outcome of the negotiations, or to voluntary decisions by 
     the individual States Parties to reduce their force levels or 
     deployments, or to their legitimate security interests. We 
     believe that the CFE Treaty must continue to play a key role 
     in ensuring military stability into the 21st century, and are 
     committed to adapting it expeditiously in order to take 
     account of new security challenges.
       22. We emphasize the importance of the START Treaties for 
     international stability and security. We note with 
     satisfaction the progress made by the United States and the 
     Russian Federation in the implementation of START I. We urge 
     the Russian Federation to follow the United States in 
     ratifying the START II Treaty.
       We welcome the successful conclusion and signing by the 
     great majority of UN members of the Comprehensive Test Ban 
     Treaty, and we urge all other nations to sign this important 
     international arms control agreement. We look forward to the 
     early start of negotiations on a Fissile Material Cut-Off 
     Treaty.
       We are pleased that the Chemical Weapons Convention will 
     soon enter into force and we look forward to its early 
     implementation. We welcome the fact that States Parties to 
     the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention have at the 
     Fourth Review Conference in Geneva in December 1996 again 
     solemnly declared their recognition that effective 
     verification could reinforce the Convention.
       Recognizing the heightened concern of the international 
     community of the suffering and casualties caused by anti-
     personnel mines, we support the vigorous pursuit of an 
     effective, legally binding international agreement to ban the 
     use, stockpiling, production and transfer of antipersonnel 
     mines and, as an important step to this end, support the 
     early ratification of the Treaty on Open Skies by those 
     states which have not already ratified.
       23. Proliferation of nuclear, biological and chemical 
     weapons and their delivery means continue to be a matter of 
     serious concern to us. Progress in expanding and intensifying 
     NATO's political and defense efforts against proliferation, 
     as directed by NATO Heads of State and Government in January 
     1994, is an integral part of NATO's adaptation to the new 
     security environment. These efforts also contribute to NATO's 
     ability to conduct new roles and missions. We remain 
     committed to preventing proliferation in the first place, or, 
     if it occurs, to reversing it through diplomatic means. 
     The Alliance is improving its capabilities to address the 
     risks posed by proliferation. We welcome further 
     consultations and cooperation with Partner countries to 
     address the common security risks posed by proliferation. 
     We note with satisfaction the report of the Alliance's 
     Joint Committee on Proliferation on the activities of the 
     Senior Political-Military Group on Proliferation and the 
     Senior Defence Group on Proliferation and direct them to 
     continue their vital efforts.
       We attach particular importance to a solid preparation of 
     the first preparatory committee of the strengthened review 
     process of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), 
     scheduled for April 1997. This process will significantly 
     contribute to the further strengthening of the NPT, which is 
     the cornerstone of the global non-proliferation system.
       24. We reaffirm our commitment to the Alliance's common-
     funded programmes.
       We note with appreciation the progress made in moving 
     existing resources to the highest priority programmes, such 
     as Partnership for Peace and the support of enhanced 
     information activities in Moscow and Kyiv. We have directed 
     the Council in Permanent Session to keep under review the 
     allocation of resources in order to ensure their optimal use. 
     We have also directed the Council in Permanent Session to 
     identify the implications of adaptation for NATO's common-
     funded budgets and to make appropriate recommendations for 
     dealing with these.
       25. We continue to support all efforts to combat terrorism, 
     which constitutes a serious threat to peace, security and 
     stability.
       26. The Spring 1997 meeting of the North Atlantic Council 
     in Ministerial Session will be held in Sintra, Portugal, on 
     29 May.

  Mr. LIEBERMAN. Mr. President, I thank my friend and colleague from 
Delaware, not, of course, simply for yielding, but for his continuing 
leadership on this vital question of whether or not NATO will be 
enlarged.
  Mr. President, this is one of those moments in history when we are 
presented with an extraordinary opportunity to do something that will 
shape the course of the coming decades. So often so much happens in our 
professional lives, our personal lives, that it is hard to distinguish 
between the important and the very important. This, in my opinion, is a 
very important resolution, beginning as it does the consideration by 
the 105th session of Congress of the critical question of whether the 
North Atlantic Treaty Organization will extend memberships beyond its 
current role.
  This resolution reaffirms the shared commitment expressed repeatedly 
by strong bipartisan majorities in the Congress to the continued 
viability of our transatlantic alliance and to its irreplaceable 
contribution to peace and stability in Europe, and therefore to the 
vital strategic and economic and moral interests of our own country.
  Mr. President, we are at a moment which, while the details may 
differ, is not unlike the time after the Second World War when 
enlightened leaders of both parties in this country, learning the 
lessons of their departure from the field of international relations 
after the First World War, came together and supported the 
reconstruction of post-World War II Europe, building not just the 
strength of those countries, the economic might that followed, but 
building therein great democracies that have become once again our best 
friends and allies.
  We are at such a moment after another war, the cold war, has ended. 
The question is whether we will see forward boldly and honorably to 
understand that whether or not we will accept the nations that lived 
under Soviet domination into the community now of free nations will 
have a substantial effect on our security and our economic strength and 
our moral vitality for decades to come.
  For unless we close our eyes to history, we must recognize that we 
are vitally interested in what goes on in Europe. We are connected. Our 
pasts and our futures are linked economically, politically, culturally, 
and militarily. Those ties did not break away with the fall of the 
Berlin Wall. Indeed, they will become more complex and more compelling 
and more productive over time. Over time, NATO has proved itself the 
most enduring guarantee that we and our allies in Europe are brought 
together in peace and freedom, not in tyranny and war.
  NATO remains today the world's single most effective partnership of 
like-minded countries, sharing the burdens of international security 
and preserving the conditions in which open societies and free markets 
flourish.
  Enlarging NATO means enlarging the transatlantic sphere of peace and 
stability, of peace and prosperity. It means honoring our promise made 
repeatedly throughout the cold war that we would be there when that 
cherished moment arrived to support the new independent nations of 
Central and Eastern Europe in their struggle for democracy and a better 
life. It means helping to ensure that those countries will continue 
their democratic development and take their place peacefully in the 
expanding community of freedom. And it means expanding the family of

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nations that will share with us Americans the burden of protecting the 
stability and peace of the world and expanding the family of free 
peoples of the world.
  Mr. President, this resolution expresses, in very strong and very 
clear language, our conviction across party lines that NATO enlargement 
is the best way to ensure a peaceful, stable, free future in Europe. It 
also makes clear that we must work with Russia, which is inherently 
and, of course, part of the European community and critical to the 
future stability of Europe. We must work with Russia to reach common 
ground on European security.
  Proceeding steadfastly with our plans to enlarge NATO, I think, will 
make that task easier. For where we leave doubt, there will be further 
doubts created. Where we are uncertain, there are those who will take 
advantage of our uncertainty.
  The fact is that NATO is today and has always been a defensive 
alliance. It poses no threat to its neighbors. Instead, it offers the 
confidence of secure borders and stable relationships. And by making it 
clear that the NATO enlargement process is ongoing and open to other 
countries as they qualify, it alleviates the threat of future conflict 
between competing blocs. NATO does not seek to target nations for 
exclusion. It seeks to engage nations on the high ground of democracy 
and free market economics and to become partners with them.
  Mr. President, this week there is a remarkable statement of opinion 
in Newsweek magazine, the February 10, 1997, issue, written by Andre 
Kozyrev, former Foreign Minister of Russia. The title is ``NATO Is Not 
Our Enemy.'' I will read briefly from the article.

       The Russian people [former foreign minister Kozyrev says] 
     must be told the truth. And the truth is, NATO is not the 
     enemy. Indeed, fighting the West's proposal to admit 
     Central European countries to NATO is self-defeating [for 
     Russia], because Russia has no means of stopping it. The 
     vital Commonwealth of Independent States alliance would 
     surely fall on hard times if it is burdened with 
     opposition to NATO. What member-nation [of the CIS] would 
     remain part of such a group, when the NATO seal of 
     approval often brings investment, advancement and economic 
     enhancement? As foreign minister, [Kozyrev writes] I found 
     that every Eastern European leader who wanted NATO 
     membership saw it primarily as an economic move, not a 
     military one. Opposing that will weaken our [that is to 
     say the Russian] economic position in Central Europe.
       The West must recognize this as a domestic-policy crisis, 
     [which is to say a domestic policy crisis in Russia] resist 
     capitulation to the old guard and deal with it in a balanced 
     fashion. An entirely new generation of leaders in our country 
     [Russia] is waiting for this policy shift. To accomplish it, 
     NATO's member-nations must take very difficult and 
     challenging steps. The practical way for Russia to transform 
     NATO is to cooperate with the alliance--and vice versa.

  End of quote from Mr. Kozyrev's remarkable and, I think, very 
powerful statement.
  Mr. President, NATO enlargement is moving forward thanks to the 
leadership of President Clinton, the support of a strong bipartisan 
group here in Congress, the very effective advocacy of NATO Secretary 
Solana, and so many others around the world.
  We in Congress can play a very important part in this remarkable 
historical achievement. This resolution which Senator Roth has brought 
before the Senate today, and which I am proud to cosponsor with him, 
will provide the President with the support to work with our allies to 
create the mechanisms by which new members will be welcomed into the 
alliance and the broad-based bipartisan support with which to go 
forward to develop a strong NATO-Russia security relationship.
  As its 50th anniversary approaches, the Atlantic alliance remains at 
the core of America's global strength and at the core of global peace 
and security. The reach of this alliance should now be extended to 
those whose histories and policies justify it, just as America's own 
strategic interests and moral imperatives require it.
  I yield the floor.
  Mr. HAGEL. Mr. President, I rise today in strong support of expanding 
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization to help ensure stability in 
Central and Eastern Europe. I am proud to be an original cosponsor of 
this resolution to encourage the NATO expansion process and to put the 
105th Congress on record in support of bringing Poland, Hungary, the 
Czech Republic, and Slovenia into the alliance.
  I believe restructuring Europe's post-cold-war security architecture 
and securing lasting peace and stability throughout the continent 
constitute one of the great foreign policy challenges of our time. From 
two world wars to the former Yugoslavia, history has shown that 
Europe's security problems eventually become America's. Time and again, 
we have found ourselves confronted with only two options: Choosing to 
lead and help shape events in Europe, or waiting for events to overtake 
us as they certainly will.
  Americans are well-served when America chooses to lead.
  For half a century, the NATO alliance has been the foundation of 
European security. It has been the most meaningful multinational 
security framework in history. NATO will continue to be that foundation 
for the next half century--but only if America helps lead the alliance 
to adapt to the new reality in Europe after the end of the cold war.
  The new reality is that the nations of Central and Eastern Europe are 
free from oppression and many yearn to align themselves with the West.
  The new reality is that instability in the lands one author called 
``Between East and West'' has replaced invasion from the East as the 
most likely threat to our allies and to our own interests in Europe.
  The new reality is that America, Russia, and Europe will all benefit 
if the nations of Central and Eastern Europe are anchored in the 
peaceful security that NATO can offer.
  I am convinced that we must move swiftly to expand the NATO alliance 
and to rethink our commitment to European security. More than 7 years 
after the Berlin Wall fell, NATO has yet to take in new members.
  Congress has consistently supported NATO expansion and has enacted 
legislation to prepare the nations of Central and Eastern Europe for 
membership in the alliance. The resolution we are introducing today is 
designed to push ahead once again. It encourages the President to move 
quickly. It endorses the idea of embracing new members by the 
alliance's 50-year anniversary in 1999. It makes plain our belief that 
our alliance must reach out to work with Russia as friends rather than 
antagonists. And it names Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, and 
Slovenia as nations whose membership would contribute to the alliance's 
security.
  Those of us who support NATO expansion must be prepared to make the 
case that it serves America's long-term security interests. This is a 
debate that must reach far beyond the Halls of Congress. NATO 
expansion, when it does occur, will require the consent of the Senate. 
And that will require the support of the American people.
  It is time for this debate to begin.
  Ms. MIKULSKI. Mr. President, I am proud to join my colleagues in 
introducing this resolution in support of NATO enlargement.
  I support NATO enlargement because it will make Europe more stable 
and secure. It means that the new democracies of Central and Eastern 
Europe will share the burden of European security. It will mean that 
future generations of Americans might not have to fight and die for 
Europe.
  America has fought and won three wars in Europe:
  World War I, when an assassination in Yugoslavia led to years of 
bloodshed
  World War II, the bloodiest war in history--when thousands of young 
Americans left factories and farms to fight on the battlefields of 
Europe
  And the cold war--when Soviet expansionism forced us to prepare to 
defend Western Europe--and when the captive nations of Eastern Europe 
were forced behind the Iron Curtain.
  If NATO doesn't enlarge--the Iron Curtain returns--and the unnatural 
division of Europe into two parts will live on longer than the Soviet 
Empire did.
  As a Polish American, I know that the Polish people did not choose to 
live behind the Iron Curtain. They were forced there by the Yalta 
Agreement, by Potsdam, and because they and the Baltic States and the 
other captive nations were sold out by the free world.
  But my support for this resolution is based on the future--not the 
past. I support this resolution because NATO enlargement will mean a 
future in which the newly free and democratic

[[Page S1034]]

countries will take their rightful place as members of Europe.
  NATO played an important in part in securing this freedom. It has 
been the most successful defensive alliance in history. It is an 
alliance that helped us win the cold war. It deterred war between the 
super powers, and it helped prevent confrontations between member 
states.
  But if NATO is to survive, it must adapt to meet the needs of the 
post-cold-war-World--or it will become irrelevant.
  NATO has evolved since we created it in 1949. We have enlarged NATO 
on three different occasions. Each new member strengthened NATO and 
increased security in Europe.
  Today, we are facing very different threats to security and stability 
in Europe. We have hot spots caused by ethnic and regional tensions. We 
have civil wars--as in Bosnia. And we have international crime, drugs, 
and terrorism. NATO must change and expand to meet these new threats.
  The countries of Central and Eastern Europe want to help us address 
these new threats. How many times has the Senate discussed burden 
sharing in Europe? How often have we complained that European countries 
were not willing to pay their fair share for their own defense?
  Now we have countries that are asking to share the burden. They are 
asking to pledge their troops and equipment for the common defense. 
They are asking to share the burden of peacekeeping--in fact they are 
doing it right now in Bosnia where thousands of troops from Poland, 
Hungary, the Czech Republic, the Baltics, Ukraine, and others are 
helping to secure the peace.
  These countries are not asking for a handout. They are not asking for 
our protection. They are asking to be full partners in the new Europe. 
By transforming their countries into free market democracies, they have 
earned this right.
  Mr. President, NATO is moving toward enlargement. In July President 
Clinton will join the leaders of our NATO partners in naming the first 
countries to be asked to join NATO.
  This resolution states that the U.S. Senate stands with our President 
as he leads our effort to prepare NATO for the 21st century. I urge my 
colleagues to join us in supporting this resolution.

                          ____________________