[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 141 (Thursday, October 3, 1996)]
[Senate]
[Pages S12290-S12291]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                            BURMA SANCTIONS

  Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, over the weekend, more than 500 Burmese 
citizens were arrested--more than double the number picked up in an 
outrageous sweep back in May.
  And, their crime, Mr. President? Their crime was an effort to 
participate in a conference on the future of democracy called by Daw 
Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma's legitimately elected leader.
  Just as discouraging as the arrests is the action taken against Daw 
Aung San Suu Kyi. The street to her home has been cut off by armed 
guards, and I understand over 100 troops have been deployed in and 
around her compound.
  Her weekly addresses to supporters have been cut off.
  Her movements are completely restricted.
  In fact, when I asked if anyone from our embassy had direct contact 
with her, I was told the phone lines have been cut along with access to 
her home.
  So, at this moment, as I speak, there is no certainty as to her 
physical well-being--we have no idea what condition Daw Aung San Suu 
Kyi is in--we have no idea what SLORC goons may be doing within her 
home, now, a prison.
  But, I want to remind my colleagues of something terribly important 
that this courageous woman has repeatedly emphasized--she is not the 
issue--she is only a symbol, a champion for her nation's freedom.
  Her cause, her call to us is to restore democracy to her beleaguered 
homeland, Burma.
  Mr. President, I have come to the floor today, once again, to call 
upon the administration to take decisive action to assist Aung San Suu 
Kyi and her supporters.
  This time, the circumstances are different.
  On Monday, when the President signed the omnibus appropriations bill, 
the foreign operations section included provisions setting a new policy 
course for Burma.
  Although many of my colleagues agreed with language I had included in 
the bill which imposed immediate sanctions, the Senate and the foreign 
operations conferees agreed to a weaker position offered by my 
colleague from Maine and endorsed by the adminstration.
  This language, which the administration supported, required a ban on 
new investment under specific conditions.
  The administration agreed to move forward ``if the Burmese government 
has physically harmed, rearrested for political acts or exiled Aung San 
Suu Kyi or has committed large-scale repression of or violence against 
the Democratic opposition.''
  That's exactly what the law requires.
  Ironically, in the case of defining repression, every official I 
spoke with suggested sanction would be invoked if SLORC took action 
similar to the May offensive--I might add, no one actually believed 
SLORC would be so ruthless to repeat so sweeping and offensive an 
attack on peaceful democratic activists.
  Mr. President, in the past this administration has issued ultimatums 
to SLORC.
  In 1994, Tom Hubbard, then Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for 
Asian Affairs traveled to Rangoon and warned SLORC that if we did not 
see improvements in human rights, democracy, and drug trafficking, the 
United States would take appropriate punitive action.
  SLORC immediately challenged the demarche and launched a massive 
military attack against ethnic groups generating more than 80,000 
refugees. Attacks in the countryside were matched by rounding up 
democracy advocates in Rangoon.
  America's response? The administration looked the other way.
  The next year, Ambassador Albright traveled to Rangoon and repeated 
the message and saw virtually the same results--massive detentions, 
torture, and arrests--a complete rejection of our concerns and 
interests.
  Now, we are faced with the worst deterioration of the internal 
situation since the stolen elections in 1990.

[[Page S12291]]

  SLORC has accused Aung San Suu Kyi of collaborating with outside 
groups and foreign embassies against the interests of Burma. Senior 
officials have denounced the legislation just signed into law--there is 
no question the recent events reflect SLORC's decision to directly 
challenge America's commitment to democracy and its champions so 
obviously under siege.
  This time, SLORC is challenging more than an ultimatum issued in a 
meeting of State Department officials--this time the junta is 
challenging American law.
  There are few countries I can identify these days with regimes so 
repugnant, unjust, and ruthless as SLORC.
  They represent a direct and dangerous threat not only to their own 
citizens but ours as well.
  A few weeks ago, I was sent photographs of senior SLORC military 
intelligence officers enjoying a meal with Khun Sa, the region's most 
notorious opium warlord.
  These pictures would convince even the most singleminded SLORC 
business crony that doing business with SLORC is subsidizing and doing 
business with drug traffickers--and even oil companies with so much on 
the line in Burma, have to recognize that those kind of relationships 
are not in America's interests.
  Mr. President, I understand the NSC will convene a deputies meeting 
today at 3 to review options for Burma.
  No doubt one of the options will be a ban on visas. Let me make clear 
to anyone in the administration listening--such a step is not enough.
  When we were in conference on the foreign operations bill, the 
administration pledged to issue a Presidential order banning visas to 
SLORC officials if we would agree to modify our language making such an 
action mandatory. We did and we expect the administration to live up to 
this commitment which was made long before the actions taken this 
weekend.
  Nothing short of fulfilling the additional obligations spelled out in 
law will meet the test our Nation and our credibility face today in 
Burma.
  Democracy is under siege--meaningful support and time are running 
out--lives are on the line. I urge the President to take swift action 
to save a nation, its people, and American honor.

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