[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 140 (Wednesday, October 2, 1996)]
[Senate]
[Pages S12166-S12177]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
FEDERAL AVIATION ADMINISTRATION--REAUTHORIZATION CONFERENCE REPORT
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mrs. Hutchison). Under the previous order, the
Senate will now resume consideration of the conference report
accompanying H.R. 3539, which the clerk will report.
The assistant legislative clerk read as follows:
Conference report to accompany H.R. 3539, an act to amend
title 49, United States Code, to reauthorize programs for the
Federal Aviation Administration, and for other purposes.
The Senate resumed consideration of the conference report.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, there shall be 3
hours for debate on the conference report, with the time to be equally
divided between the two leaders.
Mr. STEVENS addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Alaska.
Mr. STEVENS. Madam President, the Senate now is going to continue its
work on the Federal Aviation Administration reauthorization bill.
TRIBUTE TO ADMINISTRATOR HINSON
As we start that, I want to take a moment to pay tribute to that
Agency's leader, David Hinson.
As many Members of the Senate know, Administrator Hinson will be
leaving his post later this year, and he will return with his wife,
Ursula, to their home in Idaho.
I just called him Administrator Hinson. That is tough for me to say
because over the last years, those of us who have worked with him
always called him David. He is a very approachable guy and one who we
understand. He comes from the West. In my State, where aviation is very
critical and more than 75 percent of our communities can be reached
only by air, David has become well known. He has been to Alaska several
times. He had to cancel a recent visit with our air carriers because of
the tragedy of TWA Flight 800.
But he is continuing to work on solutions to our problems,
particularly the problems that we are experiencing at the Juneau
International Airport. Two critical departures have been revoked, and
David is working with safety personnel to try to find a way to make
those departures safe for travelers in and out of our capital city.
As Administrator, Mr. Hinson has set the FAA on a good course,
working with a very competent assistant and associate administrator,
Linda Daschle. He has been able to urge Congress to address the FAA's
future funding needs, and he has worked to improve commuter airline
safety and,
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with the help of Congress, has streamlined procurement rules within the
FAA.
He is someone I have found very interesting, because in his younger
years, he flew in and out of my State as a commercial airline pilot.
He was flying for the old Pacific Northern Airlines. He knows what it
means to be involved in commercial aviation. He knows the people who do
the flying. I think that is the most important thing.
The FAA people have a tough job. When a plane crashes, we are all
inclined to look for someone to blame. Often the finger pointing begins
with the FAA itself. But the FAA's record of ensuring safety for us in
our skies is unparalleled by any nation in the world. We move in an
enormous number of planes and passengers every day, every week, every
month, every year.
While no institution is perfect, and it is very difficult for any
administrator to really get much of a hold on an entity that has such a
long tradition as the FAA, David Hinson has worked with his team to
really promote improvements to safety.
I am one Senator who has urged Administrator Hinson to stay on. But
he has had a call that I think very few people can resist and that is
from his grandchildren, I understand, and his wife and children. It is
unfortunate that we are going to lose David Hinson as the Administrator
of the FAA.
Madam President, he is honest, straightforward, clear thinking, and
he deserves the thanks of the American people for what he has done.
The FAA, under his leadership, has brought about a great many
innovations. One to me as a pilot that I find most interesting is the
approach that has been given by the FAA during this period to utilizing
new technology. He has moved forward through the terminal Doppler radar
weather and Air Force surface detection equipment and brought us into
the 21st century with a whole series of new innovations.
But above all, one of the things that has probably been the most
startling has been the FAA's augmentation of the GPS system to enhance
navigation signals throughout the United States.
The FAA's approach will allow the airlines to use GPS for precision
approaches to airports even in bad weather when vision is severely
limited by smog and bad conditions. They did the initial design and
procurement work on the accelerated timetable, cutting at least a year
off the delivery schedule. Early deployment of this system late in this
decade will save airlines hundreds of millions of dollars annually due
to more precise routings and fuel savings and increased airport
efficiency.
I myself took a trip just recently with the GPS on a very small
plane, and by virtue of using the GPS, together with our navigation
system, we saved fuel, we saved time, and above all, we flew a safer
route.
I think that the country ought to really realize what has happened in
this period when David Hinson, a man with a background in aviation, has
been the Administrator. He has brought us a new FAA, an FAA that is not
afraid of competitiveness in the industry, who wants and understands
growth in the industry, and it has been a period of time when even
general aviation has expanded and the costs to general aviation have
decreased.
It is now, I think, a challenge for whoever takes his place to find a
way to really ensure that there will be a continued place for general
aviation in our aviation programs in the United States. Some people
want to sort of squeeze out the private jets, the private aircraft, the
small planes and believe that they are inefficient and cause difficulty
within the system.
That is not true, Madam President. There is room in our Nation's
airline and airways system for every type of plane. I do believe that
we will improve on what Administrator David Hinson has done to ensure
that we have not only the best and the most active, but we have the
safest transportation system in the world.
I do very seriously commend him for his actions. I wish him well. He
has had a very great impact on the bill that is before us, Madam
President, and has continually visited all of us to assure that we try
to put aside differences that we might have and get this bill passed.
This bill, Madam President, contains many vitally important aviation
safety and security provisions. No single provision is more important
than title VII, which provides long overdue assistance to the families
of victims of aviation disasters.
This provision absolutely must be adopted. It is one of the
provisions where the survivors of victims of various aircrafts came to
those of us on the Commerce Committee and urged us to have a hearing.
We did have a hearing. We readily discovered that the families of
victims of past air crashes have suffered a great deal.
The most recent tragedies, of course, involved ValuJet's flight 592,
TWA's flight 800. Those brought forward the issue of the treatment of
victims' families in the wake of aviation accidents. More and more of
these accidents involve larger and larger jets, more people and more
difficult circumstances.
As I said last week at the Commerce Committee hearing on the
treatment of victims' families--I was pleased to be there with the
distinguished Senator from South Dakota, Senator Pressler; the hearing
was held at his request. He urged many of us to come and listen to
these people.
We heard from family members who have lost loved ones in five
aviation disasters. These witnesses eloquently shared their harrowing
experiences. Each witness urged us the same thing, Madam President.
That is my point for speaking about this. They urged that we include
House bill 3923, the Aviation Disaster Family Assistance Act of 1996,
in the reauthorization conference report.
After several hours of hearing, the FAA reauthorization conferees met
and unanimously agreed to include H.R. 3923 in the compromise
reauthorization bill as the families have requested.
This provision will improve the notification of families, protect the
privacies of grieving families, improve the overall treatment of family
members, and ensure family members have better access to accident-
related information.
The family assistance title of this FAA bill, which is being blocked
here now temporarily--I hope just temporarily--will require the
National Transportation Safety Board to designate an NTSB, one of their
own Board employees, as the family advocate for each commercial
aviation disaster--they will designate an independent organization,
such as the Red Cross, to coordinate care and support of the families--
and to coordinate the recovery and identification of accident victims,
to brief families before press briefings, and to--let me emphasize
that--to brief the families before they brief the press. All of them
said they have a right to know before they hear it on the television or
over the radio or read in a newspaper what has happened.
This is one of the key provisions of this bill. It is one of the
reasons the bill must be passed this year. We cannot wait until next
year for that basic change. It tells people involved, in assembling
information about these disasters, to brief the families involved first
and inform the families of public hearings on the accident and allow
those families to attend any public hearings.
The family advocate created by this legislation will assist grieving
families by acting as the point of contact within the Federal
Government for the families, acting as liaison between the families and
the airlines and obtaining passenger manifests and providing manifest
information to families who have requested it.
Madam President, I spoke to members of the airline industry. They
welcome this concept. They welcome having someone who is known to be
the person in charge of information for family information.
This family assistance provision in this legislation will also
require the National Transportation Safety Board to designate an
agency, such as the Red Cross, to assist grieving families, as I said.
That agency would coordinate the care and support of families, meet
with families who come to the scene and contact other families who
cannot, provide counseling for the families, ensure privacy of the
families from anyone, whether it is media or lawyers, whomever it might
be, communicate with families about the role of Government and the
agencies and
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airlines involved, and arrange for suitable memorial services when
possible, obtain the passenger list, and use it to provide information
to the families, and use the airlines' resources and personnel to the
extent practical.
Now, this family assistance provision, Madam President, would require
airlines to take a number of steps to compassionately work with
families of aviation tragedies. Airlines would be required to publicize
a reliable toll-free number and provide staff to handle calls from
families, to notify families as soon as possible of the fate of their
loved ones, in person if practical, using suitably trained individuals
to give out that information, provide the passenger list to the NTSB
family advocate and to the Red Cross immediately. Even if the names on
the list have not been verified, they must start immediately working
with the NTSB and the Red Cross.
Further, they must consult with families before disposing of the
remains and personal effects of the passengers, and return the
passengers' possessions to the family, retaining all unclaimed
possessions for 2 years. In other words, they must keep them 2 years in
order that family members who may finally get information about their
loved one could reclaim possession for up to 2 years.
They must consult with the families about any monument for the
accident and treat the families of nonrevenue passengers and victims on
the ground the same as any other people involved. Finally, they are
directed to work with the Red Cross to improve the treatment of
families.
Madam President, these compassionate and comprehensive measures to
assist families of aviation disaster victims are now in this bill. If
the bill is changed in any way, and fails, it will be at least another
year before we get back to this point. The pleas of families who very
much want to ensure that families of victims of future aviation
disasters are treated better than they were will be ignored if this
bill is not approved at this session.
I think it is absolutely necessary for us to approve this conference
report.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the
Record excerpts of statements and testimony of victims and their
families that really moved the committee.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation
testimony of richard p. kessler, jr., husband of kathleen parker
kessler, a passenger on valujet flight 592
My name is Richard P. Kessler, Jr., a citizen of the United
States and the husband of Kathleen Parker Kessler, a
passenger on ValuJet Flight 592, who was killed on May 11,
1996, when Flight 592 crashed into the Everglades near Miami.
I am also a practicing attorney in Atlanta. As I stated, I am
a citizen of the United States, but the laws of the United
States did not protect me, my daughter or the families of the
other passenger victims.
It has been over four months since the crash, it doesn't
seem that long. During the first two months following the
crash, I witnessed the best and the worst of human behavior.
The best of human behavior was demonstrated by the people of
Miami; the federal, state and city agencies who assisted the
families of the victims and conducted the search for the
remains of the victims; the volunteers; the counselors; and
especially one volunteer, Victoria Cummock, a victim's
advocate and President of Families of PAN-AM 103 Lockerbie.
The worst of human behavior was demonstrated by members of
the press, the electronic media, and the members of my legal
profession.
* * * * *
I urge the Senate to introduce and pass a Bill exactly like
HR 3932 that has passed the House and attach amendments that
provide for pilot vision equipment, passenger smoke
protection and smoke detectors and fire extinguishers. I am
told that pilot vision cost per ticket is less than one cent;
passenger smoke protection is less than five cents per ticket
and penny or two for smoke detectors. Given this cost which
is recouped from the flying public, how can ValuJet or any
other airline be allowed to fly citizens of the United States
without outfitting their planes with such equipment that is
available in the marketplace?
I am dedicating the next two years of my life to help bring
about better treatment of families of victims and the change
of the paradigm that is used in these personal injury
disasters. My wife died on Flight 592, but she is in Heaven,
I know, because she had God give me two signs that were
witnessed by other people. As a trial lawyer she would want
the paradigm that we now employ in these disasters to be
changed to protect the interests of all parties.
I do not want the families of the victims of the next
airline crash to endure the emotional rape that we had to
endure following the crash of Flight 592. The next victim
could be your wife, daughter, son or parents.
____
TESTIMONY OF KENDRA ST. CHARLES, OF USAIR #405
Chairman Pressler, it is with great pleasure that I appear
before you and your fellow colleagues today. Hopefully, we
can change the way families are treated after an airline
disaster by enabling the NTSB to designate an independent
nonprofit organization (like the Red Cross with
professionally trained grief and disaster counselors) to give
care and support during this horrific time. A key provision
in the House Bill.
On March 22, 1992, I was a passenger aboard USAir #405. We
had been delayed at New York's LaGuardia Airport as a
snowstorm had begun. As we sat on the runway, I looked out
the window watching the snow continue to fall and assured
myself that ``they'' would never let us attempt to take off
if it were not safe.
After a thirty-five minute delay, we were finally cleared
for take off. Moments after we were in the air, the plane
went violently out of control, cart wheeling down the runway
crashing upside down with part of it in Flushing Bay. I
survived the impact and subsequent explosion, I survived
being projected through a fireball and landing in Flushing
Bay. I survived nearly drowning, as my seat belt held me
under the water. I unbuckled it and was able to wade through
the fiery waters, not unlike the scene from TWA 800, to make
my way to shore. I was one of the lucky ones. I had survived
a living hell, but it did not prepare me for the treatment I
was about to experience from the airline and insurance
company.
Unconscious and barely clothed (my clothes had been ripped
off during impact) I was taken to a hospital with no means of
identification. As I was fighting for my life, my sixteen
year old daughter was at home watching television waiting for
me to return home. Suddenly the Sunday night movie was
interrupted by a report of an airplane crash. Her worst fear
was about to come true. She immediately called the 800 number
that was flashed on the screen. It was busy. All alone she
sat motionless in disbelief watching the media coverage of
the crash she feared I was on. Rescue workers were shown
pulling body bags from the wreckage. Still she was not able
to get through to receive any kind of information. As my
family arrived at my home to support my daughter, they too
met with the frustration of not being able to receive any
confirmation by either the 800 number or USAir directly.
Finally, out of desperation, my brother drove to the
airport in a blizzard to confirm that I was aboard the
doomed flight.
In the hospital the doctors were unsure if I would live. I
was hooked up to a respirator that forced oxygen into my
punctured and burnt lungs for three days. I spent three weeks
in the burn unit until I able to return home. During my
hospital stay the person that I was to rely on for assistance
and to help coordinate my needs as well as my family's needs
was an untrained USAir ticket agent whose main concern was to
find any pre-existing conditions that I might have for the
purpose of future litigation. To expect that the same people
who had almost killed me were now going to be my caretakers
was very confusing. Not only were they not trained for any
kind of crisis intervention, but there was a direct conflict
of interest. They were more interested in what kind of
disability insurance I might have--to know how long I could
afford to live without an income. In other words, how
desperate I was to settle any damage claim.
My physical and emotional recovery continued for several
years. During that time I was under the care of doctors and
physical therapists whose services were to be paid for by the
insurance carrier. Several months would pass without any kind
of payment. Clearly the airline was attempting to put
pressure on me in any way that they could. I soon realized
that once the media stopped filming the ``sympathetic airline
officials'' that they were actually more like a brand of
angry pit bulls waiting to attack the victim for a second
time.
Unfortunately, I have witnessed this same inhumane
treatment of families by the airline in other aviation
disasters. USAir 427-American Eagle 4184-Valu Jet 59--and now
TWA 800. The need for change is long overdue. There will be
another snowstorm. There will be another delay--whether it be
at LaGuardia or another airport. Regretfully, there will be
another crash. I implore you to act now before another family
suffers the horror that mine did. Our children deserve
better, we the people deserve better.
Thank you for your consideration.
____
testimony of victoria cummock, president, families of pan am 103/
lockerbie
My name is Victoria Cummock. Today, I have come to present
testimony as the widow of John Cummock, a 38 yr. old
passenger who died along with 269 people, during the
terrorist bombing of Pan Am 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland. I
have also come here to present testimony as President of
Families of Pan Am 103/Lockerbie and as ``a long time
observer'' and victims advocate having been involved in
disaster response work over the past 8 years and most
recently with the families of TWA 800, Valujet 592 and the
[[Page S12169]]
Oklahoma City bombing. Although, I am a Commissioner on the
White House Commission on Aviation Safety & Security, which
was formed on July 25 by President Clinton and is Chaired by
Vice President Gore, please note that my testimony here today
does not reflect the views of the White House Commission.
* * * * *
Over the past year the House Aviation Sub-Committee has
worked very closely with families of numerous air disasters.
After holding various hearings, legislation was drafted to
specifically address these issues. HR 3923 embodies what air
disaster victims families have cried out for, time and time
again . . . for years. It provides families of air disaster
victims, the same quality of professional disaster care,
currently given to all Americans during all other types of
disasters, whether natural or man made. This legislation
expands the role of the NTSB by placing the NTSB in the lead
coordinating role, to manage all aspects air-disaster
response and victims' family care.
HR 3923 enables the NTSB to designate an independent
nonprofit disaster organization (like the Red Cross, with
certified grief counselors and disaster professionals to care
for the families). This will insure humane and uniform
treatment, by providing a professional disaster response thus
avoiding future mis-handling, conflicts of interest or abuse
of authority by airlines. We strongly support this change and
respectfully ask the Senate to adopt the House language and
pass this legislation on to the President desk to sign. More
planes will go down for different reasons. Let's not wait for
another disaster before we implement this change.
* * * * *
____
statement of dario j. cremades, flight 800
Good morning Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee. I
wish to thank you for allowing me to present my views on S.R.
253 and H.R. 3923, the Aviation Disaster Family Assistance
Act of 1996. Although the testimony I am presenting are my
personal views, they are shared by many other families of
victims of flight 800.
In spite of all the ink that has flown since TWA flight 800
exploded and fell into the Atlantic, these are things that
have remained unsaid and which deserve to be told. Because
the wounds that this disaster has left in its victims will
only heal if adequate measures are taken to prevent it from
ever happening again.
Our story really started on the eve of July 17th, 1996
when, after having supper, we sat to watch television in our
apartment's living room in Manhattan. The scheduled programs
were interrupted by news briefs, informing us that an
accident had occurred at about 8 pm, off the coast of Long
Island shortly after the plane departed from JFK. Our mood
was somber and concerned about the tragedy, keeping in the
back of our minds the departure of our nephew Daniel, 15
years of age, bound for Paris that same evening.
* * * * *
In light of the prior statement, our family feels H.R. 3923
and S.R. 253 combined and expanded reflect the needs of the
families of TWA flight 800 and tries to correct some of the
issues presented in this testimony and we support its
implementation into law. But we also propose the following
specific recommendations to consider.
____
hans ephraimson, families of korean airlines 007
Mr. Chairman: Your initiative to hold a Hearing on air
crash passenger issues at short notice is welcomed. We thank
your Committee and its hard working staff.
We endorse H.R. 3923 as passed by the House of
Representatives and regret not to have had the opportunity to
participate in the legislation contemplated by the Senate,
hoping that the issues, that have to be urgently addressed in
the wake of the TWA 800 tragedy be incorporated in the
forthcoming legislation.
Mr. STEVENS. For instance, Kendra St. Charles, who was a passenger
aboard the USAir flight 405 appeared before us, just an incredible
statement concerning her personal survival from that crash. She was
taken unconscious and barely clothed to a hospital, and had no means of
identification. She found her 16-year-old daughter was at home watching
television and had the Sunday night movie interrupted with a report of
the airplane crash. When she called the 800 number that flashed on the
screen, she had no way to find out what was going on.
She said, ``Hopefully, we can change the way families are treated
after an airline disaster by enabling the NTSB to designate an
independent nonprofit organization--like the Red Cross, with
professionally trained grief and disaster counselors--to give care and
support during this horrific time.''
I commend to all the testimony of Kendra St. Charles.
We heard from Victoria Cummock, a dedicated woman whose husband was a
survivor of the Pan Am 103 Lockerbie disaster. She has been responsible
for working with various people throughout the country to try and urge
a different way of dealing with the survivors of victims of air
disasters. She specifically came to our committee and urged we look at
H.R. 3923. She said, this ``embodies what air disaster victims have
cried out for time and time again * * * for years. It provides families
of air disaster victims the same quality of professional disaster care
currently given to all Americans during other types of disasters,
whether natural or manmade.''
She made a great impression on me. We should all thank her for the
work she has done to bring about the Coalition of Families of Aircraft
Disasters.
We also heard from Richard Kessler, Jr., who was the husband of
Kathleen Parker Kessler who was a passenger on ValuJet flight 592. He
came to us on the Commerce Committee and made this statement:
I urge the Senate to introduce and pass a bill exactly like
H.R. 3932 that has passed the House, and attach amendments
that provide for pilot vision equipment, passenger smoke
protection and smoke detectors, and fire extinguishers.
We did not have the time to do that because of the situation that
existed at the end of Congress, but we have adopted that bill, H.R.
3932, as an amendment to this conference report. It is in this bill.
We also heard from Dario Cremades. He appeared with regard to the
treatment of families of aviation disaster victims. He particularly
referred to the TWA flight 800. He had some very difficult problems. I
commend his statement, likewise. He said:
In light of the prior statements, our family feels H.R.
3923 combined and expanded reflects the needs of families of
TWA Flight 800 and tries to correct some of the issues
presented in his testimony.
He urged us to support that House bill.
Lastly, Hans Ephraimson-Abt is one of the members of the families of
the Korean Airline 007 disaster, an aircraft that took off from my home
city, and we all know was shot down as it went westward from Alaska. He
told us that his group supported the passage of House bill 3923, and he
very much wanted to have us enact as quickly as possible that and other
matters. The other matters, unfortunately, will have to wait until next
year.
The point, Madam President, is that this bill contains the whole bill
H.R. 3923, which is very much sought by all of those who have come
before the Congress who represent families of those who have already
suffered so much as a result of airline disasters. I think it would be
a travesty if we have to go back and start all over next year and have
it be more than a year before we get this legislation passed. Aviation
welcomes it, the Red Cross welcomes it, the people who have been
involved in these instances in the past welcome this legislation, and
it is absolutely a must that we pass this bill this week without
amendment and get it to the President.
I yield the floor.
Mr. FEINGOLD. Madam President, I thank the Senator from Massachusetts
for his tremendous leadership on the issue before the Senate today, and
of course for his leadership on all issues relating to working people.
I come to the floor today to speak about the issue that is holding up
the passage of the FAA reauthorization bill. As the Senator from Alaska
was just indicating, that is the problem we have, the bill is held up
and it does need to go forward. The problem that some of us have is
with the item that has been added to the conference report. What I am
talking about is an effort to give special treatment to one company--
the Federal Express Co.--by subverting standard labor law requirements
in order for this company to be able to avoid unionization.
Maybe this is just part of a larger agenda. I think it is part of a
larger agenda, symbolized by aspects of the Contract With America,
which represented an assault on the working people of this country. In
a sense, this is one more kick from that contract at working people.
Like all of my colleagues and all of us on this side of the issue
have said, we understand the importance of reauthorizing the FAA. No
one, absolutely no one, wants to jeopardize in any way the safety of
our Nation's air travelers and personnel. I, like all of my colleagues,
supported this critical bill when the Senate passed it earlier this
year. But as we have heard repeatedly now, the bill that passed the
Senate did
[[Page S12170]]
not contain --did not contain--the controversial antiunion provision
that has now been inserted into the conference report.
The other side of this debate has conveniently mentioned over and
over again the unanimous vote in the Senate, but has also conveniently
failed to mention the fact that this controversial provision was not
part of the bill when that unanimous consent vote was held in the
Senate. Also, Madam President, this provision was nowhere to be found
in the House version of the bill, either. So it truly has no place in
the conference report that is before the Senate today.
Now, I realize, having been here for nearly 4 years now, that
inserting material into a conference report which has not been
considered by either body has become almost commonplace in the
Congress.
Madam President, that doesn't make it right, and it doesn't make it
the right place for the sponsors of the Contract With America to
administer one more blow to the working people of this country.
Mr. KENNEDY. Will the Senator yield on that point?
Mr. FEINGOLD. I yield to the Senator from Massachusetts.
Mr. KENNEDY. As a matter of fact, the House Parliamentarian said it
was outside the scope of the conference, and it was the only item that
required an independent vote in the House of Representatives, other
than the conference report, just to point out the validity of the
Senator's statement. The Parliamentarian, who does not have a special
interest in this particular matter, who neither favors it being in or
out, but who is just ruling on the basis of an objective standard, said
this is outside of the conference and, therefore, it is the only item
beyond the conference report to require a special vote.
I just wanted to ask the Senator, does that not help sustain the
point he is making that this particular item was nowhere, either in the
House or Senate bill, and just came at the very last moment?
Mr. FEINGOLD. I thank the Senator from Massachusetts. It does that
and more, because it ties in with other facts that the other side can't
deny. Not only was this item treated in the way the Senator indicated,
not only was it not part of the Senate bill, or the House bill, but we
have also had analysis by the CRS, an independent agency that we rely
on, saying that the deletion of the term ``express carrier'' in the ICC
Termination Act of 1995 does not appear to be a technical error. I will
say more about that in a moment.
These are the slender reeds that the other side are resting on--that
everybody voted for this bill originally, even though this provision
was not in it, and it was somehow a technical error. This is not much
to rely on. When you have a special interest provision of this
magnitude, maybe that is what you do.
Madam President, this provision would help Federal Express resist the
efforts of its workers to unionize. That is the purpose of it, whether
you call it technical, or whether you call it a drafting error. The
fact is that the purpose of it is to stop possible unionization. It has
already been rejected by the Senate Appropriations Committee. Let me
repeat, the Appropriations Committee rejected the amendment. Yet,
somehow it reappeared on the table during the bill's conference, and it
was inserted into the conference report, where proponents felt it was
well protected from attack. I want to repeat that phrase: Where it was
well protected from attack.
Again, I have been here almost 4 years. I know about the idea of
trying to put the stuff that you want through on what is called a must-
pass bill. People back home are catching on to it, too. I watched it
when we had the legislation to help out the folks in California after
the earthquake. That wasn't one of the bills we weren't sure was going
to become a law. We knew we had to help the people in California. So
money was tacked on for Pennsylvania Station, the space station, and so
on. It is a vehicle you use to try to avoid having items have to stand
on their own weight in front of the Congress. When this item was placed
before separate votes in the Congress, it didn't make it. So the
American people are catching on to this kind of abuse of the
legislative process.
Madam President, this is another similar vehicle, another must-pass
bill. It wasn't chosen by chance. You will notice that a separate bill
to correct this so-called technical error wasn't going anywhere. No
chance. Proponents put it on the FAA authorization bill and said, ``We
are sorry it was snuck in there, but we have to pass the bill.'' That
is the game. It is an insider game. But people are catching on.
This one was just a little too much, and to have it thrown on such a
very, very important bill for our airports across the country seems
like just a bit too much to me. Some may say, well, as of January, we
have a line-item veto. The President can line out something like this.
Of course, the new line-item veto authority does not extend to this
kind of provision, but though I have never advocated extending the
line-item veto authority beyond removing excess spending items, if the
President had a broader authority, this is certainly one situation
where it would be a good policy to take this piece of special interest
legislation out of this bill.
So the practice will continue, unless we here and people across the
country say, wait a minute, we don't want laws made this way. We don't
want one company to be able to push its weight around and shove this
provision into a bill and say it absolutely has to pass, regardless of
the merits of the provision, because otherwise we won't be able to help
our airports.
Madam President, this is one of the most clear examples of special
interest treatment I have ever seen. You know it, and I know it, and
every Member of this body knows it. It's offensive and it doesn't
belong on this bill. To accuse Members of the Senate of not caring
about airport safety and the welfare of air passengers just because we
object to this subversion of the rules is just disingenuous. We know
what is going on here, and nobody can say this particular provision has
anything at all to do with airline safety.
Supporters of the provision claim that it is simply a technical
correction, to correct the accidental deletion of the term ``express
carrier'' from the Railway Labor Act, which was amended in the
Interstate Commerce Termination Act of 1995--a technical error. My
colleagues, does this look technical to you? Does all the controversy
and anger on this issue look technical to you? It is not technical. The
term was intentionally removed by the Congress last year, and has now
been intentionally inserted into the FAA conference report by the
Members of the conference committee. In fact, researchers in the
bipartisan American Law Division of the Congressional Research Service
say that the deletion of that term ``express company'' does not appear
to have been inadvertent or mistaken. To the contrary, the deletion
appeared to be consistent with the statutory structure and the intent
of Congress. Moreover, it appears unlikely that Federal Express would
constitute an express company, as that term is used in the proposed
amendment.
That is the CRS analysis, Madam President, not a labor union. CRS is
the Congress' own nonpartisan research service. Although the report and
its author have been maligned here on the floor, I think those
accusations have been unfair. We all rely on CRS for unbiased analyses
of the facts. They say that this provision does not merely make a
technical correction. It is a significant, substantive change. If there
is one thing it is not, it is technical. This is a significant policy
change, Madam President. It does not belong on this bill.
Moreover, it is interesting to note that Linda Morgan, Chair of the
Surface Transportation Board, formerly the ICC, confirmed CRS's opinion
that Federal Express would not qualify as an express carrier. In a
recent letter to Congressman James Oberstar, Ms. Morgan stated that
when the term ``express carrier'' was in use, the ICC considered
Federal Express to be a motor carrier, not an express carrier, as the
company claims it was and would like to be considered in the future.
Let me just read briefly from that letter:
The ICC considered FedEx to be a motor carrier.
She continued later:
In a decision in 1934, the ICC concluded that express
company operations wholly by
[[Page S12171]]
rail, or partly by rail and partly by water, were subject to
ICC regulation, but that an express company's motor carrier
operations were not.
So this is a special interest provision, designed to protect the
interest of one company. Now, we see these kinds of provisions often in
tax bills, where one single company is given a tax preference like a
special depreciation break or a tax credit. This provision, however, in
my mind, is way out in front of the pack in terms of special interest
benefits.
This provision, I want to reiterate, is designed exclusively for this
single company, Federal Express, to allow it to impose special barriers
to block unionization efforts among employees who transport cargo by
truck. Other motor carriers, including FedEx's major competitor, UPS,
are, in contrast, subject to the National Labor Relations Act and
organize at specific localities. If FedEx truckers in Pennsylvania want
to form a union, they should have that right, under the NLRA. But if
this provision goes through, FedEx truck drivers across the Nation
would all have to agree to a single nationwide bargaining unit or
forfeit the right to organize. They would have to forfeit the right to
organize. It is an awfully big hurdle. It is a hurdle intended to
prevent unionization. That is not what the NRLA provides for millions
of workers across the Nation. But under this provision FedEx would have
the more stringent rules of the National Railway Labor Act applied to
its truck drivers.
Supporters of the FedEx provision also claim that if we do not pass
this bill this week, without amendment, that the safety of air travel
will be significantly threatened. Again, this is a kind of blackmail
attempt to stick a special interest provision in a bill and say that it
can't be removed without jeopardizing the underlying vital legislation
and then shift the burden to those who want to get the special interest
provision out.
It is a good trick. But we are here today to say that it is unfair
and that we have been willing and will continue to be willing to come
out here on the floor of the Senate to indicate that it is not
justified.
Let me just refer to a similar occurrence not too long ago on another
item for which the distinguished Senator from Massachusetts was taking
the lead on a bipartisan basis with the Senator from Kansas to try to
get some semblance of health care reform in this country. Another
provision like this got stuck in the Kennedy-Kassebaum bill. It was not
until Members of the Senate objected loudly, strenuously, and publicly
to that special interest provision that the proponents, with some
embarrassment, suddenly agreed to have it dropped through a correcting
resolution. That is what should happen right here. It should happen
right now. This provision should be dropped so that we can get the FAA
bill passed and signed into law in the next few hours.
Let me stress once again--because this is the whole heart of the
opposition's argument--that they want to pretend inaccurately and
unfairly that we oppose the underlying bill. We do not oppose the
underlying bill. I would like to see the FAA be reauthorized before
this Congress adjourns.
My colleagues, the Senators from Massachusetts and Illinois, have a
bill ready--it is at the desk--that I support wholeheartedly. That is
the bill we should be considering. It is the conference version of the
FAA bill minus just this one offensive FedEx provision. But the other
side will not agree to bring up that bill. It is they, not we, who are
holding up the reauthorization of these important aviation programs.
So again, let us ask: Why is it so important to supporters of this
provision that it remain in the bill? How can it be so important? After
all, they keep saying over and over and over again that this is a minor
technical amendment. Well, then why does Federal Express care so much
that it be considered an express carrier? The reason is clear: They
want to avoid unionization. That is the benefit to this so-called
technical correction. Federal Express, and my colleagues who support
their provision, understand how much more difficult it would be for
Federal Express' truck drivers to unionize if they have to organize all
of their employees nationwide as opposed to being able to form local
unions.
In fact, Madam President, Federal Express' antiunion sentiment is,
unfortunately, well documented. Federal Express Co. produces a manual
called the Manager's Labor Law Book, which states that its corporate
goal is to remain union-free. Of course, we all know that if Federal
Express is able to maintain its union-free status, it will be easier
for it to remain competitive with UPS. Like Federal Express, UPS'
airline operations are covered under the Railway Labor Act. However,
UPS' truck drivers are covered by the National Labor Relations Act, and
they have been members of local Teamsters unions for decades.
Interestingly, Federal Express' trucking operations expanded in
recent years. Some of their drivers have been attempting to organize,
but they have, not surprisingly, met resistance from the company's
management. The issue of whether the company's trucking operation is
most appropriately covered under the NLRA or the RLA is currently in
litigation.
So what is this? What is this provision today? This is a backdoor
effort to win that dispute. This amendment has no business in this
bill.
Mr. KENNEDY. Will the Senator yield on that point, because I think it
is a very, very important one; that is, as the Senator is pointing out,
this is a matter that is in litigation at the present time. This is a
matter that is in litigation at the present time. What we are being
asked to do is superimpose a legislative resolution on what is
basically a judicial determination and thereby deny the rights of
workers to make a judgment and decision under the existing law.
Does the Senator not agree with me that most people would understand
that that is sort of changing the rules of the game, changing the
goalposts in the third quarter, and that this is basically saying that
for people who are trying to play by the rules of the game, ``Well, it
is just too bad, you tried to play by the rules of the game, and we are
not going to take a chance that you may reach a positive result. We are
going to shortchange you and really stick it to you by undermining your
legitimate interests by legislative solution''?
Is the Senator's opposition to this also based on his belief that we
should not, at a time when there are matters in litigation, impose a
legislative solution that would directly affect the outcome of that
litigation?
Mr. FEINGOLD. Madam President, I thank the Senator from Massachusetts
for his question.
Let me say, first of all, that I have the great honor and pleasure of
serving with him not only on the Senate floor but particularly on the
Senate Judiciary Committee. For one concerned with the independence of
our judiciary and the relationship between the Congress and judiciary,
this is a threatening prospect. I suppose incidents like that have
occurred in the past in this great country. When the power of one
single company cannot only move a Congress like this to jeopardize the
reauthorization of a bill but do it in such a specific and targeted way
as to try to undo the process in the courts is even more frightening.
It is not only a question for working people; it is a question for
anyone. They should have the opportunity to go to court and have a
matter resolved without some company being able to flex its muscles in
the waning days of the Congress to undo their right to their day in
court.
So I do think that this is an extremely important aspect of my
opposition. I am opposed to it anyway, but it seems particularly
inflammatory when this matter is being litigated at this time, as the
Senator from Massachusetts has indicated.
It makes me want to just sort of add on to something that he has said
to me earlier. This is part of a broader agenda. This isn't just an
isolated moment where somebody decided to insert a provision to help a
company. This is part of a broader agenda to shove back working people
in this country so they can't get as organized as they need to be in
order to protect themselves and their families. It is a broader agenda.
It is a broader agenda that was very clearly articulated in that
Contract With America about which we will have a referendum in a few
weeks. So let us not just view it in isolation.
[[Page S12172]]
It is inappropriate. It does not belong here. It is a special
interest item but part of a broader agenda that is willing not only to
push its weight around in the Congress but to also try to override the
procedure in our courts.
What we are faced with here today is a situation in which many
Members of this body have worked very, very hard to craft a good bill.
I praise all of them. I think they have succeeded. But, unfortunately,
the conferees allowed a corporate special-interest provision to be
attached to this good bill, and now we are being pressured to pass the
bill and its offensive add-on quickly because the end of the fiscal
year has come and because, as we all know, it is an election year and
everyone wants to go back to their home States.
But to conclude, I think we would be making a larger mistake than
usual if we do not remove this provision.
I urge my colleagues to support the Simon-Kennedy substitute, which
will provide a clean FAA reauthorization. If the proponents of this
provision would let us pass a clean bill, this measure not only could
but I imagine would be signed within a few hours. It is the proponents
of this special interest treatment for one big company, not the
opponents, who, I am afraid, have subverted the legislative process.
So let us drop this provision, let us drop it now, and let us get a
clean FAA bill passed.
Madam President, I yield the floor.
Mr. DOMENICI. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that Peter
Folger and Jessica Korn, fellows in my office the past year, be granted
floor privileges for the remainder of the discussion today on this
bill.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Bennett). Without objection, it is so
ordered.
Mr. DOMENICI. I thank the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Carolina.
Mr. HOLLINGS. Mr. President, under the crunch of time, particularly
during yesterday, we did not get an opportunity to recognize the
comments of the distinguished Presiding Officer. I had the distinct
privilege of serving with Wallace Bennett, of Utah. There is certainly
no finer gentleman, certainly no finer Senator.
We lived in the same neighborhood and exchanged greetings over the
weekends, and those kinds of things. I was powerfully interested,
because I do remember the FAA bill at that particular time, as the
distinguished Senator from Alaska recalls, when we worked on this with
Senator Magnuson and others. This is a good bill. I acknowledge the
contribution that the now-Senator Bennett of Utah, the Presiding
Officer, made to that legislation in its formative days. Hopefully,
after tomorrow's vote, we can make gains in continuing to beef up air
service, particularly in the area of safety.
I also did not get an opportunity to thank the distinguished Senator
from Alaska. He and I have worked on this over the years. And I
particularly am thankful for the leadership of the Senator from
Arizona, John McCain. Senator McCain has been like a tiger for a couple
of years, trying to bring some changes to the Federal Aviation
Administration.
I have come all the way around in my own mind to thinking in terms of
a separate Federal Aviation Administration, a separate board, outside
the department, because I am sure it would receive better attention and
I am sure it would receive better performance.
The Presiding Officer was talking about John Volpe. I remember when
John Volpe came on as the Secretary of Transportation. He and I had
both served as Governors together. A lot of people have been working on
this for a long time.
Let me get right to the point here with the distinguished Senator
from Wisconsin, who gets really far afield talking about blackmail,
sticking it to them, power grab and all of that. He asked, why is it
important? It is very important to this Senator. None other than Mark
Twain said, years ago, that the truth was such an important item, it
should be used very sparingly.
The truth is that we made a mistake. Why is it important? It is a
matter of honor. I am trying my dead level best to correct the mistake.
It was on our watch last December. I was the ranking member, and the
facts should be stated and the truth given accurately.
The Senator from Wisconsin said when it was voted for, the provision
was in it--absolutely false. The language ``express company'' was in
the Interstate Commerce Act when we voted for the termination act, and
thereafter, the staff was writing it up and those kinds of things, they
thought the term ``express company'' was not necessary and deleted that
phrase. So it was a drafting error made.
So, when they say it was dropped out and that this amendment is part
of a broader agenda, this Senator says: part of the contract with
America? Come on. Everybody back home would break out laughing if they
heard. I have been talking against that contract for 4 years now. I did
not think much of it as politics. It was all applesauce: Get rid of the
Department of Education, the Department of Commerce, get rid of the
Department of Energy, repeal--get rid of public television, get rid of
the Park Service--just get rid of it all? Come on. This is not any part
of the contract. It is part of my particular watch, and I am going to
get it corrected. Do not give me this stuff about procedure now.
They said, back in my law school days, if you have the law you argue
the law as strongly as you can. If you have the facts with you, you
argue the facts. And if you do not have the facts or the law, you beat
on the desk, and yell about procedure. And that is what we are
listening to. ``It was in the House bill, it was not in the Senate
bill''--heavens above, we passed an omnibus appropriations and
continuing resolution earlier this week with hardly a dissenting vote.
I would think one-third of it was not in there before or had ever been
seen or whatever else. I know the new things that were put in, we were
glad to get them in. That is the nature of the process. Any of that,
``sneaking around, pulling the rug out, sticking it to them,
blackmail''--that is tommyrot and they know it. They are the ones
trying to pull the rug out because they continually falsely report the
situation.
I read again the statement of the Senator from Massachusetts, talking
about that Philadelphia case: ``Federal Express challenged the
petition, arguing the entire company, including its truck drivers, is
covered by the Railway Labor Act and not the Labor Relations Act, and
therefore the bargaining unit for its truck drivers must be nationwide.
The board has not yet decided the issue.''
Absolutely false. The board decided the issue on November 22 of last
year. In Re: Federal Express, 23 NMB, No. 13. And I quote what they
decided unanimously:
The board is of the opinion that Federal Express
Corporation and all its employees sought by the UAW's
petition are subject to the Railway Labor Act.
But the Senator from Massachusetts says--``a man convinced against
his will is of the same opinion still''--and I quote yesterday again,
``The Senator from South Carolina still cannot show where Federal
Express is an express company under the Railway Labor Act.''
I just did. That is one of the most recent decisions. I laid it in
the Record and enumerated some 31 decisions. Maybe we ought to ask it
in reverse. Find me a single decision since 1973, when Federal Express
went in business, in which it was not held to be an express company
under the RLA. It has always been held that it is under the Railway
Labor Act.
Mr. President, let me move on. Right here they say you are not
playing fair, that they are playing by the rules of the game. We are
trying a new case here that we have not had a hearing on or anything,
they say--it makes me go to the Record.
They say the United Parcel Service has so many planes and trucks,
Federal Express has so many planes and trucks, United Parcel Service
plays by the rules and Federal Express ought to play by the rules.
Oh, boy, that has been raised by the best of the best lawyers. There
is not any question that the Teamsters and the United Auto Workers both
have the best of the best lawyers.
In the Board case: United Parcel Service, Timothy J. Gallagher and
the International Brotherhood of Teamsters, National Committee
intervenor, decision and order of August 25 of last year by Chairman
Gould and members Stephens, Browning, Cohen and Truesdale, and I quote:
[[Page S12173]]
Approximately 92 percent of the packages picked up,
processed and delivered by the respondent travel exclusively
by ground.
Ninety-two percent; 85 percent of Federal Express travels by air, and
that case, interestingly, appeared in an argument made by the teamster
attorney on May 9, 1996, in the United States Circuit Court of Appeals
for the District of Columbia Circuit. United Parcel Service petition,
National Labor Relations Board. Mr. Muldolf, the lawyer, was answering
a question.
Mr. Muldolf: Well, the case now pending before the NLRB is
a FedEx case which has been referred back. There has not been
a decision there, but if you take the NLRB's decision in UPS
and you take the NMB's advisory opinion in Federal Express,
you see--and I can't tell you what the NLRB is going to do--
these companies are like night and day. Ninety-two percent on
the ground, 15 percent on the ground--
That is the language of their own lawyer. But you get the politician
lawyers who appear on the floor of the Senate and they want to try a
different case. I don't know if they have ever been in the courtroom
before. This Senator has made a living at it. We are not going to let
them get by with this bum's rush, because exactly what they accuse me
of--inserting this language, of pulling the rug and sticking it to
them--is exactly what they are trying. They know when they say
``litigation pending'' that there is none. The NLRB has been sitting on
the finding of the National Mediation Board since last November. I have
searched the record, and in the last 50 years of 100 cases where the
National Mediation Board has given its opinion, the NLRB has yet to
reverse it.
So they know it is a given. If they tried to rule otherwise, it would
be appealed and reversed right away. So there is nothing pending. But
what they are trying to do is come in after the rules of the game,
after November 22, after the full hearing over a 5-year period. It
wasn't started until the end of 1990, the first part of 1991. After 5
years and with all the lawyers, they were unanimously ruled against,
and they try now to change the rule by saying, ``Oh, they made that
error. We can get this organized, and we can get the votes, we can
control it.''
They have been blocking correcting this mistake every way they can.
Yes, they blocked it in the Appropriations Committee because I wasn't
prepared. I thought an honest error would be respected by Senators as
gentlemen. I went in, explained exactly what happened. We called the
roll, and it was 10 to 10. I hadn't even bothered to get the proxies.
However, later on, we did include it in the conference report. It has
been debated, affirmed in the House by a rollcall vote. We are ready to
vote now, and they are claiming we are filibustering.
It reminds me, I say to the Senator, of a young lad who went to the
psychiatrist, and she drew a line on the board and said, ``What do you
think of?''
The young lad said, ``Sex.''
She drew some crosses.
He said, ``Sex.''
She drew circles.
He said, ``Sex.''
She said, ``Young man, you're the most oversexed, depraved person
I've ever seen.''
``Doctor, me depraved?'' he said. ``You're the one drawing the dirty
pictures.''
Come on. Are we doing the filibustering? We are ready to vote, have
been ready to vote. They are the ones who moved to postpone. I haven't
heard that motion in the 30 years I have been here; never heard it. But
I heard it from the Senator from Massachusetts for the first time. Then
they wanted to read the bill. And they say we are the ones
filibustering?
Why is it important? Because the truth is important. It was not part
of the bill when it left the Senate. It was not a part of the bill when
it left the House. We know it wasn't in there. Look at what we voted on
on Monday. I can give you ad nauseam a list of things that were never
in the House, never in the Senate that appeared there.
They say this is ``one more blow to the working people.'' It is not
any blow to the working people. I am not engaged in that kind of work.
I am not forestalling the entire Congress for a broader agenda. I could
comment further but in the interest of time let me go down to a couple
of other things.
The intent. Oh, yes, the Congressional Research Service. The comment
was made he was demeaned, the lawyer. If I could get him, I would wring
his neck. I couldn't demean him enough. Why? Because he was asked about
this provision and said it was put in intentionally, when he knows
otherwise. He failed and refused to quote the intent of the Congress.
This is in the conference report, Mr. Shuster, of the committee of
conference, submitted the following report:
The enactment of the ICC Termination Act of 1995 shall
neither expand nor contract coverage of employees and
employers by the Railway Labor Act.
With the deleted language, that is the ambiguity we are trying to
clarify. But when you look for intent, and we told them about it, the
CRS letter continually disregards the intent with this letter to the
Members. I can't get to all the Members and explain this. They have
labor reps running all around. They say, ``Stay home, they have to get
the 60 votes.''
It is so hard, as Twain says, to use the truth. It's so hard to
develop it around this particular issue.
There has been an onslaught, Mr. President, against the company. I
saw a part of the distinguished Senator from Massachusetts' press
conference on TV. By the time I saw it, it was cut, but it was
partially on C-SPAN that ``it was a horrible company; they hadn't given
a pay raise in 7 years,'' the FedEx employee was saying. I called, and
we will get it in the Record. They have had, I was told, over the last
8 years, each year an average of 6.5 percent, for a total of a 50
percent wage increase. I said that very carefully because that is
exactly what I was told, and I am going to get a copy of it.
Mr. President, we have in this book: ``The 100 Best Companies to Work
for in America'' with special recognition in the following categories:
One of the best 10 overall companies; one of the 10 best for job
security; one of the 10 best for women; one of the 10 best for
minorities; one of the 12 best with significant employee ownership; one
of the 10 best training programs. We have the Minority Business
Council; the Hispanic Council; the Good Housekeeping magazine's 69 top
companies for working mothers, and on and on and on.
This book--we wouldn't want to put the book in the Record --is ``The
100 Best Companies to Work for in America,'' by Robert Levering and
Milton Moskowitz.
But when you get an outstanding company, and they are playing by the
rules, and you get the bum's rush as a result of a drafting error,
after the conference, that we have been trying to correct, and then
they give you all this procedure and everything else like we are doing
the sneaking--we have done nothing here in this particular provision in
the FAA Reauthorization Act but put the parties back exactly where they
were, which was the intent. None of the rights or responsibilities were
either contracted or expanded for employees or employers.
We have not had hearings. When they talk about hearings, there was
not any hearing when this was deleted, there was not any statement
made. I cannot find--I said, ``Where is the Senator, where is the
Congressman who said, `I wanted this. I put it in. I discussed it. I
talked about it.'?'' They cannot find one of 535; yet we get accused of
blackmail.
I never heard of such outrageous fraud going on here trying to change
the entire picture of what really is the case with respect to this
particular matter.
Mr. President, one more time I ask unanimous consent to have printed
in the Record excerpts of the National Mediation Board's opinion in re
Federal Express case No. 4-RC-17698.
There being no objection, the excerpts were ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
National Mediation Board,
Washington, DC, November 22, 1995.
Re NMB File No. CJ-6463 (NLRB Case 4-RC-17698) Federal
Express Corp.
Jeffrey D. Wedekind,
Acting Solicitor, National Labor Relations Board, Washington,
DC.
Dear Mr. Wedekind: This responds to your request dated July
17, 1995, for the National Mediation Board's (Board's)
opinion as to whether Federal Express Corporation (Federal
Express or FedEx) and certain of its employees is subject to
the Railway Labor Act,
[[Page S12174]]
as amended, 45 U.S.C. Sec. 151, et. seq. The Board's opinion,
based upon the materials provided by your office and the
Board's investigation is that Federal Express and all of its
employees are subject to the Railway Labor Act.
I.
This case arose as the result of a representation petition
filed with the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) by the
International Union, United Automobile Aerospace and
Agricultural Implement Workers of America (UAW). The UAW
initially sought to represent a unit of Federal Express's
employees including ``all regular full and part-time hourly
ground service employees in the Liberty District.'' \1\ On
December 9, 1991, the UAW amended its petition to exclude
``ramp agents, ramp agent/feeders, handlers, senior handlers,
heavyweight handlers, senior heavy weight handlers, checker
sorters, senior checker/sorters, shuttle drivers, shuttle
driver/handlers, office clerical employees, engineers, guards
and supervisors as defined in the Act [NLRA].'' The titles
remaining in the UAW's petition include: service agents,
senior service agents, international document agents,
couriers, courier/handlers, tractor-trailer drivers,
dispatchers,\2\ courier/non-drivers and operations agents.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Footnotes at end of article.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
The UAW argues that the employees it seeks to represent in
Federal Express Liberty District are employees subject to the
National Labor Relations Act (NLRA). The UAW acknowledges
that pilots and aircraft mechanics employed by Federal
Express are subject to the Railway Labor Act. However, the
UAW contends that the two-part test traditionally employed by
the Board to determine whether an entity is a carrier should
be applied to the unit of employees it seeks to represent in
Federal Express' Liberty District. According to the UAW, the
employees it seeks to represent in the Liberty District do
not perform airline work and are not ``integral to Federal
Express' air transportation functions.''
Federal Express asserts that it is a carrier subject to the
Railway Labor Act and, as a carrier, all of its employees are
subject to the Railway Labor Act. Federal Express notes that
the Board and the courts have repeatedly found it to be a
carrier subject to the Railway Labor Act. According to
Federal Express, the job classifications remaining in the
petition are integrally related to Federal Express' air
transportation activities. Federal Express contends that it
is a ``unified operation with fully integrated air and ground
services.'' According to Federal Express, allowing some
employees to be covered by the National Labor Relations Act
and others to be subject to the Railway Labor Act would
result in employees being covered by different labor
relations statutes as they are promoted up the career ladder.
Federal Express contends that the two-part test suggested
by the UAW is not appropriate in this case. According to
Federal Express, the Board uses the two-part test to
determine whether a company is a carrier, not to determine
whether specific employees of a carrier perform duties that
are covered by the Railway Labor Act. Federal Express
cautions that adoption of the test suggested by the UAW
``would drastically alter labor relations at every airline in
the country.'' According to Federal Express, under the UAW's
test, most categories of employees except pilots, flight
attendants and aircraft mechanics would be subject to the
NLRA.
The Board repeatedly has exercised jurisdiction over
Federal Express. Federal Express Corp., 22 NMB 279 (1995);
Federal Express Corp., 22 NMB 257 (1995); Federal Express
Corp., 22 NMB 215 (1995); Federal Express Corp., 20 NMB 404
(1993); Federal Express Corp., 20 NMB 394 (1993); Federal
Express Corp., 20 NMB 360 (1993); Federal Express Corp., 20
NMB 126 (1993); Federal Express Corp., 20 NMB 91 (1992);
Federal Express Corp., 20 NMB 7 (1992); Federal Express
Corp., 19 NMB 297 (1992); Federal Express Corp., 17 NMB 24
(1989); Federal Express/Flying Tiger, 16 NMB 433 (1989);
Federal Express, 6 NMB 442 (1978). There is no dispute that
Federal Express is a carrier subject to the Railway Labor Act
with respect to certain Federal Express employees (i.e.
Pilots; Flight Attendants,\3\ Global Operations Control
Specialists; and Mechanics and Related Employees; Stock
Clerks; and Fleet Service Employees). However, the Board has
not addressed the issue raised by the UAW: whether or not
certain Federal Express employees are subject to the Railway
Labor Act.
The NLRB initially requested the NNB's opinion as to
whether FedEx is subject to the RLA on July 1, 1992. However,
on that date, the NLRB granted the UAW's request to reopen
the record and the file was returned to the NLRB. The NLRB
renewed its request on July 17, 1995 and the NMB received the
record on July 31, 1995. The NMB received additional evidence
and argument from FedEx and the UAW on August 17, 1995 and
September 5, 1995.
ii.
Federal Express, a Delaware corporation, is an air express
delivery service which provides worldwide express package
delivery. According to Chairman of the Board and Chief
Executive Officer Frederick Smith, Federal Express flies the
sixth largest jet aircraft fleet in the world.
Federal Express' jet aircraft fleet, currently includes
Boeing 727-100's, Boeing 727-200's, Boeing 737's, Boeing 747-
100's, Boeing 747-200's, DC 10-10's, DC-10-30's and
McDonnell-Douglas MD-11's. Federal Express also operates
approximately 250 feeder aircraft, including Cessna 208's and
Fokker 27's. It has over 50 jet aircraft on order.
Federal Express currently serves the United States and
several countries in the Middle East, Europe, South America
and Asia, including Japan, Saudi Arabia and Russia. According
to Managing Director of Operations Research Joseph Hinson,
Federal Express does not transport freight that moves
exclusively by ground to or from the United States.
* * * * *
iii. discussion
The National Mediation Board has exercised jurisdiction
over Federal Express as a common carrier by air in numerous
published determinations. Federal Express Corp., 22 NMB 279
(1995); Federal Express Corp., 22 NMB 257 (1995); Federal
Express Corp., 22 NMB 215 (1995); Federal Express Corp., 20
NMB 666 (1993); Federal Express Corp., 20 NMB 404 (1993);
Federal Express Corp., 20 NMB 394 (1989); Federal Express
Corp., 20 NMB 360 (1993); Federal Express Corp., 20 NMB 126
(1993); Federal Express Corp., 20 NMB 91 (1992); Federal
Express Corp., 20 NMB 7 (1992); Federal Express Corp., 19 NMB
297 (1992); Federal Express Corp., 17 NMB 24 (1989); Federal
Express/Flying Tiger, 16 NMB 433 (1989); Federal Express, 6
NMB 442 (1978). In eight of those determinations, the Board
exercised jurisdiction over ground service employees of
Federal Express. The substantial record developed in this
proceeding provides no clear and convincing evidence to
support a different result.
a.
Section 181, which extended the Railway Labor Act's
coverage to air carriers, provides:
``All of the provisions of subchapter 1 of this chapter
except section 153 of this title are extended to and shall
cover every common carrier by air engaged in interstate or
foreign commerce, and every carrier by air transporting mail
for or under contract with the United States Government, and
every air pilot or other person who performs any work as an
employee or subordinate official of such carrier or carriers,
subject to its or their continuing authority to supervise and
direct the manner of rendition of his service.'' 45 U.S.C.
Sec. 181. (Emphasis added).
Federal Express is an air express delivery service which
holds itself out for hire to transport packages, both
domestically and internationally. Federal Express and the UAW
agree that Federal Express and its air operations employees,
such as pilots and aircraft mechanics, are subject to the
Railway Labor Act. The disagreement arises over whether
Federal Express' remaining employees are subject to the
Railway Labor Act. The UAW argues that the employees it seeks
to represent do not perform airline work and are not
``integral to Federal Express' air transportation
functions.'' Federal Express asserts that all of the
employees sought by the UAW are integrally related to its air
express delivery service and are subject to the Railway Labor
Act.
Since there is no dispute over whether Federal Express is a
common carrier by air, the Board focuses on whether the
employees sought by the UAW's petition before the NLRB are
subject to the Railway Labor Act. The Act's definition of an
employee of an air carrier includes, ``every air pilot or
other person who performs any work as an employee or
subordinate official of such carrier or carriers, subject to
its or their continuing authority to supervise and direct the
manner of rendition of his service''. The Railway Labor Act
does not limit its coverage to air carrier employees who fly
or maintain aircraft. Rather, its coverage extends to
virtually all employees engaged in performing a service for
the carrier so that the carrier may transport passengers or
freight.\4\
In REA Express, Inc., 4 NMB 253, 269 (1965), the Board
found ``over-the-road'' drivers employed by REA subject to
the Act stating:
``It has been the Board's consistent position that the fact
of employment by a ``carrier'' under the Act is determinative
of the status of all that carrier's employees as subject to
the Act. The effort to carve out or to separate the so-called
over-the-road drivers would be contrary to and do violence to
a long line of decisions by this Board which would embrace
the policy of refraining from setting up a multiplicity of
crafts or classes. As stated above, there is no question that
this particular group are employees of the carrier.''
(Emphasis in original).
The limit on Section 181's coverage is that the carrier
must have ``continuing authority to supervise and direct the
manner of rendition of . . . [an employee's] service. The
couriers, tractor-trailer drivers, operations agents and
other employees sought by the UAW are employed by Federal
Express directly. As the record amply demonstrates, these
employees, as part of Federal Express' air express delivery
system, are supervised by Federal Express employees. The
Board need not look further to find that all of Federal
Express' employees are subject to the Railway Labor Act.
b.
In the Board's judgment, the analysis of the jurisdictional
question could end here. However, Federal Express and the UAW
have directed substantial portions of their arguments the
``integrally related'' test. Specifically, the participants
discuss whether the employees the UAW seeks to represent are
[[Page S12175]]
``integrally related'' to Federal Express' air carrier
functions. The Board does not find consideration of the
``integrally related'' test necessary to resolve the
jurisdictional issue, however, review of the relevance of
this test is appropriate.
The UAW argues that the employees it seeks to represent are
not integrally related to Federal Express' air carrier
functions and therefore are not subject to the Railway Labor
Act. Federal Express asserts that the NLRB and federal courts
have found its trucking operations integrally related to its
air operations.\5\
However, the Board does not apply the ``integrally
related'' test to the Federal Express employees sought by the
UAW. Where, as here, the company at issue is a common carrier
by air, the Act's jurisdiction does not depend upon whether
there is an integral relationship between its air carrier
activities and the functions performed by the carrier's
employees in question. The Board need not consider the
relationship between the work performed by employees of a
common carrier and the air carrier's mission, because section
181 encompasses ``every pilot or other person who performs
any work as an employee or subordinate official of such
carrier or carriers. . . .'' (Emphasis added).
Even if the Board were to assume arguendo that the
``integrally related'' test applies to the facts in this
case, the Board would hold in concurrence with the recent
decision in Federal Express Corp. v. California PUC, supra,
at note 10, that the ``trucking operations of Federal Express
are integral to its operations as an air carrier.'' 936 F.2d
at 1078. Employees working in the other positions sought by
the UAW perform functions equally crucial to Federal Express'
mission as an integrated air express delivery service. As the
record demonstrates, without the functions performed by the
employees at issue, Federal Express could not provide the on-
time express delivery required of an air express delivery
service.
The Board has employed the ``integrally related'' test when
it has examined whether to apply the trucking exemption under
Sec. 151 of the Act. O/O Truck Sales, 21 NMB at 269; Florida
Express Carrier, Inc., 16 NMB 407 (1989). Specifically, the
Board has applied the ``integrally related'' test when it has
considered trucking operations conducted by a subsidiary of a
carrier or a company in the same corporate family with a
carrier. In Florida Express, supra, the Board found Florida
Express, a trucking company which is a wholly-owned
subsidiary of Florida East Coast Railroad, to be a carrier
subject to the Railway Labor Act. In O/O Truck Sales,
supra, the Board found O/O Truck Sales, a trucking and
fueling company which is a wholly-owned subsidiary of CSXI
(which is commonly owned with CSXT), to be a carrier
subject to the Railway Labor Act. In contrast, Federal
Express directly employs truck drivers, couriers and all
other employees sought by the UAW's petition.
c.
The UAW argues that the Board should apply the two-part
test used by the Board in other factual settings for
determining whether an employer and its employees are subject
to the Railway Labor Act. See, for example, Miami Aircraft
Support, 21 NMB 78 (1993); AMR Services Corp., 18 NMB 348
(1991). The Board does not apply the two-part test where the
company at issue is engaged in common carriage by air or
rail. The Board applies the two-part test where the company
in question is a separate corporate entity such as a
subsidiary or a derivative carrier which provides a service
for another carrier. In those situations where the Board
applies the two-part test, it determines: 1) whether the
company at issue is directly or indirectly owned or
controlled by a common carrier or carriers; and 2) whether
the functions it performs are traditionally performed by
employees of air or rail carriers. Under this test, both
elements must be satisfied for a company to be subject to the
Railway Labor Act. Federal Express is an admitted carrier and
the employees at issue are employed directly by Federal
Express. Accordingly, the two-part test does not apply to
this proceeding.
Even if the two-part test were applicable, the employees at
issue here would be covered by the Railway Labor Act. Federal
Express, as a common carrier, has direct control over the
positions sought by the UAW. In addition, the Board has found
that virtually all of the work performed by employees sought
by the UAW's petition is work traditionally performed by
employees in the airline industry. For example: couriers, Air
Cargo Transport, Inc., 15 NMB 202 (1988); Crew Transit, Inc.,
10 NMB 64 (1982); truck drivers; Florida Express, Inc., 16
NMB 407 (1989); customer service agents; Trans World
International Airlines, Inc., 6 NMB 703 (1979).
conclusion
Based upon the entire record in this case and for all of
the reasons stated above, the Board is of the opinion that
Federal Express Corporation and all of its employees sought
by the UAW's petition are subject to the Railway Labor Act.
This finding may be cited as Federal Express Corporation, 23
NMB 32 (1995). The documents forwarded with your letter will
be returned separately.
By direction of the National Mediation Board.
Stephen E. Crable,
Chief of Staff.
footnotes
\1\ The Liberty District includes portions of southeastern
Pennsylvania, southern New Jersey and Delaware.
\2\ The dispatchers at issue do not dispatch aircraft.
\3\ FedEx no longer employs Flight Attendants.
\4\ Two courts have held that certain employees of a carrier
who perform work unrelated to the airline industry are not
covered by the Railway Labor Act. Pan American World Airways
v. Carpenters, 324 F.2d 2487, 2488, 54 LRRM 2487, 2488 (9th
Cir. 1963); cert. denied, 376 U.S. 964 (1964) (RLA does not
apply to Pan Am's ``housekeeping'' services at the Atomic
Energy Commission's Nuclear Research Development Station);
and Jackson v. Northwest Airlines, Inc., 185 F.2d 74, 77 (8th
Cir. 1950) (RLA does not apply to Northwest's ``modification
center'' where U.S. Army aircraft were reconfigured for
military purposes). Work functions described in Carpenters as
``substantially identical'' to those before the Ninth Circuit
were held by another court to be within the ``compulsive''
jurisdiction of the Railway Labor Act. Biswanger v. Boyd, 40
LRRM 2267 (D.D.C. 1957). The Board has not had the occasion
to make a final determination regarding the appropriate
application of this line of cases.
\5\ Federal Express Corporation v. California Public
Utilities Commission, 936 F.2d 1075, 1078 (9th Cir. 1991).
Chicago Truck Drivers v. NLRB, 99 LRRM 2967 (N.D. Ill. 1978);
aff'd 599 F.2d 816, 101 LRRM 2624 (7th Cir. 1979).
Mr. HOLLINGS. This goes into every detail that was raised. Because
when you finally corner them one place, they squirt out like
quicksilver in the palm of your hand, talking about integrally related
tests and so forth. All of that was considered in this particular
decision. Trent Lott, Newt Gingrich, a letter to the majority leader
and the Speaker, where we had to hear from certain Members on
yesterday's debate, signed by Bud Shuster, chairman; Susan Molinari;
chairman of the Railroad Subcommittee. And it is not you, Hollings,
saying it was a mistake. Anybody intimately connected will not say
otherwise, and has not said otherwise.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the letter be printed in
the Record.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
Congress of the United States,
House of Representatives,
Washington, DC, July 12, 1996.
Hon. Trent Lott,
Majority Leader, U.S. Senate, The Capitol, Washington, DC.
Hon. Newt Gingrich,
Speaker, U.S. House of Representatives, The Capitol,
Washington, DC.
Dear Mr. Majority Leader and Mr. Speaker: We are writing to
you to set out the facts regarding a technical error in the
ICC Termination Act of 1995, Public Law 104-88. The mistake
concerns the context in which the ICC Termination Act
addressed the relationship between the economic regulation of
transportation under Subtitle IV of Title 49, United States
Code, and the Railway Labor Act (45 U.S.C. 151 et. seq.).
The ICC Termination Act abolished the former Interstate
Commerce Commission, reduced economic regulation
substantially in both rail and motor carrier transportation,
and transferred the reduced but retained regulatory functions
to a new Surface Transportation Board, part of the Department
of Transportation.
One form of ICC regulatory jurisdiction under the former
Interstate Commerce Act was exercised over ``express
carriers''--as defined in former 49 U.S.C. 10102, a person
``providing express transportation for compensation.'' This
was part of the ICC's jurisdiction, since express service
originated as an ancillary service connecting with rail
freight service.
The Railway Labor Act included in Part I coverage of ``any
express company . . . subject to the Interstate Commerce
Act.'' [45 U.S.C. 15].
In the ICC Termination Act, economic regulation of express
carriers was eliminated from the statutes to be administered
by the new Surface Transportation Board, on the ground that
this form of regulation was obsolete. (Another category of
ICC and Railway Labor Act ``carrier''--the sleeping-car
company--was similarly eliminated from STB jurisdiction.)
In light of the abolition of economic regulation, the ICC
Termination Act contained a conforming amendment (Section
322, 109 Stat. 950) which also struck the term ``express
company'' from the Railway Labor Act definition of a
``carrier.'' Although unaware of any possible effects of this
conforming change on the standards applied under the Railway
Labor Act, Congress plainly delineated its intent in new
Section 10501(c)(3)(B) of Title 49, U.S. Code [109 Stat.
808]: ``The enactment of the ICC Termination Act of 1995
shall neither expand nor contract coverage of employers and
employees by the Railway Labor Act.''
The apparent contradiction between the legislative intent
stated in Section 10501(c)(3)(B) and the conforming Railway
Labor Act in Section 322 could be interpreted to alter the
legal standards by which companies are determined to be
governed, or not governed, by the Railway Labor Act.
Therefore, a technical correction is necessary to restore the
former Railway Labor Act terminology and thus avoid any
inference that is at odds with the clearly stated legislative
intent not to alter coverage of companies or their employees
under the Railway Labor Act.
[[Page S12176]]
We hope that this brief summary of the facts will provide
you with information useful in your future deliberations.
Respectfully,
Bud Shuster,
Chairman.
Susan Molinari,
Railroad Subcommittee Chairwoman.
Mr. HOLLINGS. Mr. President, there are some other things to be
touched upon as we move through this. I think one of the important
things is the particular charge that they come bringing about something
being unfair and not according to the rules, or whatever else.
I reiterate as positively, as affirmatively as I can, ever since
1973, when the Federal Express Co. was organized, it has been under the
Railway Labor Act, the Railway Labor Act. All of its matters, I am
finding out as a lawyer, are automatically referred by the NLRB to the
National Mediation Board. The matter that is now being discussed, what
is being ``fair'' and ``unfair'' and those kinds of things, and ``Why
can't we change that?'' it could be if we had some hearings, if we had
it brought before the Congress.
But the best of the best has just served on what we call the Dunlop
Commission. When President Clinton came to town, he got the former
Secretary of Labor under Gerald Ford, President Ford, and said, study
and see what needs to be done under labor, the labor statutes.
None other than Doug Fraser, the former president of the United Auto
Workers, served on that commission. And that commission determined that
the Railway Labor Act should not be modified.
We can be ready to argue that and go in length on it. But I think
when you find the UAW lawyer, and they know about this decision of the
Mediation Board that I already put in the record, when you find a
Teamster lawyer, in his arguments before the circuit court, when you
find the Dunlop Commission--if we had just started this thing, we would
have weighted support by all the particular studies and lawyers who
have been in the particular field.
But like the sheep dog that had tasted blood, when they saw this
particular mistake, they went to gobble up the entire flock. They said,
``We can do it. All we need to do is have everyone anxious to go home,
and we'll just show them, and we'll move to postpone. We'll say, `Read
the conference report. Read it.''' And then after reading it for 2
days--the distinguished Senator said he did not know why we were here
for 2 days. The 2 days is so the union crowd can work around the clock.
I cannot do any work when I am on the floor trying to defend the
truth. Yet we are getting blamed for blackmail and that kind of thing.
I think it is totally out of character with the service here in this
particular body. I yield the floor.
Mr. DOMENICI addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Mexico.
Mr. DOMENICI. Mr. President, parliamentary inquiry. How much time
remains on this side?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Mexico controls 56
minutes 20 seconds. On the other side, it is 37 minutes 54 seconds.
Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, are you suggesting we have only 36
minutes on our side? We had one speaker, Senator Feingold. He was our
only speaker.
Mr. HOLLINGS. I just got through speaking.
Mr. KENNEDY. Whose time?
Mr. HOLLINGS. Our time on this side.
Mr. KENNEDY. With all respect, I did not yield any time to the--I
thought the Senator was opposed to the position. The way it was divided
up, we are entitled to at least have time for the Senators in
opposition, the position of the Senator from Massachusetts and the
others. I did not understand the time agreement was to be between--I am
always glad to accommodate, but I mean we have had one speaker against
it. Now it is 20 until 4. We have been here since 2 o'clock. We have
had 15 minutes on one position.
I ask, how was the time allocated?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The time was under the control of the
respective leaders. Therefore, the time on the part of the Democratic
Senators is charged to the Democratic leader, and the time on the part
of the Republican Senators charged to the Republican leader.
Mr. KENNEDY. Well, Mr. President, that is a surprise to me. Was that
the way it was done yesterday, Mr. President?
As I understand, I had the control of the time yesterday.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Massachusetts is correct,
that was the procedure yesterday. There is a different time agreement
in place today.
Mr. KENNEDY. Well, parliamentary inquiry. When was that time
agreement entered into?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Chair is incorrect. It is the same
agreement.
Mr. KENNEDY. Well then, could I ask the Chair then to correct the
time allocation?
Mr. STEVENS. Mr. President, there is no correction due. This time was
divided across the aisle, an even amount of time for the Democrats and
an even amount for Republicans. After all, we do have more Senators on
this side of the aisle than that side of the aisle, and yet we split
the time evenly. Three hours each day is to be split evenly between the
two sides.
Mr. KENNEDY. Or their designees, as it was yesterday, Mr. President.
I was here all day yesterday.
We talk about a ``jamming.'' We were here yesterday, and we had it
divided up evenly between those for it and against it. We have had one
speaker who has spoken for 14 or 15 minutes against this provision, and
now we are told we have 38 minutes left. That is not the--that is very,
very clear. That certainly supports what we have been saying about this
particular provision, Mr. President. We did not divide the time
yesterday that way. It is unacceptable to say you are to change the
rules of the game overnight without anything to demonstrate it.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Chair was mistaken in suggesting there was
a change in the time agreement. The Chair is advised by the
Parliamentarian that the agreement has been followed in this pattern
ever since it was entered into.
Mr. STEVENS. Mr. President, I ask the Senator from Massachusetts to
look at the order. It is ordered that at 2 p.m., Wednesday, October 2,
there is to be 3 hours for debate only, to be equally divided between
the two leaders. That is what we are doing.
If the Senator seeks any more time, I am prepared to stay here as
long as he wants to have more time.
Mr. KENNEDY. I have every intention to have time to do that, Mr.
President.
Mr. STEVENS. This time is to be equally divided between the two
leaders.
Mr. KENNEDY. It was my understanding----
Mr. STEVENS. Mr. President, 46 Senators over there have an hour and a
half, and 53 Senators over here have an hour and a half. I do not see
anything unfair.
Mr. KENNEDY. I will take what time I shall need at the appropriate
time, Mr. President. This is the first time that I can remember in the
time I have been in the Senate when there has been a division on an
issue with those Members that are for a proposal and those that are
against, and when there is a time agreement to divide the time equally,
and then have it interpreted the way it has been interpreted--this is
the first time in my recollection this has happened.
I made it clear, both to our leader, and he indicated to the majority
leader as well, as to what we were asking for, and that is to have an
hour and a half on each side to make the presentation evenly divided.
This is a convoluted interpretation of that understanding.
I will take such time as I might need later on.
Mr. STEVENS. Mr. President, I yield such time as the Senator from New
Mexico desires.
The order is specific, to be equally divided between the two leaders.
The Senator from Massachusetts has been assuming he has been designated
by the leader that he is to assume the time. I have not been advised.
Mr. DOMENICI. How much time, Senator Murray, did you want?
Mrs. MURRAY. Less than 10 minutes.
Mr. DOMENICI. She has been waiting longer. I will yield if they take
it out of their time, and then ask that the Senator from New Mexico be
recognized after Senator Murray completes her remarks.
[[Page S12177]]
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The Senator from New Mexico will be recognized at the conclusion of
the remarks of the Senator from Washington. The Senator from Washington
is recognized.
Mrs. MURRAY. Mr. President, I rise today as a strong proponent of the
bill before us H.R. 3539, the Federal Aviation Administration
reauthorization bill. This legislation does provide critical aviation
safety and reform efforts and it is the principle authority for
aviation infrastructure investments.
The importance of this bill only underscores the time and serious
attention, Members in this Chamber have given to the legislation's
express carrier provision. I have listened closely over the last few
days to colleagues whom I deeply respect, on both sides of this issue
and both sides of the aisle.
As much as I want to see the FAA bill pass, I believe we must focus
on the question of fairness. Did this provision, we are now debating
receive enough public comment and undergo hearings necessary to
adequately judge the change? Is this provision so insignificant, that
it can be quickly addressed in the rush to adjourn? Are we creating a
priority system that places specific companies above others?
These questions are serious and far-reaching. This provision raises
too many concerns and justifies this Chamber's serious examination of
the language. First, one must look at the legislative history of this
rider. There has never been a hearing on this provision in a House
subcommittee or full committee. Neither have there been any hearings on
this provision in a Senate subcommittee or full committee.
There have been previous attempts to attach the rider to omnibus
appropriations bills, the National Transportation Safety Board
reauthorization and the Railroad Unemployment Act. All of these
attempts to insert this controversial language have failed.
The rider was not on this bill as it passed the House and was not
included in the Senate's original FAA reauthorization bill until it
reached the conference committee. There are even jurisdictional
questions to be answered as the House required a special rule just to
consider the provision. In the end, 198 Members of Congress opposed the
FAA bill with this added rider.
Second, as debate continues on this provision, it becomes clear that
this is not simply a technical correction. The term ``express carrier''
has been obsolete for years and was purposely removed from the Railway
Labor Act and the Interstate Commerce Act when Congress passed the ICC
Termination Act last year. Express carrier was removed, simply because
no express carrier existed since the mid-1970's.
Congress is charged with promoting an equal playing field for all.
Unfortunately, what appeared to be an innocuous correction has become a
dangerous reclassification. We must ensure that employees of one
company have the same opportunities as those employees in other similar
organizations.
Many will try to boil this issue down into another labor battle. I
prefer to look at the provision as one that denies a specific group of
employees, basic rights in the workplace. These opportunities are
already granted to these employees' colleagues.
All of us are ready for adjournment. Many have felt that they've
become hostage to an insignificant technical correction with little
impact. Our 4 days of debate will one day, however, appear
insignificant. Especially in contrast to the thousands of workers who
will forever be held hostage by this language.
Mr. President, let's act reasonably. Let's act rationally and by all
means let's adjourn. But let's leave this session with a clear
conscience and a bill we can all live with, confident that we did not
act in haste or shortsightedness.
In the interest of good Government and good public policy, let's
remove the provision and re-examine it through the normal legislative
process. In the interest of good Government and good public policy,
lets pass the FAA bill without this express provision. This legislation
is strong enough on its own merits. I am certain the House will
recognize its responsibility to come back and finish a job, so critical
to America's workers.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order the Senator from New
Mexico is recognized.
____________________