[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 140 (Wednesday, October 2, 1996)]
[Senate]
[Pages S12152-S12153]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                       CHALLENGES FOR THE FUTURE

  Mr. HEFLIN. Mr. President, as America heads into the next century and 
millennium, it is crucial that a serious reevaluation of our role in 
the world occur. Our role in the world will largely be dictated, at 
least for the foreseeable future, by the fact that our Nation is the 
sole remaining superpower. This role carries with it added 
responsibilities with regard to international and even more localized 
foreign disputes.
  In reevaluating our role as the sole superpower, there are some 
restraining factors that must be part of the equation.
  The lessons of Vietnam, Korea, and Beirut, as they relate to public 
support, cannot be dismissed. We have to consider the attitudes of the 
population in this country if we are to pursue action in places like 
Bosnia. A key question is how many human casualties the public will 
tolerate. Will the public support the mission and to what degree will 
it be supported? The media is a key element, since it has a tremendous 
capacity for creating sentiment for or against a particular policy. Our 
role might increasingly be ad hoc in nature. Public attitudes are a 
potential internal threat that can't be dismissed. There is a strong 
feeling that America cannot be the world's policeman. There is a vocal 
sentiment of limited quasi-isolationism among many that can't be 
dismissed, and it has the potential to grow. The question of how best 
to manage this sentiment is important to the conduct of our foreign 
policy and in assessing our role in the world.
  Scarce and limited resources on the part of our national government 
will also be a major determinant of our foreign policy. We are living 
in a world of shrinking government action. Both major political parties 
acknowledge this reality. It is a reality based upon budgetary 
constraints and a desire for less government, and dictated to some 
degree by the competition between domestic and foreign policy needs.
  We have already seen over the last few years a tendency on the part 
of our allies to look to us for leadership and to put out fires. Our 
leadership of the NATO operations in Bosnia is a stark example. In this 
war-torn region, we have seen not only armed battles, but rape, 
torture, murder, and genocide. As a society which stands against such 
evils, we will be called upon to intervene. Budgetary constraints will 
continue to require a reevaluation of our role as a world policeman and 
as the rewarding arbiter of international disputes in places like the 
Middle East, Northern Ireland, and other areas.
  A key part of the reevaluation of our role as a solver of conflicts 
will also be the reevaluation of our role in world disarmament as well 
as an arms merchant. As we rightfully pursue disarmament and restraints 
on the sale of arms, we must strive to retain a sensible balance and 
not go too far. A root cause analysis will serve us well; it is obvious 
that not much serious fighting takes place between two parties if there 
are no arms. Our own security, in the light of more ambiguous threats 
and potential terrorism, will continue to be paramount. Military 
technology and the feasibility and need of such programs as SDI will 
continue to demand attention. These questions will not recede just 
because the direct threat from a competing superpower has receded.

  We must not only look at our role in securing human rights around the 
world, but also to the commercial and business opportunities in Asia, 
Africa, and Latin America, as well as in the former Warsaw Pact 
nations. Our international trade policies are important components of 
such development.
  As far as our trade policy and how it affects our own citizens, we 
must carefully look at our trade deficits and how they will affect 
America's jobs if not reduced. There should be little doubt that many 
of our traditional jobs are going overseas or across borders. While new 
service jobs are being created, there is the increasing danger of a 
growing gap between the wealthy and, on the other hand, the 
economically disadvantaged and poor and a narrowing of the middle 
class. There is no question that Japan has emerged as a world economic 
power because of its successful trade policies. It is no secret that 
one learns from the successful. So far, we have not learned from Japan 
or come close to duplicating their success. What can be learned from 
them in making our own policies more beneficial to our national 
interests is an important question. One key component of their 
successful policy is that the corporate sector does not view the 
government as the enemy.
  Another challenge will be the role of NATO in European security and 
outside Europe. It is currently being seriously reevaluated. The 
alliance's expansion by the end of the century appears to be a foregone 
conclusion. What will the exact mission of an expanded NATO be in the 
next century? In order to avoid some of the problems experienced by the 
United Nations, particularly in the ``peacekeeping'' realm, its mission 
will have to be reevaluated meticulously, defined precisely, and 
articulated forcefully. The Pacific Rim, a rapidly expanding area of 
trade, development, and expansion, is also one of potential security 
threats. The lessons of China's influence in the Korean and Vietnam 
conflicts must not be forgotten. Possible East Asian alliances, as well 
as our understanding of East Asian motivations, are puzzling and 
wrought with dangers. Considerable thought, patience, and insight must 
be given to security threats and trade relationships. The issue of 
whether NATO could or should be used outside Europe--even if the 
consent of the member nations were obtained--will be paramount. The 
role of the United Nations is a major component of this issue, 
particularly in view of China's veto in the U.N. Security Council. We 
know the future will continue to yield technological advances that we 
have not even thought of today. This is true both in terms of domestic 
and international policy. A renewed commitment to research and 
development will be crucial in keeping pace with the rest of the world. 
Think about the Internet and how it has already changed the ways in 
which we receive, transmit, and exchange news and information. This 
will only increase in the next century. Our space program has yielded 
some of the greatest benefits our nation has ever realized. Its bi-
products have helped lead to advances in health care techniques. We 
must commit ourselves anew to NASA and its mission. We must help 
citizens see the direct links between advanced science and research and 
their relevance to their daily lives. How many unforeseen research 
triumphs are waiting to be realized in the next century?
  Here at home, the delivery of health care is still a great concern to 
many of our citizens. As the National Institutes of Health and other 
government and private entities continue to increase the average life 
span of our population, the demand for health care services will only 
increase. The costs will rise. Access will continue to be an issue. We 
must evaluate these strains on the system and whether or not we will be 
able

[[Page S12153]]

to meet the needs of a rapidly growing portion of the population that 
cannot partially or entirely meet the cost. There is still a consensus 
that reform is needed; still, after all the debate and controversy, we 
don't yet know what policy to pursue. The Kennedy-Kassebaum bill is a 
good first step, but only a first step.
  The rising costs of higher education must be reevaluated. As college-
level study and training become increasingly necessary to succeed in 
today's and tomorrow's complex world, what can be done about the rising 
cost? A huge percentage of a family's income goes toward educating its 
children, even at public institutions. How much can families 
realistically afford before talented, bright young people start falling 
through the cracks? Will it be the responsibility of the government to 
provide a safety net? How will government assistance programs have to 
be changed to meet increased demand?
  Our success at meeting these many challenges and the many others that 
face us depends upon how serious we are in our evaluation of them. 
Perhaps as much as any time in history, our future success will depend 
on how hard we work, how thoughtful we analyze these challenges, and 
how serious we are in building partnerships for moving the country 
forward.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Montana is recognized.

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