[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 137 (Saturday, September 28, 1996)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E1798-E1799]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




             DOSE OF REALISM NEEDED IN DEALING WITH RUSSIA

                                 ______
                                 

                       HON. CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH

                             of new jersey

                    in the house of representatives

                       Friday, September 27, 1996

  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, earlier this month, in a major 
policy speech delivered in Stuttgart, Germany, Secretary of State 
Christopher presented his vision for the future of a ``New Atlantic 
Community'' and called for the elaboration of a formal charter between 
NATO and Russia as an integral aspect of the alliance's process of 
enlargement. The headstrong determination of the Clinton administration 
to forge ahead with some form of formal partnership between Russia and 
NATO should give cause for concern.
  I am not convinced that such an initiative--which is fraught with 
risks--is warranted.
  In his address, Secretary Christopher boldly proclaimed that ``a 
Democratic Russia can participate in the construction of an integrated, 
Democratic Europe.'' Frankly, Mr. Speaker, Russia's Democratic 
credentials are not yet firmly established. One need look no further 
than the killing fields of Chechnya to see the limits of the Kremlin's 
commitment to genuine democracy. Let us not forget that President 
Yeltsin signed the decrees, later made public, that launched the large-
scale Russian military operations which laid waste to Grozny, leveled 
scores of towns and villages, led to the displacement of hundreds of 
thousands of Russian and Chechen civilians, and resulted in tens of 
thousands of deaths.
  As Chairman of the Helsinki Commission, I am particularly disturbed 
by Secretary Christopher's attempts to gloss over Moscow's campaign of 
death and destruction in Chechnya. ``Though their [the Russian 
people's] struggle is far from complete,'' Christopher acknowledged, 
``as the 20-month assault on Chechnya demonstrated, the Russian people 
have rejected a return to the past and vindicated our confidence in 
democracy.'' In keeping with the tendency of the Clinton administration 
to turn a blind eye toward Chechnya, the Secretary's remark papers over 
the Chechnya's negative consequences for democracy in Russia.
  Instead of heeding the Kremlin's brutality in Chechnya as a wakeup 
call of the threat to Russia's fledgling democracy, Secretary 
Christopher and others in the administration seemed content to push the 
snooze button and roll over while thousands of innocent men, women, and 
children were killed and those truly committed to Democratic principles 
increasingly came under fire for their opposition to Yeltsin's Chechen 
policy.
  Russia must consolidate democracy, human rights, and rule of law at 
home, Mr. Speaker, before she can ever be considered a credible partner 
in constructing an integrated, Democratic Europe, envisioned by Mr. 
Christopher. Welcoming the Russians as full partners in building a new 
Europe that is free of tyranny, division, and war, as the Secretary has 
done, is premature at best. A fundamentally new relationship with 
Russia can only be built on a firm foundation of trust and confidence 
based on concrete deeds.
  Secretary Christopher's smug assertion that no power in Europe now 
poses a threat to any other belies the fact that Russian missiles, once 
targeted at the United States, can be reprogrammed within a matter of 
minutes. His claim is also easier made in Stuttgart than in places like 
Tallinn, Riga, Vilnius, or for that matter, Kiev.
  While the United States should continue to encourage cooperation 
among countries in the Baltic region, Mr. Speaker, it is important to 
keep in mind that such cooperation cannot substitute for NATO 
membership.
  We cannot ignore that historical relationship between Russia and her 
neighbors, many of whom have understandable concerns for their 
sovereignty and independence, given decades of brutal domination and 
suppression by Moscow. Such apprehension can only be heightened by the 
current leadership crisis in the Kremlin and by the fact that some 
Russians yearn for the recreation of their empire. All the while, 
Russia's neighbors continue to seek normal relations with the Russian 
Federation based on mutual respect and sovereign equality.

[[Page E1799]]

  I would remind Mr. Christopher that Russian Foreign Minister Yevgeny 
Primakov, who earlier headed the Russian Foreign Intelligence Service, 
has been one of the chief proponents of the reestablishment of a 
Russian sphere of influence in the newly independent States of the 
former Soviet Union, the so-called ``near abroad.''
  Should the United States decide to pursue a formal charter between 
NATO and Russia several key issues must be addressed. First, the 
Russian Federation must not be given a veto, or implied veto, over the 
timing or conditions for the admission of new members into the 
alliance. Second, such an accord must firmly oppose any moves by Moscow 
to establish ``spheres of influence'' in East Central Europe. Third, 
the charter must in no way impede the development of enhanced relations 
between NATO and nonmembers, such as Ukraine.
  Mr. Speaker, let us now lose sight of the fact that an essential 
element of any partnership is, and must be, trust. The reality is that 
much time is needed to heal the wounds inflicted by the war in Chechnya 
and establish Moscow's credentials as a trustworthy partner. In the 
meantime, the single greatest contribution Russia can make to the 
construction of an integrated and Democratic Europe would be to 
consolidate democracy, human rights, and rule of law at home.

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