[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 134 (Wednesday, September 25, 1996)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E1684-E1685]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




   GREECE: A VITAL ALLY IN THE BALKANS AND THE EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN

                                 ______
                                 

                          HON. LEE H. HAMILTON

                               of indiana

                    in the house of representatives

                      Tuesday, September 24, 1996

  Mr. HAMILTON. Mr. Speaker, I would like to include in the Record some 
recent remarks of mine on the topic of Greece: A vital ally in the 
Balkans and the Eastern Mediterranean. The text follows:

   Greece: A Vital Ally in the Balkans and the Eastern Mediterranean


         the importance of united states relations with greece

       The civilization of ancient Greece has shaped the New 
     World. Our democracy, and our highest ideals of citizen 
     participation in public life, follow the Hellenic tradition. 
     Our architecture, our arts and sciences, and the names of 
     towns large and small across the breadth of the continent 
     bear witness to Greece's profound influence on the American 
     experience.
       The historical legacy is great, but I also would like to 
     speak of the importance of Greece today: the importance of 
     strong United States relations with our friend, partner, and 
     ally--the people and government of Greece.


                     a stable and democratic greece

       If you consider the Balkans and the Eastern Mediterranean 
     today, you see a wide swath of instability, the result of 
     several unresolved ethnic and national questions:
       Intercommunal violence and the division of Cyprus continue; 
     the peace process in Bosnic is at a critical stage; Albanian 
     populations present a challenge to current governments in the 
     former Yugoslavia and the Former Yugoslav Republic of 
     Macedonia (FYROM); and Turkey is troubled by political 
     instability and a new Islamic-led government that seems to be 
     turning eastward.
       In this uncertain environment of the southern Balkans, 
     Greece stands out as a stable, democratic nation.
       Greece's geography, as well as its long history of security 
     cooperation with the United States and NATO, gives it a 
     unique role to play.
       The smooth transition from the Papandreou government to 
     that of Prime Minister Costas Simitis underscores Greece's 
     stability.
       Greece is headed for another political transition now that 
     Prime Minister Simitis has won re-election and will begin a 
     full term as head of government. I am confident that the 
     United States will be able to forge close working ties with 
     him and his government.


                     the greek-turkish relationship

       Greek Prime Minister Simitis is to be commended for the 
     peaceful resolution of the confrontation with Turkey over the 
     Imia rocks in the Aegean earlier this year. His clear, stated 
     desire to improve Greece's relations with all its neighbors 
     and its European Union partners is encouraging. Once again 
     Greece is demonstrating that it is taking steps to enhance 
     peace and security in its part of the world.
       I am also pleased that two months ago Greece agreed to lift 
     its hold on a $4.3 billion European Union (EU) aid package to 
     several African and Middle East states, including Turkey.
       Greece retains its hold on a $490 million EU aid package 
     for Turkey designed to help the Turks adjust to the demands 
     of the EU-Turkey customs union.


                       greece's special concerns

       A sound U.S. policy in southeastern Europe must take into 
     account Greece's special concerns and sensitivities.
       The principle elements of good relations in this part of 
     the world must be respect for international borders and 
     respect for minority rights. In the absence of these two, 
     there will be no stability.
       We cannot contribute to political stability elsewhere in 
     southeastern Europe and the eastern Mediterranean region if 
     we contribute to political problems in Greece. In other 
     words, we cannot resolve problems in Turkey, the FYROM, 
     Albania or Cyprus at Greece's expense. In this regard, the 
     United States has a special interest in ensuring the human 
     rights of the Greek minority in Albania.
       The United States also wants to ensure the rights of, and 
     respect for, the important seat of the Ecumenical Patriarch 
     of the Orthodox Church in Istanbul. The Patriarch is the 
     spiritual leader of 260 million Orthodox Christians.


                         Instability in Turkey

       This country, as well as Greece and our other NATO allies, 
     are justifiably concerned by the political instability in 
     Turkey. On July 8, the Turkish Parliament endorsed the 
     coalition government led by Islamic Welfare Party leader 
     Necmettin Erbakan.
       This coalition includes the right-of-center True Path Party 
     led by former Prime Minister and current Foreign Minister, 
     Tansu Ciller.
       This marks the first time in the 73-year history of the 
     Turkish Republic that it is headed by an avowed Islamic, 
     instead of secular, leader. The Welfare party and its leader, 
     Erbakan, have taken a populist, anti-western and anti-NATO 
     position on several key issues.
       Regardless of the leadership in Turkey, it is in the 
     national interests of Greece and the U.S. to keep Turkey 
     firmly rooted in the western security alliance.
       In a hopeful sign, Erbakan initially allayed U.S. and 
     western concerns about the nature of his government. Contrary 
     to his campaign rhetoric, he reaffirmed Turkey's status as a 
     democratic, secular state as well as its links to NATO and 
     the west. His Welfare Party also reversed its previous 
     position and agreed in July in a parliamentary vote to extend 
     the mandate of the U.S.-led Operation Provide Comfort in 
     northern Iraq until the end of the year.
       These are positive sighs. But there re many tests ahead.
       In Iraq, Saddam Hussein's invasion of Irbil, and the 
     success of his Kurdish partner Massoud Barzani against a 
     rival Kurdish faction, place great stress on U.S.-Turkish 
     ties. Turkey supported U.S. military action against Iraq, but 
     U.S. planes based in Turkey did not participate in that 
     military action. Turkey wants to resume normal commerce and 
     normal relations with Iraq, but the United States wants to 
     keep Turkey part of the coalition to contain Iraqi 
     aggression.
       In southeastern Turkey, the government's attempt to stamp 
     out an insurgency with military force is causing great 
     hardship, and by all account appears counterproductive. The 
     Turkish government needs to pursue a political solution that 
     respects the rights of Kurdish citizens of Turkey if it is to 
     defeat the terrorist challenge of the Kurdish Worker's Party 
     (PKK).
       In Iran, Prime Minister Erbakan unfortunately has acted 
     upon his campaign promises of closer ties to his eastern 
     Islamic neighbors. Last month, on his first official visit 
     abroad as Prime Minister, Erbakan signed a $23 billion, long-
     term agreement to purchase natural gas from Iran.
       Turkey is energy short and wanted to reduce its dependence 
     on natural gas for Russia. But this move toward Iran is 
     disturbing. It pushes Turkey toward a broader and more active 
     relationship with Iran, a terrorist nation, just at a time 
     when the U.S. is moving to further isolate that nation.
       This new gas deal could also trigger economic sanctions 
     against Turkey as a result of the new Iran-Libya sanctions 
     law.
       Greece and the United States must remain vigilant to ensure 
     that Turkey under the leadership of the Welfare Party 
     continues to remain an integral part of the western security 
     alliance.


                  The Cyprus Issue--The Year of Cyprus

       According to former Assistant Secretary of State for 
     Europe, Richard Holbrooke, 1996 was supposed to be the ``Year 
     of Cyprus'' when the Administration was to make a big push 
     for a negotiated settlement.
       Many of us in the Congress applauded this long-awaited 
     initiative to provide active and sustained U.S. leadership in 
     the pursuit of a settlement of the Cyprus dispute.
       But the initiative got derailed even before the new year 
     began, with the fall of the Ciller government in Turkey and 
     then the Imia rocks confrontation.
       As I understand it, the planned U.S. initiative--if and 
     when it gets off the ground--is more procedural than 
     substantive. The plan is to determine if the political will 
     for a settlement exists among the parties in Cyprus and in 
     Athens and Ankara. If the will exists, the U.S. will begin an 
     intensive round of shuttle diplomacy among the parties.
       Substantively, the outlines of a settlement have been on 
     the table for some time--the UN plan for a bi-communal, bi-
     zonal federation.
       EU and UN officials are hopeful that EU accession talks 
     with Cyprus, planned to begin in late 1997 upon completion of 
     the EU's on-going Inter-Governmental Conference, will provide 
     the impetus necessary--both among Greek and Turkish 
     Cypriots--for a comprehensive solution to the Cyprus problem.


                       recent violence in cyprus

       Unfortunately, the violence in Cyprus southeast of Nicosia 
     this summer which claimed at least four lives darkens the 
     prospects of progress toward peace.
       In a press statement of August 14, I condemned the violence 
     on Cyprus--the worst clashes since the Turkish invasion of 
     1974--and urged all sides to step back from further 
     escalation. I also expressed my deep concern about the 
     fighting between Greek and Turkish Cypriots as well as the 
     use of force by Turkish troops which resulted in the death of 
     two Greek Cypriots and the wounding of 11, including two UN 
     peacekeepers.
       It is clear that the current stalemate cannot be allowed to 
     fester. If it does, further violence and escalation is 
     predictable. The tense situation on Cyprus needs concerted 
     and top-level attention and the involvement of the President 
     himself.
       Our priorities should be to reduce tensions along the UN 
     buffer zone on the island, reduce the inflow of arms to the 
     island, restart intercommunal peace talks and find a basis 
     for direct Greek Cypriot-Turkish Cypriot talks.


                       the albright-beattie trip

       Prior to the recent round of violence, the Administration 
     had energized its diplomatic

[[Page E1685]]

     activity on the Cyprus issue. I was pleased that on July 17-
     18, U.S. Ambassador to the UN Madeleine Albright and Special 
     Envoy Richard Beattie traveled to the region with specific 
     recommendations for easing tension in the buffer zone and in 
     an effort to improve the atmosphere for advancing a 
     negotiated settlement.
       Unfortunately, one of the positive results of this visit, a 
     proposed meeting between the commanders of the Greek Cypriot 
     forces and of the Turkish forces on the island--which would 
     have been the first such meeting since the occupation of 
     northern Cyprus in 1974--did not take place as hoped, due to 
     differences over whether representatives of Turkish Cypriot 
     forces would be present.
       Although the trip did not result in any significant break-
     throughs, it was viewed in the Administration and the region 
     as an important step in diffusing tension, in dealing with 
     security and military issues and, hopefully, in creating a 
     suitable environment to start a more substantive U.S. 
     initiative later this year.


                       the u.s. role is critical

       The recent violence in Cyprus underscores my long-held view 
     that progress on Cyprus is long overdue and should be a high 
     U.S. priority. It remains my hope that a fair and lasting 
     settlement of the Cyprus dispute can be reached in the coming 
     months.
       It has always been my firm belief that only high-level an 
     sustained U.S. attention will convince all parties and 
     particularly the Turks, to resolve the Cyprus issue.
       It is in U.S. interest as well as all the people of the 
     region that we find a just and lasting solution to this 
     problem.
       Turkey remains the key to progress on Cyprus. Only Turkey 
     can push Turkish-Cypriot leader Denktash toward a settlement.
       Now is the time to push a U.S. initiative forward. I urge 
     the Administration and specifically Ambassador Beattie, the 
     President's special envoy on Cyprus, to reactivate his 
     diplomacy so that further violence can be averted.


                               macedonia

       Improved relations between Greece and the Former Yugoslav 
     Republic of Macedonia, FYROM, are critical to greater 
     stability in the southern Balkans.
       The U.S. has been more sensitive than any of Greece's other 
     allies to Greek concerns regarding FYROM. This Administration 
     has sought to balance its desire to respect Greek concerns 
     with the need to address the new realities created by the 
     dissolution of the former Yugoslavia.
       I have consistently urged the Administration to link 
     recognition and the establishment of diplomatic relations 
     with FYROM to a series of steps by the Skopje government to 
     reassure the legitimate security concerns of Greece.
       Now this policy is succeeding. Last fall, the Foreign 
     Ministers of Greece and FYROM finalized an agreement which 
     separated the intractable name issue from the other issues. 
     Under the agreement FYROM agreed to change its flag and amend 
     its constitution, and Greece agreed to end its economic 
     blockade of FYROM--which was hurting Greece as well.
       This historic agreement was brokered by two Americans, 
     former Secretary of State Cyrus Vance on behalf of the UN and 
     special U.S. envoy Matthew Nimetz.
       Face-to-face talks at the UN have so far been unable to 
     produce an agreement on the official name for FYROM. It seems 
     that the FYROM authorities have been unwilling to compromise 
     on this key issue.
       I am hopeful that the agreement between Greece FYROM will 
     move us from an era of confrontation and instability to one 
     which will prove mutually advantageous to the people of both 
     Greece and FYROM.
       The United States and its NATO allies want to continue to 
     assist Greece and FYROM--within the framework of the UN-
     sponsored negotiations--to work out their remaining mutual 
     problems, particularly the name issue, as soon as possible.
       The failed assassination attempt on FYROM President 
     Gligorov last year, as well as the continuing unrest among 
     the ethnic Albanian population, vividly demonstrates the 
     fragile stability in FYROM, and the need for regional 
     stability.


                               conclusion

       I would like to conclude by reaffirming the special 
     relationship that exists between the United States and 
     Greece. This relationship is based on our long history of 
     shared values and our common interests in stability in 
     southern Europe.
       Stability in Greece stands in stark contrast to the 
     unsettled situation in Turkey and the rest of the Balkans. We 
     must continue to engage with Turkey, as a critical NATO ally 
     on a whole range of issues.
       But until Turkey can resolve key issues--particularly 
     finding some sort of political solution in southeastern 
     Turkey and ending the division of Cyprus--the U.S. and Greece 
     will find their efforts to achieve lasting stability in 
     southeastern Europe thwarted.

                          ____________________