[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 128 (Tuesday, September 17, 1996)]
[House]
[Pages H10483-H10489]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




            GEORGE WASHINGTON COMMEMORATIVE COIN ACT OF 1996

  Mr. CASTLE. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the 
bill (H.R. 2026) to require the Secretary of the Treasury to mint coins 
in commemoration of the 200th anniversary of the death of George 
Washington, as amended.
  The Clerk read as follows:

                               H.R. 2026

       Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
     the United States of America in Congress assembled,

     SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

       This Act may be cited as the ``George Washington 
     Commemorative Coin Act of 1996''.

     SEC. 2. COIN SPECIFICATIONS.

       (a) $5 Gold Coins.--The Secretary of the Treasury 
     (hereafter in this Act referred to as the ``Secretary'') 
     shall mint and issue not more than 100,000 5 dollar coins, 
     which shall--
       (1) weigh 8.359 grams;
       (2) have a diameter of 0.850 inches; and
       (3) contain 90 percent gold and 10 percent alloy.
       (b) Legal Tender.--The coins minted under this Act shall be 
     legal tender, as provided in section 5103 of title 31, United 
     States Code.
       (c) Numismatic Items.--For purposes of section 5136 of 
     title 31, United States Code, all coins minted under this Act 
     shall be considered to be numismatic items.

     SEC. 3. SOURCES OF BULLION.

       The Secretary shall obtain gold for minting coins under 
     this Act pursuant to the authority of the Secretary under 
     other provisions of law.

     SEC. 4. DESIGN OF COINS.

       (a) Design Requirements.--
       (1) In general.--The design of the coins minted under this 
     Act shall be emblematic of George Washington.
       (2) Designation and inscriptions.--On each coin minted 
     under this Act there shall be--
       (A) a designation of the value of the coin;
       (B) an inscription of the year ``1999''; and

[[Page H10484]]

       (C) inscriptions of the words ``Liberty'', ``In God We 
     Trust'', ``United States of America'', and ``E Pluribus 
     Unum''.
       (b) Selection.--The design for the coins minted under this 
     Act shall be--
       (1) selected by the Secretary after consultation with the 
     Mount Vernon Ladies' Association and the Commission of Fine 
     Arts; and
       (2) reviewed by the Citizens Commemorative Coin Advisory 
     Committee.

     SEC. 5. ISSUANCE OF COINS.

       (a) Quality of Coins.--Coins minted under this Act shall be 
     issued in uncirculated and proof qualities.
       (b) Mint Facility.--Only 1 facility of the United States 
     Mint may be used to strike any particular quality of the 
     coins minted under this Act.
       (c) Commencement of Issuance.--The Secretary shall issue 
     coins minted under this Act beginning May 1, 1999.
       (d) Termination of Minting Authority.--No coins may be 
     minted under this Act after November 31, 1999.

     SEC. 6. SALE OF COINS.

       (a) Sale Price.--The coins issued under this Act shall be 
     sold by the Secretary at a price equal to the sum of--
       (1) the face value of the coins;
       (2) the surcharge provided in subsection (d) with respect 
     to such coins; and
       (3) the cost of designing and issuing the coins (including 
     labor, materials, dies, use of machinery, overhead expenses, 
     marketing, and shipping).
       (b) Bulk Sales.--The Secretary shall make bulk sales of the 
     coins issued under this Act at a reasonable discount.
       (c) Prepaid Orders.--
       (1) In general.--The Secretary shall accept prepaid orders 
     for the coins minted under this Act before the issuance of 
     such coins.
       (2) Discount.--Sale prices with respect to prepaid orders 
     under paragraph (1) shall be at a reasonable discount.
       (d) Surcharges.--All sales shall include a surcharge of $35 
     per coin.

     SEC. 7. GENERAL WAIVER OF PROCUREMENT REGULATIONS.

       (a) In General.--Except as provided in subsection (b), no 
     provision of law governing procurement or public contracts 
     shall be applicable to the procurement of goods and services 
     necessary for carrying out the provisions of this Act.
       (b) Equal Employment Opportunity.--Subsection (a) shall not 
     relieve any person entering into a contract under the 
     authority of this Act from complying with any law relating to 
     equal employment opportunity.

     SEC. 8. DISTRIBUTION OF SURCHARGES.

       Subject to section 10(a), all surcharges received by the 
     Secretary from the sale of coins issued under this Act shall 
     be promptly paid by the Secretary to the Mount Vernon Ladies' 
     Association (hereafter in this Act referred to as the 
     ``Association'') and shall be used--
       (1) to supplement the Association's endowment for the 
     purpose of providing a permanent source of support for the 
     preservation of George Washington's home; and
       (2) to provide financial support for the continuation and 
     expansion of the Association's efforts to educate the 
     American public about George Washington.

     SEC. 9. FINANCIAL ASSURANCES.

       (a) No Net Cost to the Government.--The Secretary shall 
     take such actions as may be necessary to ensure that minting 
     and issuing coins under this Act will not result in any net 
     cost to the United States Government.
       (b) Payment for Coins.--A coin shall not be issued under 
     this Act unless the Secretary has received--
       (1) full payment for the coin;
       (2) security satisfactory to the Secretary to indemnify the 
     United States for full payment; or
       (3) a guarantee of full payment satisfactory to the 
     Secretary from a depository institution whose deposits are 
     insured by the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation or the 
     National Credit Union Administration Board.

     SEC. 10. CONDITIONS ON PAYMENT OF SURCHARGES.

       (a) Payment of Surcharges.--Notwithstanding any other 
     provision of law, no amount derived from the proceeds of any 
     surcharge imposed on the sale of coins issued under this Act 
     shall be paid to the Association unless--
       (1) all numismatic operation and program costs allocable to 
     the program under which such coins are produced and sold have 
     been recovered; and
       (2) the Association submits an audited financial statement 
     which demonstrates to the satisfaction of the Secretary of 
     the Treasury that, with respect to all projects or purposes 
     for which the proceeds of such surcharge may be used, the 
     Association has raised funds from private sources for such 
     projects and purposes in an amount which is equal to or 
     greater than the maximum amount the Association may receive 
     from the proceeds of such surcharge.
       (b) Annual Audits.--
       (1) Annual audits of recipients required.--The Association 
     shall provide, as a condition for receiving any amount 
     derived from the proceeds of any surcharge imposed on the 
     sale of coins issued under this Act, for an annual audit, in 
     accordance with generally accepted government auditing 
     standards by an independent public accountant selected by the 
     Association, of all such payments to the Association 
     beginning in the first fiscal year of the Association in 
     which any such amount is received and continuing until all 
     such amounts received by the Association with respect to such 
     surcharges are fully expended or placed in trust.
       (2) Minimum requirements for annual audits.--At a minimum, 
     each audit of the Association pursuant to paragraph (1) shall 
     report--
       (A) the amount of payments received by the Association 
     during the fiscal year of the Association for which the audit 
     is conducted which are derived from the proceeds of any 
     surcharge imposed on the sale of coins issued under this Act;
       (B) the amount expended by the Association from the 
     proceeds of such surcharges during the fiscal year of the 
     Association for which the audit is conducted; and
       (C) whether all expenditures by the Association from the 
     proceeds of such surcharges during the fiscal year of the 
     Association for which the audit is conducted were for 
     authorized purposes.
       (3) Responsibility of association to account for 
     expenditures of surcharges.--The Association shall take 
     appropriate steps, as a condition for receiving any payment 
     of any amount derived from the proceeds of any surcharge 
     imposed on the sale of coins issued under this Act, to ensure 
     that the receipt of the payment and the expenditure of the 
     proceeds of such surcharge by the Association in each fiscal 
     year of the Association can be accounted for separately from 
     all other revenues and expenditures of the Association.
       (4) Submission of audit report.--Not later than 90 days 
     after the end of any fiscal year of the Association for which 
     an audit is required under paragraph (1), the Association 
     shall--
       (A) submit a copy of the report to the Secretary of the 
     Treasury; and
       (B) make a copy of the report available to the public.
       (5) Use of surcharges for audits.--The Association may use 
     any amount received from payments derived from the proceeds 
     of any surcharge imposed on the sale of coins issued under 
     this Act to pay the cost of an audit required under paragraph 
     (1).
       (6) Waiver of subsection.--The Secretary of the Treasury 
     may waive the application of any paragraph of this subsection 
     to the Association for any fiscal year after taking into 
     account the amount of surcharges which the Association 
     received or expended during such year.
       (7) Availability of books and records.--The Association 
     shall provide, as a condition for receiving any payment 
     derived from the proceeds of any surcharge imposed on the 
     sale of coins issued under this Act, to the Inspector General 
     of the Department of the Treasury or the Comptroller General 
     of the United States, upon the request of such Inspector 
     General or the Comptroller General, all books, records, and 
     workpapers belonging to or used by the Association, or by any 
     independent public accountant who audited the Association in 
     accordance with paragraph (1), which may relate to the 
     receipt or expenditure of any such amount by the Association.
       (c) Use of Agents or Attorneys to Influence Commemorative 
     Coin Legislation.--No portion of any payment to the 
     Association from amounts derived from the proceeds of 
     surcharges imposed on the sale of coins issued under this Act 
     may be used, directly or indirectly, by the Association to 
     compensate any agent or attorney for services rendered to 
     support or influence in any way legislative action of the 
     Congress relating to the coins minted and issued under this 
     Act.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from 
Delaware [Mr. Castle] and the gentleman from New York [Mr. Flake] each 
will control 20 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Delaware [Mr. Castle].
  Mr. CASTLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, the next bill of this series is H.R. 2026, a bill to 
require the Secretary of the Treasury to mint 100,000 $5 gold coins in 
commemoration of the 200th anniversary of the death of George 
Washington. The beneficiaries of this coin's surcharges will be the 
Ladies of Mount Vernon who look after the memory of our first President 
and work to preserve the physical plant of his home at Mount Vernon. 
This coin has been on the recommended list of the Citizens 
Commemorative Coin Advisory Committee since their annual report of 
1994. This year it gained the cosponsorship of over 300 members and is 
presented to this House free of any controversy.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. FLAKE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I offer my support for this bill, and will urge my 
colleagues to do the same. H.R. 2026, like H.R. 1684, has met all the 
criteria for favorable consideration. It commemorates a significant 
figure on a significant date; it will ensure that the mint recovers its 
costs; and it has been endorsed by the CCCAC. Moreover, by passing this

[[Page H10485]]

legislation, we will ensure the continued success of George 
Washington's Mount Vernon residence, which as we all know, is one the 
Capital region's most popular historical tourist attractions.
  I will close by congratulating our colleagues, Mr. Moran and Mr. 
Davis of northern Virginia, for their assistance in garnering the 
bipartisan support needed for committee consideration; for not only is 
this a northern Virginian treasure, it is also an asset that our Nation 
must always support.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. CASTLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the 
gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Davis].
  Mr. DAVIS. Mr. Speaker, since the beginning of the 104th Congress, I 
have been working with the entire Virginia delegation to move this 
important piece of legislation through Congress. With the assistance of 
my fellow Virginian, Congressman Jim Moran, and other cosponsors, H.R. 
2062, the George Washington Commemorative Coin Act of 1996, has gained 
broad bipartisan support in the House.
  It is especially fitting that the House pass this legislation 
honoring George Washington on this date, for it was on September 17, 
1796, 200 year ago today, that he authored his farewell address upon 
his retirement from government, warning our Nation of the dangers of 
factions or partisanship and national deficits.
  H.R. 2062 authorizes the Secretary of the Treasury to issue 100,000 
$5 gold coins in commemoration of the bicentennial of George 
Washington's death in 1799.
  The theme of the coin, and it is going to be issued in 1999, the 
theme of the coin will commemorate an important national historical 
figure on an anniversary of great national significance.
  The proceeds of the coin will benefit historic Mount Vernon which 
welcomes over 1 million visitors annually from every State in the 
Union. Although George Washington's image continues to be one of the 
most familiar in our Nation, Americans are gradually losing touch with 
the accomplishments, the character and the leadership of this 
singularly American hero.
  Washington's service to the Nation goes far beyond his remarkable 
leadership during the Revolutionary War and his precedent-setting first 
term as the President of the United States. Washington was also 
considered the first farmer of America, a conservationist and 
environmentalist far ahead of his time.
  He helped to found the Nation's Capital. He supported education with 
both political influence and personal donations, and he sent an 
important message to the entire world when he freed his slaves in his 
will.

                              {time}  1745

  Washington was not just a great man, he was a good man who always 
strived to do what was best for his Nation. The commemorative coin will 
renew in Washington's vast achievements while supporting broad-based 
educational programs designed to reach millions of Americans.
  Historic Mount Vernon is ideally suited to organize and implement an 
ongoing educational program in 1999. To date, more than 65 million 
visitors have toured Washington's home. Millions more have been 
educated through classroom kits, television and radio programs, 
publications, and special field trips. In 1999 Mount Vernon is planning 
scholarly conferences, a major traveling exhibit, several new 
publications and a host of other programs which will touch the hearts 
and minds of all Americans.
  As we approach the new millennium it is imperative that we, as 
Americans, not lose sight of the monumental contributions made by 
George Washington to our Nation.
  In an eulogy delivered several days after his death, Henry Light-
Horse Harry Lee said that George Washington was a citizen first in war, 
first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen. By moving 
this commemorative coin forward, we will help to ensure that future 
generations of Americans truly understand this statement.
  I would also like to extend my sincere appreciation to the Citizens 
Commemorative Coin Advisory Committee, and to the gentleman from 
Delaware [Mr. Castle] and his subcommittee, and the ranking member, the 
gentleman from New York [Mr. Flake] for their efforts with the 
commemorative coin program and for supporting the George Washington 
Commemorative Coin Act of 1996.
  Mr. Speaker, I include for the Record Washington's Farewell Address.

     To the people of the United States.
       Friends and Fellow Citizens: The period for a new election 
     of a citizen to administer the executive government of the 
     United States being not far distant, and the time actually 
     arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating 
     the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it 
     appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more 
     distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now 
     apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being 
     considered among the number of those, out of whom a choice is 
     to be made.
       I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be 
     assured, that this resolution has not been taken, without 
     strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the 
     relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and 
     that, in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in 
     my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of 
     zeal for your future interest; no deficiency of grateful 
     respect for your past kindness; but am supported by a full 
     conviction that the step is compatible with both.
       The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the office 
     to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a 
     uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and 
     to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I 
     constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my 
     power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty 
     to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had 
     been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do 
     this, previous to the last election, had even led to the 
     preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature 
     reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our 
     affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of 
     persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the 
     idea.
       I rejoice that the state of your concerns external as well 
     as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination 
     incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety; and am 
     persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my 
     services, that in the present circumstances of our country, 
     you will not disapprove my determination to retire.
       The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous 
     trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the 
     discharge of this trust, I will only say that I have, with 
     good intentions, contributed towards the organization and 
     administration of the government, the best exertions of which 
     a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious in the 
     outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience, 
     in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has 
     strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and, every 
     day, the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and 
     more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as 
     it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances have 
     given peculiar value to my services they were temporary, I 
     have the consolation to believe that, while choice and 
     prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism 
     does not forbid it.
       In looking forward to the moment which is to terminate the 
     career of my political life, my feelings do not permit me to 
     suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude 
     which I owe to my beloved country, for the many honors it has 
     conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence 
     with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities I 
     have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, 
     by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness 
     unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country 
     from these services, let it always be remembered to your 
     praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that 
     under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every 
     direction, were liable to mislead amidst appearances 
     sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often 
     discouraging--in situations in which not unfrequently, want 
     of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism,--the 
     constancy of your support was the essential prop of the 
     efforts, and a guarantee of the plans, by which they were 
     effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry 
     it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing 
     vows that heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of 
     its beneficence--that your union and brotherly affection may 
     be perpetual--that the free constitution, which is the work 
     of your hands, may be sacredly maintained--that its 
     administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom 
     and virtue--that, in fine, the happiness of the people of 
     these states, under the auspices of liberty, may be made 
     complete by so careful a preservation, and so prudent a use 
     of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of 
     recommending it to the applause, the affection and adoption 
     of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.
       Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your 
     welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the 
     apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, 
     on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn 
     contemplation, and to recommend to

[[Page H10486]]

     your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of 
     much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which 
     appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity 
     as a people. These will be offered to you with the more 
     freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested 
     warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no 
     personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an 
     encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my 
     sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.
       Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of 
     your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to 
     fortify or confirm the attachment.
       The unity of government which constitutes you one people, 
     is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main 
     pillar in the edifice of your real independence; the support 
     of your tranquility at home: your peace abroad; of your 
     safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so 
     highly prize. But, as it is easy to foresee that, from 
     different causes and from different quarters much pains will 
     be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds 
     the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your 
     political fortress against which the batteries of internal 
     and external enemies will be most constantly and actively 
     (though often covertly and insidiously) directed; it is of 
     infinite movement, that you should properly estimate the 
     immense value of your national union to your collective and 
     individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, 
     habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming 
     yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of 
     your political safety and prosperity; watching for its 
     preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever 
     may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be 
     abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of 
     every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the 
     rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together 
     the various parts.
       For this you have every inducement of sympathy and 
     interest. Citizens by birth, or choice, of a common country, 
     that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The 
     name of American, which belongs to you in your national 
     capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, 
     more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. 
     With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, 
     manners, habits, and political principles. You have, in a 
     common cause, fought and triumphed together; the independence 
     and liberty you possess, are the work of joint counsels, and 
     joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings and successes.
       But these considerations, however powerfully they address 
     themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by 
     those which apply more immediately to your interest. Here, 
     every portion of our country finds the most commanding 
     motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of 
     the whole.
       The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, 
     protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in 
     the productions of the latter, great additional resources of 
     maritime and commercial enterprise, and precious materials of 
     manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, 
     benefiting by the same agency of the North, sees its 
     agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into 
     its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its 
     particular navigation invigorated; and while it contributes, 
     in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass 
     of the national navigation, it looks forward to the 
     protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is 
     unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the 
     West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of 
     interior communications by land and water, will more and more 
     find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from 
     abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the 
     East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort--and what 
     is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity 
     owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own 
     productions, to the weight, influence, and the future 
     maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed 
     by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any 
     other tenure by which the West can hold this essential 
     advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength; or 
     from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign 
     power, must be intrinsically precarious.
       While then every part of our country thus feels an 
     immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts 
     combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and 
     efforts, greater strength, greater resource proportionably 
     greater security from external danger, a less frequent 
     interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is 
     of inestimable value, they must derive from union, an 
     exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, 
     which so frequently afflict neighboring countries not tied 
     together by the same government; which their own rivalship 
     alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite 
     foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues, would 
     stimulate and embitter. Hence likewise, they will avoid the 
     necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which 
     under any form of government are inauspicious to liberty, and 
     which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to 
     republican liberty. In this sense it is, that your union 
     ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and 
     that the love of the one ought to endear to you the 
     preservation of the other.
       These considerations speak a persuasive language to every 
     reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of 
     the union as a primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a 
     doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a 
     sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere 
     speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized 
     to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the 
     auxiliary agency of governments for the respective 
     subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It 
     is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful 
     and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts of our 
     country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its 
     impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the 
     patriotism of those who, in any quarter, may endeavor to 
     weaken its hands.
       In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it 
     occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should 
     have been furnished for characterizing parties by 
     geographical discriminations--Northern and Southern--Atlantic 
     and Western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a 
     belief that there is a real difference of local interests and 
     views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence 
     within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions 
     and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourself too 
     much against the jealousies and heart burnings which spring 
     from these misrepresentations: they tend to render alien to 
     each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal 
     affection. The inhabitants of our western country have lately 
     had a useful lesson on this head: they have seen, in the 
     negotiation by the executive, and in the unanimous 
     ratification by the senate of the treaty with Spain, and in 
     the universal satisfaction at the event throughout the United 
     States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions 
     propagated among them of a policy in the general government 
     and in the Atlantic states, unfriendly to their interests in 
     regard to the Mississippi. They have been witnesses to the 
     formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain and that 
     with Spain, which secure to them everything they could 
     desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards 
     confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to 
     rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by 
     which they were procured? will they not henceforth be deaf to 
     those advisers, if such they are, who would sever them from 
     their brethren and connect them with aliens?
       To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a government 
     for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, 
     between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must 
     inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which 
     all alliances, in all times, have experienced. Sensible of 
     this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first 
     essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government, 
     better calculated than your former, for an intimate union, 
     and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. 
     This government, the offspring of our own choice, 
     uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and 
     mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in 
     the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, 
     and containing within itself a provision for its own 
     amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your 
     support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, 
     acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the 
     fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our 
     political systems is the right of the people to make and to 
     alter their constitutions of government. But the constitution 
     which at any time exists, until changed by an explicit and 
     authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory 
     upon all. The very idea of the power, and the right of the 
     people to establish government, presupposes the duty of every 
     individual to obey the established government.
       All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all 
     combinations and associations under whatever plausible 
     character, with the real design to direct, control, 
     counteract, or awe the regular deliberations and action of 
     the constituted authorities, are destructive of this 
     fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to 
     organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary 
     force, to put in the place of the delegated will of the 
     nation the will of party, often a small but artful and 
     enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the 
     alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public 
     administration the mirror of the ill concerted and 
     incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of 
     consistent and wholesome plans digested by common councils, 
     and modified by mutual interests.
       However combinations or associations of the above 
     description may now and then answer popular ends, they are 
     likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent 
     engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men, 
     will be enable to subvert the power of the people, and to 
     usurp for themselves the reigns of government; destroying 
     afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust 
     dominion.
       Towards the preservation of your government and the 
     permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not 
     only that you steadily discountenance irregular opposition to 
     its acknowledged authority, but also that

[[Page H10487]]

     you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its 
     principles, however specious the pretext. One method of 
     assault may be to effect, in the forms of the constitution, 
     alterations which will impair the energy of the system; and 
     thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all 
     the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time 
     and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character 
     of governments, as of other human institutions: that 
     experience is the surest standard by which to test the real 
     tendency of the existing constitution of a country: that 
     facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and 
     opinion, exposes to perpetual change from the endless variety 
     of hypothesis and opinion: and remember, especially, that for 
     the efficient management of your common interests in a 
     country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor 
     as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is 
     indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, 
     with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest 
     guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the 
     government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of 
     fraction, to confine each member of the society within the 
     limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the 
     secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and 
     property.
       I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in 
     the state, with particular references to the founding them on 
     geographical discrimination. Let me now take a more 
     comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner 
     against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.
       This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, 
     having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. 
     It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or 
     less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the 
     popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is 
     truly their worst enemy.
       The alternate domination of one faction over another, 
     sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party 
     dissension, which in different ages and countries has 
     perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful 
     despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and 
     permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result, 
     gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and 
     repose in the absolute power of an individual; and, sooner or 
     later, the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or 
     more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition 
     to the purpose of his own elevation on the ruins of public 
     liberty.
       Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, 
     (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight) 
     the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are 
     sufficient to make it in the interest and duty of a wise 
     people to discourage and restrain it.
       It serves always to distract the public councils, and 
     enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community 
     with ill founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the 
     animosity of one part against another; foments occasional 
     riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence 
     and corruption, which finds a facilitated access to the 
     government itself through the channels of party passions. 
     Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to 
     the policy and will of another.
       There is an opinion that parties in free countries are 
     useful checks upon the administration of the government, and 
     serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within 
     certain limits is probably true; and in governments of a 
     monarchial cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not 
     with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the 
     popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a 
     spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it 
     is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for 
     every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger of 
     excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, 
     to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it 
     demands a uniform vigilance to prevent it bursting into a 
     flame, lest instead of warming, it should consume.
       It is important likewise, that the habits of thinking in a 
     free country should inspire caution in those intrusted with 
     its administration, to confine themselves within their 
     respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise 
     of the powers of one department, to encroach upon another. 
     The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of 
     all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the 
     form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that 
     love of power and proneness to abuse it which predominate in 
     the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of 
     this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the 
     exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it 
     into different depositories, and constituting each the 
     guardian of the public weal against invasions of the others, 
     has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern: some of 
     them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them 
     must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion 
     of the people, the distribution or modification of the 
     constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be 
     corrected by an amendment in the way which the constitution 
     designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for 
     through this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, 
     it is the customary weapon by which free governments are 
     destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in 
     permanent evil, any partial or transient benefit which the 
     use can at any time yield.
       Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political 
     prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. 
     In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who 
     should labor to subvert these great pillars of human 
     happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and 
     citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, 
     ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not 
     trace all their connections with private and public felicity. 
     Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, 
     for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious 
     obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of 
     investigation in courts of justice? And let us with caution 
     indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained 
     without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence 
     of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason 
     and experience both forbid us to expect, that national 
     morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
       It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a 
     necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, 
     extends with more or less force to every species of free 
     government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with 
     indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the 
     fabric?
       Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, 
     institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In 
     proportion as the structure of a government gives force to 
     public opinion, it should be enlightened.
       As a very important source of strength and security, 
     cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use 
     it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by 
     cultivating peace, but remembering, also, that timely 
     disbursements, to prepare for danger, frequently prevent much 
     greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the 
     accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of 
     expense, but by vigorous exertions, in time of peace, to 
     discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have 
     occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the 
     burden which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of 
     these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is 
     necessary that public opinion should cooperate. To facilitate 
     to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that 
     you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment 
     of debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue there 
     must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not 
     more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic 
     embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper 
     object (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to 
     be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct 
     of the government in making it, and for a spirit of 
     acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the 
     public exigencies may at any time debate.
       Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; 
     cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality 
     enjoin this conduct, and can it be that good policy does not 
     equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, 
     and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind 
     the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always 
     guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt 
     but, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a 
     plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might 
     be lost by a steady adherence to it; can it be that 
     Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a 
     nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is 
     recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. 
     Alas! Is it rendered impossible by its vices?
       In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential 
     than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against 
     particular nations and passionate attachment for others, 
     should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and 
     amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The 
     nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or 
     an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a 
     slave to its animosity, or to its affection, either of which 
     is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its 
     interest. Antipathy in one nation against another, disposes 
     each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of 
     slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable 
     when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. 
     Hence, frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody 
     contests. The nation, prompted by ill will and resentment, 
     sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best 
     calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates 
     in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what 
     reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity 
     of the nation's subservient to projects of hostility, 
     instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and 
     pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the 
     liberty of nations, has been the victim.
       So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for 
     another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the 
     favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary 
     common interest, in cases where no real common interest 
     exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, 
     betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and 
     wars of the latter, without adequate inducements or 
     justifications. It leads also to concessions, to the favorite 
     nation, or privileges denied to

[[Page H10488]]

     others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the 
     concessions, by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have 
     been retained, and by exciting jealously, ill will, and a 
     disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal 
     privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted 
     or deluded citizens who devote themselves to the favorite 
     nation, facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of 
     their own country, without odium, sometimes even with 
     popularity; gilding with the appearances of virtuous sense of 
     obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a 
     laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish 
     compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.
       As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such 
     attachments are particularly alarming to the truly 
     enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities 
     do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice 
     the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to 
     influence or awe the public councils! Such an attachment of a 
     small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the 
     former to be the satellite of the latter.
       Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, (I 
     conjure you to believe me fellow citizens,) the jealousy of a 
     free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and 
     experience prove, that foreign influence is one of the most 
     baneful foes of republican government. But that jealously, to 
     be useful, must be impartial, else it becomes the instrument 
     of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense 
     against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and 
     excessive dislike for another, cause those whom they actuate 
     to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even 
     second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who 
     may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to 
     become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp 
     the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their 
     interests.
       The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign 
     nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have 
     with them as little political connection as possible. So far 
     as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled 
     with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.
       Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have 
     none, or a very remote relation. Hence, she must be engaged 
     in frequent controversies, the causes of which are 
     essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it 
     must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial 
     ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the 
     ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or 
     enmities.
       Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us 
     to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under 
     an efficient government, the period is not far off when we 
     may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may 
     take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at 
     any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when 
     belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making 
     acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us 
     provocation, when we may choose peace or war, as our 
     interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.
       Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why 
     quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by 
     interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, 
     entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European 
     ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?
       It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliance 
     with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we 
     are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as 
     capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I 
     hold the maxim no less applicable to public than private 
     affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, 
     therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine 
     sense. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be 
     unwise to extend them.
       Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable 
     establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may 
     safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary 
     emergencies.
       Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are 
     recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our 
     commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; 
     neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; 
     consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and 
     diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but 
     forcing nothing; establishing with powers so disposed, in 
     order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of 
     our merchants, and to enable the government to support them, 
     conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present 
     circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, 
     and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied as 
     experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly 
     keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for 
     disinterested favors from another; that is must pay with a 
     portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under 
     that character; that by such acceptance, it may place itself 
     in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal 
     favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not 
     giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect, or 
     calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an 
     illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought 
     to discard.
       In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old 
     and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the 
     strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will 
     control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our 
     nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the 
     destiny of nations, but if I may even flatter myself that 
     they may be productive of some partial benefit, some 
     occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate 
     the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of 
     foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of 
     pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for 
     the solicitude for your welfare by which they have been 
     dictated.
       How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have 
     been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the 
     public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness 
     to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own 
     conscience is, that I have, at least, believed myself to be 
     guided by them.
       In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my 
     proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my 
     plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your 
     representatives in both houses of congress, the spirit of 
     that measure has continually governed me, uninfuenced by any 
     attempts to deter or divert me from it.
       After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best 
     lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, 
     under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, 
     and was bound, in duty and interest, to take a neutral 
     position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should 
     depend upon me, to maintain it with moderation, perseverance 
     and firmness.
       The considerations which respect the right to hold this 
     conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I 
     will only observe that, according to my understanding of the 
     matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the 
     belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.
       The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, 
     without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and 
     humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free 
     to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and 
     amity towards other nations.
       The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will 
     best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With 
     me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to 
     our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, 
     and to progress, without interruption, to that degree of 
     strength, and consistency which is necessary to give it, 
     humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.
       Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I 
     am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too 
     sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may 
     have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently 
     beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which 
     they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my 
     country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and 
     that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its 
     service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent 
     abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon 
     be to the mansions of rest.
       Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and 
     actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural 
     to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his 
     progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with 
     pleasing expectation that in which I promise myself to 
     realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in 
     the midst of my fellow citizens, the benign influence of good 
     laws under a free government--the ever favorite object of my 
     heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, 
     labors and dangers.
                                                  Geo. Washington.
       United States,
           17th September, 1796.

  Mr. FLAKE. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the 
gentleman from northern Virginia [Mr. Moran].
  Mr. MORAN. Mr. Speaker, I thank my distinguished colleagues and 
friends, the gentleman from New York [Mr. Flake] and the gentleman from 
Virginia [Mr. Davis], for working with me in a bipartisan way to get 
this authorization to mint 100,000 gold $5 coins. They will be minted 
in 1999, commemorating the 200th anniversary of the death of George 
Washington, our first President.
  I think I can speak for Mr. Davis and probably all my colleagues, 
that getting 290 signatures is not like rolling off a log. This has 
taken us much of the year, and we would not have done this if it was 
not of some consequence. Even the fact that the Coin Commission 
recommended it, it still is difficult to get people's attention to 
focus on it.
  But this is a uniquely important coin because once we reimburse the 
taxpayers fully for the cost of minting this coin, the Mount Vernon 
Ladies Association will use the proceeds for the preservation of Mount 
Vernon, which was George Washington's home in

[[Page H10489]]

northern Virginia at the southern end of the parkway. We invite all our 
colleagues and people listening to visit that beautiful birthplace, the 
home of George Washington.
  The funds will also enhance the ladies association's efforts to 
educate the American public about George Washington's life. Few people 
know that this, in fact, is the 200th anniversary of George 
Washington's farewell address this very day. It still has resonance, it 
has tremendous profundity, wisdom in that address, but too few people 
are aware of it. This will enable us to spread that kind of educational 
information.

  Many of our textbooks include now only a small fraction of 
information about George Washington's life and times. Forty years ago 
there was a lot about it. But over the years our history textbooks have 
reduced, more and more, the life of George Washington, and it should 
not be diminished.
  So this is an effort to see to it that it will not be diminished, and 
the Mount Vernon Ladies Association is going to host a series of 
programs in conjunction with the bicentennial of Washington's death in 
1999. There will be seminars, programs for schoolchildren and adults, 
construction of two new buildings which will provide the opportunity 
for people of all ages to learn about George Washington in the context 
of the 18th century life where he was the most prominent figure.
  Proceeds from the sale of these coins will help to finance all these 
events and ensure that the nearly 1 million visitors who pass through 
Mount Vernon every year are fully informed about how important George 
Washington was to the founding of this country.
  This commemorative coin, as I say, has been endorsed by the 
Commemorative Coin Advisory Committee. There is no reason why we should 
not support this legislation. It is urgent given the particular timing 
of it. We need to do it now, and certainly we need to give these 
proceeds to the Mount Vernon Ladies Association to spread information 
about a man who had a pivotal role in the direction of this country.
  Mr. CASTLE. Mr. Speaker, I have no further speakers, and I will yield 
myself a moment or two just to comment on the distinguished gentleman 
from Virginia's comments on the 290 names. Of course that is all 
intentional, to make sure that these are worthwhile doing, and I am 
glad that he and the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Davis] had to go to a 
little bit of effort to do that. It makes us feel that it is at least 
working in some way or other, but we are very supportive of this 
legislation. We congratulate both of these gentlemen on the wonderful 
job they have done.
  Mr. FLAKE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I would just like to thank the gentlemen from Virginia, 
Mr. Moran and Mr. Davis, for their work with the committee and allowing 
us to bring this bill to the floor with the support that it has had.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. CASTLE. Mr. Speaker, I, too, yield back the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Goodlatte). The question is on the 
motion offered by the gentleman from Delaware [Mr. Castle] that the 
House suspend the rules and pass the bill, H.R. 2026, as amended.
  The question was taken; and (two-thirds having voted in favor 
thereof) the rules were suspended and the bill, as amended, was passed.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.

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