[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 128 (Tuesday, September 17, 1996)]
[House]
[Pages H10483-H10489]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
GEORGE WASHINGTON COMMEMORATIVE COIN ACT OF 1996
Mr. CASTLE. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the
bill (H.R. 2026) to require the Secretary of the Treasury to mint coins
in commemoration of the 200th anniversary of the death of George
Washington, as amended.
The Clerk read as follows:
H.R. 2026
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``George Washington
Commemorative Coin Act of 1996''.
SEC. 2. COIN SPECIFICATIONS.
(a) $5 Gold Coins.--The Secretary of the Treasury
(hereafter in this Act referred to as the ``Secretary'')
shall mint and issue not more than 100,000 5 dollar coins,
which shall--
(1) weigh 8.359 grams;
(2) have a diameter of 0.850 inches; and
(3) contain 90 percent gold and 10 percent alloy.
(b) Legal Tender.--The coins minted under this Act shall be
legal tender, as provided in section 5103 of title 31, United
States Code.
(c) Numismatic Items.--For purposes of section 5136 of
title 31, United States Code, all coins minted under this Act
shall be considered to be numismatic items.
SEC. 3. SOURCES OF BULLION.
The Secretary shall obtain gold for minting coins under
this Act pursuant to the authority of the Secretary under
other provisions of law.
SEC. 4. DESIGN OF COINS.
(a) Design Requirements.--
(1) In general.--The design of the coins minted under this
Act shall be emblematic of George Washington.
(2) Designation and inscriptions.--On each coin minted
under this Act there shall be--
(A) a designation of the value of the coin;
(B) an inscription of the year ``1999''; and
[[Page H10484]]
(C) inscriptions of the words ``Liberty'', ``In God We
Trust'', ``United States of America'', and ``E Pluribus
Unum''.
(b) Selection.--The design for the coins minted under this
Act shall be--
(1) selected by the Secretary after consultation with the
Mount Vernon Ladies' Association and the Commission of Fine
Arts; and
(2) reviewed by the Citizens Commemorative Coin Advisory
Committee.
SEC. 5. ISSUANCE OF COINS.
(a) Quality of Coins.--Coins minted under this Act shall be
issued in uncirculated and proof qualities.
(b) Mint Facility.--Only 1 facility of the United States
Mint may be used to strike any particular quality of the
coins minted under this Act.
(c) Commencement of Issuance.--The Secretary shall issue
coins minted under this Act beginning May 1, 1999.
(d) Termination of Minting Authority.--No coins may be
minted under this Act after November 31, 1999.
SEC. 6. SALE OF COINS.
(a) Sale Price.--The coins issued under this Act shall be
sold by the Secretary at a price equal to the sum of--
(1) the face value of the coins;
(2) the surcharge provided in subsection (d) with respect
to such coins; and
(3) the cost of designing and issuing the coins (including
labor, materials, dies, use of machinery, overhead expenses,
marketing, and shipping).
(b) Bulk Sales.--The Secretary shall make bulk sales of the
coins issued under this Act at a reasonable discount.
(c) Prepaid Orders.--
(1) In general.--The Secretary shall accept prepaid orders
for the coins minted under this Act before the issuance of
such coins.
(2) Discount.--Sale prices with respect to prepaid orders
under paragraph (1) shall be at a reasonable discount.
(d) Surcharges.--All sales shall include a surcharge of $35
per coin.
SEC. 7. GENERAL WAIVER OF PROCUREMENT REGULATIONS.
(a) In General.--Except as provided in subsection (b), no
provision of law governing procurement or public contracts
shall be applicable to the procurement of goods and services
necessary for carrying out the provisions of this Act.
(b) Equal Employment Opportunity.--Subsection (a) shall not
relieve any person entering into a contract under the
authority of this Act from complying with any law relating to
equal employment opportunity.
SEC. 8. DISTRIBUTION OF SURCHARGES.
Subject to section 10(a), all surcharges received by the
Secretary from the sale of coins issued under this Act shall
be promptly paid by the Secretary to the Mount Vernon Ladies'
Association (hereafter in this Act referred to as the
``Association'') and shall be used--
(1) to supplement the Association's endowment for the
purpose of providing a permanent source of support for the
preservation of George Washington's home; and
(2) to provide financial support for the continuation and
expansion of the Association's efforts to educate the
American public about George Washington.
SEC. 9. FINANCIAL ASSURANCES.
(a) No Net Cost to the Government.--The Secretary shall
take such actions as may be necessary to ensure that minting
and issuing coins under this Act will not result in any net
cost to the United States Government.
(b) Payment for Coins.--A coin shall not be issued under
this Act unless the Secretary has received--
(1) full payment for the coin;
(2) security satisfactory to the Secretary to indemnify the
United States for full payment; or
(3) a guarantee of full payment satisfactory to the
Secretary from a depository institution whose deposits are
insured by the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation or the
National Credit Union Administration Board.
SEC. 10. CONDITIONS ON PAYMENT OF SURCHARGES.
(a) Payment of Surcharges.--Notwithstanding any other
provision of law, no amount derived from the proceeds of any
surcharge imposed on the sale of coins issued under this Act
shall be paid to the Association unless--
(1) all numismatic operation and program costs allocable to
the program under which such coins are produced and sold have
been recovered; and
(2) the Association submits an audited financial statement
which demonstrates to the satisfaction of the Secretary of
the Treasury that, with respect to all projects or purposes
for which the proceeds of such surcharge may be used, the
Association has raised funds from private sources for such
projects and purposes in an amount which is equal to or
greater than the maximum amount the Association may receive
from the proceeds of such surcharge.
(b) Annual Audits.--
(1) Annual audits of recipients required.--The Association
shall provide, as a condition for receiving any amount
derived from the proceeds of any surcharge imposed on the
sale of coins issued under this Act, for an annual audit, in
accordance with generally accepted government auditing
standards by an independent public accountant selected by the
Association, of all such payments to the Association
beginning in the first fiscal year of the Association in
which any such amount is received and continuing until all
such amounts received by the Association with respect to such
surcharges are fully expended or placed in trust.
(2) Minimum requirements for annual audits.--At a minimum,
each audit of the Association pursuant to paragraph (1) shall
report--
(A) the amount of payments received by the Association
during the fiscal year of the Association for which the audit
is conducted which are derived from the proceeds of any
surcharge imposed on the sale of coins issued under this Act;
(B) the amount expended by the Association from the
proceeds of such surcharges during the fiscal year of the
Association for which the audit is conducted; and
(C) whether all expenditures by the Association from the
proceeds of such surcharges during the fiscal year of the
Association for which the audit is conducted were for
authorized purposes.
(3) Responsibility of association to account for
expenditures of surcharges.--The Association shall take
appropriate steps, as a condition for receiving any payment
of any amount derived from the proceeds of any surcharge
imposed on the sale of coins issued under this Act, to ensure
that the receipt of the payment and the expenditure of the
proceeds of such surcharge by the Association in each fiscal
year of the Association can be accounted for separately from
all other revenues and expenditures of the Association.
(4) Submission of audit report.--Not later than 90 days
after the end of any fiscal year of the Association for which
an audit is required under paragraph (1), the Association
shall--
(A) submit a copy of the report to the Secretary of the
Treasury; and
(B) make a copy of the report available to the public.
(5) Use of surcharges for audits.--The Association may use
any amount received from payments derived from the proceeds
of any surcharge imposed on the sale of coins issued under
this Act to pay the cost of an audit required under paragraph
(1).
(6) Waiver of subsection.--The Secretary of the Treasury
may waive the application of any paragraph of this subsection
to the Association for any fiscal year after taking into
account the amount of surcharges which the Association
received or expended during such year.
(7) Availability of books and records.--The Association
shall provide, as a condition for receiving any payment
derived from the proceeds of any surcharge imposed on the
sale of coins issued under this Act, to the Inspector General
of the Department of the Treasury or the Comptroller General
of the United States, upon the request of such Inspector
General or the Comptroller General, all books, records, and
workpapers belonging to or used by the Association, or by any
independent public accountant who audited the Association in
accordance with paragraph (1), which may relate to the
receipt or expenditure of any such amount by the Association.
(c) Use of Agents or Attorneys to Influence Commemorative
Coin Legislation.--No portion of any payment to the
Association from amounts derived from the proceeds of
surcharges imposed on the sale of coins issued under this Act
may be used, directly or indirectly, by the Association to
compensate any agent or attorney for services rendered to
support or influence in any way legislative action of the
Congress relating to the coins minted and issued under this
Act.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from
Delaware [Mr. Castle] and the gentleman from New York [Mr. Flake] each
will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Delaware [Mr. Castle].
Mr. CASTLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, the next bill of this series is H.R. 2026, a bill to
require the Secretary of the Treasury to mint 100,000 $5 gold coins in
commemoration of the 200th anniversary of the death of George
Washington. The beneficiaries of this coin's surcharges will be the
Ladies of Mount Vernon who look after the memory of our first President
and work to preserve the physical plant of his home at Mount Vernon.
This coin has been on the recommended list of the Citizens
Commemorative Coin Advisory Committee since their annual report of
1994. This year it gained the cosponsorship of over 300 members and is
presented to this House free of any controversy.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. FLAKE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I offer my support for this bill, and will urge my
colleagues to do the same. H.R. 2026, like H.R. 1684, has met all the
criteria for favorable consideration. It commemorates a significant
figure on a significant date; it will ensure that the mint recovers its
costs; and it has been endorsed by the CCCAC. Moreover, by passing this
[[Page H10485]]
legislation, we will ensure the continued success of George
Washington's Mount Vernon residence, which as we all know, is one the
Capital region's most popular historical tourist attractions.
I will close by congratulating our colleagues, Mr. Moran and Mr.
Davis of northern Virginia, for their assistance in garnering the
bipartisan support needed for committee consideration; for not only is
this a northern Virginian treasure, it is also an asset that our Nation
must always support.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. CASTLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the
gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Davis].
Mr. DAVIS. Mr. Speaker, since the beginning of the 104th Congress, I
have been working with the entire Virginia delegation to move this
important piece of legislation through Congress. With the assistance of
my fellow Virginian, Congressman Jim Moran, and other cosponsors, H.R.
2062, the George Washington Commemorative Coin Act of 1996, has gained
broad bipartisan support in the House.
It is especially fitting that the House pass this legislation
honoring George Washington on this date, for it was on September 17,
1796, 200 year ago today, that he authored his farewell address upon
his retirement from government, warning our Nation of the dangers of
factions or partisanship and national deficits.
H.R. 2062 authorizes the Secretary of the Treasury to issue 100,000
$5 gold coins in commemoration of the bicentennial of George
Washington's death in 1799.
The theme of the coin, and it is going to be issued in 1999, the
theme of the coin will commemorate an important national historical
figure on an anniversary of great national significance.
The proceeds of the coin will benefit historic Mount Vernon which
welcomes over 1 million visitors annually from every State in the
Union. Although George Washington's image continues to be one of the
most familiar in our Nation, Americans are gradually losing touch with
the accomplishments, the character and the leadership of this
singularly American hero.
Washington's service to the Nation goes far beyond his remarkable
leadership during the Revolutionary War and his precedent-setting first
term as the President of the United States. Washington was also
considered the first farmer of America, a conservationist and
environmentalist far ahead of his time.
He helped to found the Nation's Capital. He supported education with
both political influence and personal donations, and he sent an
important message to the entire world when he freed his slaves in his
will.
{time} 1745
Washington was not just a great man, he was a good man who always
strived to do what was best for his Nation. The commemorative coin will
renew in Washington's vast achievements while supporting broad-based
educational programs designed to reach millions of Americans.
Historic Mount Vernon is ideally suited to organize and implement an
ongoing educational program in 1999. To date, more than 65 million
visitors have toured Washington's home. Millions more have been
educated through classroom kits, television and radio programs,
publications, and special field trips. In 1999 Mount Vernon is planning
scholarly conferences, a major traveling exhibit, several new
publications and a host of other programs which will touch the hearts
and minds of all Americans.
As we approach the new millennium it is imperative that we, as
Americans, not lose sight of the monumental contributions made by
George Washington to our Nation.
In an eulogy delivered several days after his death, Henry Light-
Horse Harry Lee said that George Washington was a citizen first in war,
first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen. By moving
this commemorative coin forward, we will help to ensure that future
generations of Americans truly understand this statement.
I would also like to extend my sincere appreciation to the Citizens
Commemorative Coin Advisory Committee, and to the gentleman from
Delaware [Mr. Castle] and his subcommittee, and the ranking member, the
gentleman from New York [Mr. Flake] for their efforts with the
commemorative coin program and for supporting the George Washington
Commemorative Coin Act of 1996.
Mr. Speaker, I include for the Record Washington's Farewell Address.
To the people of the United States.
Friends and Fellow Citizens: The period for a new election
of a citizen to administer the executive government of the
United States being not far distant, and the time actually
arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating
the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it
appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more
distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now
apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being
considered among the number of those, out of whom a choice is
to be made.
I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be
assured, that this resolution has not been taken, without
strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the
relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and
that, in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in
my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of
zeal for your future interest; no deficiency of grateful
respect for your past kindness; but am supported by a full
conviction that the step is compatible with both.
The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the office
to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a
uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and
to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I
constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my
power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty
to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had
been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do
this, previous to the last election, had even led to the
preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature
reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our
affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of
persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the
idea.
I rejoice that the state of your concerns external as well
as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination
incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety; and am
persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my
services, that in the present circumstances of our country,
you will not disapprove my determination to retire.
The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous
trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the
discharge of this trust, I will only say that I have, with
good intentions, contributed towards the organization and
administration of the government, the best exertions of which
a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious in the
outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience,
in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has
strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and, every
day, the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and
more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as
it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances have
given peculiar value to my services they were temporary, I
have the consolation to believe that, while choice and
prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism
does not forbid it.
In looking forward to the moment which is to terminate the
career of my political life, my feelings do not permit me to
suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude
which I owe to my beloved country, for the many honors it has
conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence
with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities I
have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment,
by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness
unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country
from these services, let it always be remembered to your
praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that
under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every
direction, were liable to mislead amidst appearances
sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often
discouraging--in situations in which not unfrequently, want
of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism,--the
constancy of your support was the essential prop of the
efforts, and a guarantee of the plans, by which they were
effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry
it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing
vows that heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of
its beneficence--that your union and brotherly affection may
be perpetual--that the free constitution, which is the work
of your hands, may be sacredly maintained--that its
administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom
and virtue--that, in fine, the happiness of the people of
these states, under the auspices of liberty, may be made
complete by so careful a preservation, and so prudent a use
of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of
recommending it to the applause, the affection and adoption
of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.
Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your
welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the
apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me,
on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn
contemplation, and to recommend to
[[Page H10486]]
your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of
much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which
appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity
as a people. These will be offered to you with the more
freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested
warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no
personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an
encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my
sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.
Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of
your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to
fortify or confirm the attachment.
The unity of government which constitutes you one people,
is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main
pillar in the edifice of your real independence; the support
of your tranquility at home: your peace abroad; of your
safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so
highly prize. But, as it is easy to foresee that, from
different causes and from different quarters much pains will
be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds
the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your
political fortress against which the batteries of internal
and external enemies will be most constantly and actively
(though often covertly and insidiously) directed; it is of
infinite movement, that you should properly estimate the
immense value of your national union to your collective and
individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial,
habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming
yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of
your political safety and prosperity; watching for its
preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever
may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be
abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of
every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the
rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together
the various parts.
For this you have every inducement of sympathy and
interest. Citizens by birth, or choice, of a common country,
that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The
name of American, which belongs to you in your national
capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism,
more than any appellation derived from local discriminations.
With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion,
manners, habits, and political principles. You have, in a
common cause, fought and triumphed together; the independence
and liberty you possess, are the work of joint counsels, and
joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings and successes.
But these considerations, however powerfully they address
themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by
those which apply more immediately to your interest. Here,
every portion of our country finds the most commanding
motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of
the whole.
The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South,
protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in
the productions of the latter, great additional resources of
maritime and commercial enterprise, and precious materials of
manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse,
benefiting by the same agency of the North, sees its
agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into
its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its
particular navigation invigorated; and while it contributes,
in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass
of the national navigation, it looks forward to the
protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is
unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the
West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of
interior communications by land and water, will more and more
find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from
abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the
East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort--and what
is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity
owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own
productions, to the weight, influence, and the future
maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed
by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any
other tenure by which the West can hold this essential
advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength; or
from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign
power, must be intrinsically precarious.
While then every part of our country thus feels an
immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts
combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and
efforts, greater strength, greater resource proportionably
greater security from external danger, a less frequent
interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is
of inestimable value, they must derive from union, an
exemption from those broils and wars between themselves,
which so frequently afflict neighboring countries not tied
together by the same government; which their own rivalship
alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite
foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues, would
stimulate and embitter. Hence likewise, they will avoid the
necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which
under any form of government are inauspicious to liberty, and
which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to
republican liberty. In this sense it is, that your union
ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and
that the love of the one ought to endear to you the
preservation of the other.
These considerations speak a persuasive language to every
reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of
the union as a primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a
doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a
sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere
speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized
to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the
auxiliary agency of governments for the respective
subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It
is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful
and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts of our
country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its
impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the
patriotism of those who, in any quarter, may endeavor to
weaken its hands.
In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it
occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should
have been furnished for characterizing parties by
geographical discriminations--Northern and Southern--Atlantic
and Western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a
belief that there is a real difference of local interests and
views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence
within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions
and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourself too
much against the jealousies and heart burnings which spring
from these misrepresentations: they tend to render alien to
each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal
affection. The inhabitants of our western country have lately
had a useful lesson on this head: they have seen, in the
negotiation by the executive, and in the unanimous
ratification by the senate of the treaty with Spain, and in
the universal satisfaction at the event throughout the United
States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions
propagated among them of a policy in the general government
and in the Atlantic states, unfriendly to their interests in
regard to the Mississippi. They have been witnesses to the
formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain and that
with Spain, which secure to them everything they could
desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards
confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to
rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by
which they were procured? will they not henceforth be deaf to
those advisers, if such they are, who would sever them from
their brethren and connect them with aliens?
To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a government
for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict,
between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must
inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which
all alliances, in all times, have experienced. Sensible of
this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first
essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government,
better calculated than your former, for an intimate union,
and for the efficacious management of your common concerns.
This government, the offspring of our own choice,
uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and
mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in
the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy,
and containing within itself a provision for its own
amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your
support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws,
acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the
fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our
political systems is the right of the people to make and to
alter their constitutions of government. But the constitution
which at any time exists, until changed by an explicit and
authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory
upon all. The very idea of the power, and the right of the
people to establish government, presupposes the duty of every
individual to obey the established government.
All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all
combinations and associations under whatever plausible
character, with the real design to direct, control,
counteract, or awe the regular deliberations and action of
the constituted authorities, are destructive of this
fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to
organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary
force, to put in the place of the delegated will of the
nation the will of party, often a small but artful and
enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the
alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public
administration the mirror of the ill concerted and
incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of
consistent and wholesome plans digested by common councils,
and modified by mutual interests.
However combinations or associations of the above
description may now and then answer popular ends, they are
likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent
engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men,
will be enable to subvert the power of the people, and to
usurp for themselves the reigns of government; destroying
afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust
dominion.
Towards the preservation of your government and the
permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not
only that you steadily discountenance irregular opposition to
its acknowledged authority, but also that
[[Page H10487]]
you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its
principles, however specious the pretext. One method of
assault may be to effect, in the forms of the constitution,
alterations which will impair the energy of the system; and
thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all
the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time
and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character
of governments, as of other human institutions: that
experience is the surest standard by which to test the real
tendency of the existing constitution of a country: that
facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and
opinion, exposes to perpetual change from the endless variety
of hypothesis and opinion: and remember, especially, that for
the efficient management of your common interests in a
country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor
as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is
indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government,
with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest
guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the
government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of
fraction, to confine each member of the society within the
limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the
secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and
property.
I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in
the state, with particular references to the founding them on
geographical discrimination. Let me now take a more
comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner
against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.
This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature,
having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind.
It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or
less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the
popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is
truly their worst enemy.
The alternate domination of one faction over another,
sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party
dissension, which in different ages and countries has
perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful
despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and
permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result,
gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and
repose in the absolute power of an individual; and, sooner or
later, the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or
more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition
to the purpose of his own elevation on the ruins of public
liberty.
Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind,
(which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight)
the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are
sufficient to make it in the interest and duty of a wise
people to discourage and restrain it.
It serves always to distract the public councils, and
enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community
with ill founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the
animosity of one part against another; foments occasional
riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence
and corruption, which finds a facilitated access to the
government itself through the channels of party passions.
Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to
the policy and will of another.
There is an opinion that parties in free countries are
useful checks upon the administration of the government, and
serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within
certain limits is probably true; and in governments of a
monarchial cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not
with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the
popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a
spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it
is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for
every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger of
excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion,
to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it
demands a uniform vigilance to prevent it bursting into a
flame, lest instead of warming, it should consume.
It is important likewise, that the habits of thinking in a
free country should inspire caution in those intrusted with
its administration, to confine themselves within their
respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise
of the powers of one department, to encroach upon another.
The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of
all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the
form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that
love of power and proneness to abuse it which predominate in
the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of
this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the
exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it
into different depositories, and constituting each the
guardian of the public weal against invasions of the others,
has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern: some of
them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them
must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion
of the people, the distribution or modification of the
constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be
corrected by an amendment in the way which the constitution
designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for
through this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good,
it is the customary weapon by which free governments are
destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in
permanent evil, any partial or transient benefit which the
use can at any time yield.
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political
prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports.
In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who
should labor to subvert these great pillars of human
happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and
citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man,
ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not
trace all their connections with private and public felicity.
Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property,
for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious
obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of
investigation in courts of justice? And let us with caution
indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained
without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence
of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason
and experience both forbid us to expect, that national
morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a
necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed,
extends with more or less force to every species of free
government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with
indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the
fabric?
Promote, then, as an object of primary importance,
institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In
proportion as the structure of a government gives force to
public opinion, it should be enlightened.
As a very important source of strength and security,
cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use
it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by
cultivating peace, but remembering, also, that timely
disbursements, to prepare for danger, frequently prevent much
greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the
accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of
expense, but by vigorous exertions, in time of peace, to
discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have
occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the
burden which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of
these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is
necessary that public opinion should cooperate. To facilitate
to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that
you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment
of debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue there
must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not
more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic
embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper
object (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to
be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct
of the government in making it, and for a spirit of
acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the
public exigencies may at any time debate.
Observe good faith and justice towards all nations;
cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality
enjoin this conduct, and can it be that good policy does not
equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened,
and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind
the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always
guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt
but, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a
plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might
be lost by a steady adherence to it; can it be that
Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a
nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is
recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature.
Alas! Is it rendered impossible by its vices?
In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential
than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against
particular nations and passionate attachment for others,
should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and
amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The
nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or
an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a
slave to its animosity, or to its affection, either of which
is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its
interest. Antipathy in one nation against another, disposes
each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of
slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable
when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur.
Hence, frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody
contests. The nation, prompted by ill will and resentment,
sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best
calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates
in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what
reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity
of the nation's subservient to projects of hostility,
instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and
pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the
liberty of nations, has been the victim.
So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for
another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the
favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary
common interest, in cases where no real common interest
exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other,
betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and
wars of the latter, without adequate inducements or
justifications. It leads also to concessions, to the favorite
nation, or privileges denied to
[[Page H10488]]
others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the
concessions, by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have
been retained, and by exciting jealously, ill will, and a
disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal
privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted
or deluded citizens who devote themselves to the favorite
nation, facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of
their own country, without odium, sometimes even with
popularity; gilding with the appearances of virtuous sense of
obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a
laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish
compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.
As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such
attachments are particularly alarming to the truly
enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities
do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice
the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to
influence or awe the public councils! Such an attachment of a
small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the
former to be the satellite of the latter.
Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, (I
conjure you to believe me fellow citizens,) the jealousy of a
free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and
experience prove, that foreign influence is one of the most
baneful foes of republican government. But that jealously, to
be useful, must be impartial, else it becomes the instrument
of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense
against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and
excessive dislike for another, cause those whom they actuate
to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even
second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who
may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to
become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp
the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their
interests.
The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign
nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have
with them as little political connection as possible. So far
as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled
with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.
Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have
none, or a very remote relation. Hence, she must be engaged
in frequent controversies, the causes of which are
essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it
must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial
ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the
ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or
enmities.
Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us
to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under
an efficient government, the period is not far off when we
may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may
take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at
any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when
belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making
acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us
provocation, when we may choose peace or war, as our
interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.
Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why
quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by
interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe,
entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European
ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?
It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliance
with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we
are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as
capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I
hold the maxim no less applicable to public than private
affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it,
therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine
sense. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be
unwise to extend them.
Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable
establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may
safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary
emergencies.
Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are
recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our
commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand;
neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences;
consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and
diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but
forcing nothing; establishing with powers so disposed, in
order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of
our merchants, and to enable the government to support them,
conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present
circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary,
and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied as
experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly
keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for
disinterested favors from another; that is must pay with a
portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under
that character; that by such acceptance, it may place itself
in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal
favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not
giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect, or
calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an
illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought
to discard.
In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old
and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the
strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will
control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our
nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the
destiny of nations, but if I may even flatter myself that
they may be productive of some partial benefit, some
occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate
the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of
foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of
pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for
the solicitude for your welfare by which they have been
dictated.
How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have
been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the
public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness
to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own
conscience is, that I have, at least, believed myself to be
guided by them.
In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my
proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my
plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your
representatives in both houses of congress, the spirit of
that measure has continually governed me, uninfuenced by any
attempts to deter or divert me from it.
After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best
lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country,
under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take,
and was bound, in duty and interest, to take a neutral
position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should
depend upon me, to maintain it with moderation, perseverance
and firmness.
The considerations which respect the right to hold this
conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I
will only observe that, according to my understanding of the
matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the
belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.
The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred,
without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and
humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free
to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and
amity towards other nations.
The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will
best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With
me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to
our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions,
and to progress, without interruption, to that degree of
strength, and consistency which is necessary to give it,
humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.
Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I
am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too
sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may
have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently
beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which
they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my
country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and
that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its
service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent
abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon
be to the mansions of rest.
Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and
actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural
to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his
progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with
pleasing expectation that in which I promise myself to
realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in
the midst of my fellow citizens, the benign influence of good
laws under a free government--the ever favorite object of my
heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares,
labors and dangers.
Geo. Washington.
United States,
17th September, 1796.
Mr. FLAKE. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the
gentleman from northern Virginia [Mr. Moran].
Mr. MORAN. Mr. Speaker, I thank my distinguished colleagues and
friends, the gentleman from New York [Mr. Flake] and the gentleman from
Virginia [Mr. Davis], for working with me in a bipartisan way to get
this authorization to mint 100,000 gold $5 coins. They will be minted
in 1999, commemorating the 200th anniversary of the death of George
Washington, our first President.
I think I can speak for Mr. Davis and probably all my colleagues,
that getting 290 signatures is not like rolling off a log. This has
taken us much of the year, and we would not have done this if it was
not of some consequence. Even the fact that the Coin Commission
recommended it, it still is difficult to get people's attention to
focus on it.
But this is a uniquely important coin because once we reimburse the
taxpayers fully for the cost of minting this coin, the Mount Vernon
Ladies Association will use the proceeds for the preservation of Mount
Vernon, which was George Washington's home in
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northern Virginia at the southern end of the parkway. We invite all our
colleagues and people listening to visit that beautiful birthplace, the
home of George Washington.
The funds will also enhance the ladies association's efforts to
educate the American public about George Washington's life. Few people
know that this, in fact, is the 200th anniversary of George
Washington's farewell address this very day. It still has resonance, it
has tremendous profundity, wisdom in that address, but too few people
are aware of it. This will enable us to spread that kind of educational
information.
Many of our textbooks include now only a small fraction of
information about George Washington's life and times. Forty years ago
there was a lot about it. But over the years our history textbooks have
reduced, more and more, the life of George Washington, and it should
not be diminished.
So this is an effort to see to it that it will not be diminished, and
the Mount Vernon Ladies Association is going to host a series of
programs in conjunction with the bicentennial of Washington's death in
1999. There will be seminars, programs for schoolchildren and adults,
construction of two new buildings which will provide the opportunity
for people of all ages to learn about George Washington in the context
of the 18th century life where he was the most prominent figure.
Proceeds from the sale of these coins will help to finance all these
events and ensure that the nearly 1 million visitors who pass through
Mount Vernon every year are fully informed about how important George
Washington was to the founding of this country.
This commemorative coin, as I say, has been endorsed by the
Commemorative Coin Advisory Committee. There is no reason why we should
not support this legislation. It is urgent given the particular timing
of it. We need to do it now, and certainly we need to give these
proceeds to the Mount Vernon Ladies Association to spread information
about a man who had a pivotal role in the direction of this country.
Mr. CASTLE. Mr. Speaker, I have no further speakers, and I will yield
myself a moment or two just to comment on the distinguished gentleman
from Virginia's comments on the 290 names. Of course that is all
intentional, to make sure that these are worthwhile doing, and I am
glad that he and the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Davis] had to go to a
little bit of effort to do that. It makes us feel that it is at least
working in some way or other, but we are very supportive of this
legislation. We congratulate both of these gentlemen on the wonderful
job they have done.
Mr. FLAKE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I would just like to thank the gentlemen from Virginia,
Mr. Moran and Mr. Davis, for their work with the committee and allowing
us to bring this bill to the floor with the support that it has had.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. CASTLE. Mr. Speaker, I, too, yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Goodlatte). The question is on the
motion offered by the gentleman from Delaware [Mr. Castle] that the
House suspend the rules and pass the bill, H.R. 2026, as amended.
The question was taken; and (two-thirds having voted in favor
thereof) the rules were suspended and the bill, as amended, was passed.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
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