[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 117 (Friday, August 2, 1996)]
[Senate]
[Pages S9641-S9644]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
READY FOR THE WORLD
Mrs. KASSEBAUM. Mr. President, the Honorable Edward W. Brooke,
our distinguished former colleague from Massachusetts, recently
delivered an outstanding speech entitled ``Ready for the World'' at the
First Alpha Scholarship Forum in New Orleans. His remarks were
befitting of the inaugural Charles H. Wesley Memorial Lecture.
Mr. President, I trust that our colleagues will benefit from Senator
Brooke's thoughtful remarks as I have, and I ask that the text of his
speech be printed in the Congressional Record.
The speech follows:
Ready for the World
(By Brother Edward W. Brooke)
1. wesley's example and legacy
Dear Brothers and guests, I cannot tell you how privileged,
honored and humbled I feel to have been chosen by our General
President, Brother Milton C. Davis, to deliver this First
Charles H. Wesley National Lecture. When I was initiated into
Alpha Phi Alpha nearly six decades ago, Dr. Wesley was our
General President. I came to love him and admire him. He was
my brother, my leader, my teacher and my friend. I have never
stopped trying to follow his example and, God willing, I
never shall.
Let me take a few minutes to remind all of you just who
Brother Dr. Charles H. Wesley was and why his is a name, and
why his was a life, that you should always remember.
Brother Dr. Wesley was born nearly 105 years ago and lived
some 95 years. He graduated from Fisk, where he had been a
star student, athlete and singer, and entered graduate school
at Yale at age 19. He was the fourth African American to earn
a Ph.D. at Harvard. He traveled and studied in Europe. He
taught history at Howard University and rose through the
ranks to become Dean of Liberal Arts and Dean of the Graduate
School. As a scholar, he published 12 books and 125 articles.
He served as president of Wilberforce College and of Central
State University in Ohio. He was an ordained minister in the
African Methodist Episcopal Church. He wrote the history of
our fraternity and served as its General President for nine
critical years between 1931 and 1940. He served as president
of the Association for the Study of Afro-American Life and
History for 15 years.
But, in his own words, he gave his best to Alpha. And we
should be thankful that he did.
There is more to know about Brother Wesley, however.
First, he was a loving and caring husband and father.
Second, despite his considerable talents and
accomplishments, there was no arrogance about him. If at
times he was first of all, he was, nevertheless, always a
servant of all. ``One's attainments,'' he said, ``can serve
as object lessons for others. There is no need to draw
attention to them.''
Third, he believed, correctly, that notions of racial
superiority and inferiority explain very little, if anything,
in human history.
Fourth, instead of talking about what America owed black
people, he talked about what America owes itself and all of
its people, and about what black people owe themselves.
Fifth, his interests and his horizons were never limited by
the waters which separate North America from the rest of the
world. His concern and his love were for all mankind.
Sixth, he made the nurturing of young people an integral
part of his life.
And, to his everlasting credit, he never turned a deaf ear
to any call to duty.
So perhaps you can understand why I feel compelled to say
today that Brother Dr. Charles H. Wesley--scholar, athlete,
teacher, musician, preacher; and Alpha man--was as American
as they come. He knew the truth of that, even if most
Americans didn't. And instead of giving up on, or giving in
to, Americans who would deny his American-ness, he stood up
for America and worked as hard as he could to make America
own up to what it says it stands for.
With the kindness and courtesy of Dr. Wesley's accomplished
daughter, Mrs. Charlotte Wesley Holloman, I have been
privileged to read some of Brother Wesley's papers and
original drafts of speeches. In the one which he delivered in
Charleston, South Carolina, in 1977--the 201st year of
American independence and the 71st year of alpha history--I
found a message which gives meaningful insight into Charles
H. Wesley, the man and philosopher. And I want you the hear
his thoughts and his words as he delivered them to Alpha men
there assembled. He said:
``It has become very necessary that thinking should be used
in all our individual endeavors, for it is one of the
powerful forces operating in our lives. America was built by
its thinkers both in 1776 and subsequently as a great nation
in 1976, and the method of this achievement and our own have
been indicated very cogently in his familiar statement:
Back of the hammers beating,
By which the steel is wrought
Back of the workshop's clamor
The seeker may find the thought.
The thought that ever is master
Of iron, of steam and steel
That rises above disaster
And tramples it under its heel.
Back of the motor's humming
Back of the cranes that swing
Back of the hammers drumming
Back of the belts that sing.
There is an eye that scans them
Watching through stress and through strain
There is a mind that plans them
Back of the brawn the brain.
``In the long run,'' Brother Wesley continued, ``whether it
is in 1776 of 1976, the world is in the keeping of its
idealists. . . . It is in the hands of men and women who with
revolutionary impatience walk the lanes of the villages, with
their feet on the ground opposing unjust laws with a song on
their lips and with their hearts in the stars. . . . Such a
one is never defeated until he gives up within. . . .''
This is Brother Wesley's legacy and our inheritance. Our
duty today is to pick up where he left off and to stay the
course in to the next century and the next millennium.
2. the moment
There could hardly be a more appropriate moment than this
one--with the dusk of the twentieth century descending upon
the global village and the dawn of the Third Millennium
hovering somewhere just beyond the horizon--to pause and
consider the state of this world and our place and our
possibilities in it. Regrettably, both the world and our
place in it are in many respects in a perilous state.
Our is called a new age. The Cold War is over. The Soviet
Union no longer exists. Totalitarianism, Marxism and
socialism are in full retreat. Capitalism, democracy and
freedom are everywhere the rage.
Feedom is something about which we African Americans know a
great deal. We know what it's like to be deprived of it, to
hunger and thirst for it, to fight and die for it, even
though the Creator never intended for men and women to be
either slaves or masters. As the 18th century English poet
William Cowper wrote:
They found them slaves: But who that title gave?
The God of Nature never formed a slave!
Though pride or force may acquire a master's name
Nature and justice must remain the same;
Nature imparts upon whate'er we see
That has a heart and life in it--be free!
And so, here in the age of freedom and democracy, we
ought--all things being equal--to be dancing in the streets
and on the crumbling walls of political, economic and
cultural oppression.
But, for many, things seem to have gone terribly awry;
everything new seems old again. In so many places and
situations, we and many of our brothers and sisters in the
human race find ourselves in an all-too-familiar situation:
marginalized--excluded from the fun if not the games;
victimized by poverty, politics, disease, famine, war,
corruption, indifference, malign neglect and outright
bigotry.
Major challenges confront us. But, as we know, challenges
offer opportunities. And so there are, today, even in our
relatively small sector of this world, abundant opportunities
for us to demonstrate not just our loyalty and devotion to
our country but also, as all Alphas are sworn, our love for
all mankind.
So let us not fail to find inspiration in the many beacons
of hope in the world and in our country. In South Africa,
President Mandela and the African National Congress have not
only taken command of the ship of state; they have skillfully
guided it toward the open seas where the economic and social
possibilities seem limitless.
Even in poor Haiti hope is alive. And here in the United
States, a million black men, including many Alpha brothers,
marched in support of individual and parental responsibility.
Nor should we fail to recognize our dear sister, the highly
motivated Marian Wright
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Edelman, who only recently led her own march on Washington on
behalf of this nation's children, and who has made it clear
that she will never stop fighting for our young people--
black, brown, yellow, red or white--who, after all, our most
precious natural resource and the link between our past and
our future.
3. america's missions
Of course, the United States has its troubles; but is still
a special and sometimes wondrous place. Over the centuries
many people have believed, and many still believe today, that
Almighty God provided for the establishment of the United
States--a new nation in a new world--to give man and woman an
opportunity nearly unique in history to experience, and on
the basis of that experience to cherish, peace, freedom,
justice and brotherhood on Earth.
So far, that vision--whether it is God's or man's, whether
it is legitimate or not--has not been fully realized. America
has not yet lived up to its promise. But if we take the long
view of history, we can see that the United States has served
for more than two centuries as a shining example to many
millions of people around the world, and has grappled
successfully with certain enormous challenges both at home
and abroad.
In the 19th century, for example, Americans had no choice
but to decide once and for all whether human slavery had a
legitimate place in the Republic. In 1858, Abraham Lincoln
said, ``A house divided against itself cannot endure
permanently, half slave and half free * * * I expect it will
cease to be divided. It will,'' he said, ``become all one
thing, or all the other.'' And after a terribly bloody and
destructive civil war, the United States emerged as a country
in which slavery had no place--even if, tragically, de jure
as well as de facto racism did.
Freed from the albatross of slavery, the United States
enjoyed in the last quarter of the 19th century rapid
economic growth and political as well as economic expansion
into the larger world. And before long it became impossible
for America's leaders to continue to heed George Washington's
advice to avoid foreign entanglements. Indeed, by 1916, the
midpoint of the First World War, it could no longer be argued
that American security and freedom were somehow separate from
western Europe's. As he dispatched American forces to the war
``over there,'' President Woodrow Wilson spoke of the
imperative to make the world, not just the United States,
safe from would-be global emperors. At no time since then has
this country been able to remain aloof from international
politics without exposing itself, not to mention its
brothers, cousins and friends, to powerful and sometimes
ruthless antagonists who wish them, and us, ill.
This reality became indisputable when, during our
isolationist period, would-be emperors of the world came into
power in Germany, Italy and Japan and undertook to conquer,
subjugate or intimidate those who dared to resist them. Only
massive and sustained, if somewhat belated, intervention by
the United States prevented those tyrants from achieving most
if not all of their aims.
After the Second World War, yet another imperial threat
emerged in the form of our former ally against the Axis
powers, namely Josef Stalin's Soviet Union. I need not
recount here today the details of the half-century-long Cold
War fought by American presidents from Truman to Reagan. But
I must say that prevailing in that struggle, as well as the
Second and First World Wars, was indeed an essential
component of America's mission in the 20th century. And to
all those--and I am proud to be one of them--whose efforts
and sacrifices made it possible for us to live in a world
over which no would-be emperor's shadow falls, we should be
thankful.
As you recall, there was another tyrant who was overthrown
during this century. He went by the name of Jim Crow. And
under his authority millions of African Americans, and many
white Americans, were deprived of their most basic civil and
human rights. But since 1954 segregation has been illegal in
America. And to all those whose efforts and sacrifices made
it possible for us to live in a land in which no ``whites
only'' sign can legally be erected, we should be thankful.
Now, I do not want to give the impression that I believe
for a moment that all of the national and international
atrocities served up by the 19th and 20th centuries have been
completely or even satisfactorily eliminated. I do not, and
you should not.
However, some of the most horrendous of them have been, and
for that we should be thankful.
We know, of course that the 21st century will serve up
horrors of its own; and although we are confident that good
and capable men and women will rise up to grapple with them,
we can afford to be neither complacent nor mentally
unprepared. Quite the contrary; we should, and must, be
alert; we must be ready for the world. And that means having
principles, if not a plan, to guide us.
I believe we need look no further for ideals upon which to
base our actions than the precepts of our fraternity and the
examples set by Brother Wesley and so many other
distinguished Alpha men over these last ninety years. I
refer specifically to manly deeds, scholarship and,
especially, love for all mankind, with special emphasis on
``all.'' It was Brother Martin Luther King, Jr.'s dream
that one day this nation would rise up and live out the
true meaning of its creed--``that all men are created
equal''. And, lest we be tempted to reserve our love only
for those who are easy to love, let us not forget that
Jesus Christ said, ``Inasmuch as ye have done it unto one
of the least of these my brethren, ye have done it unto
me.''
4. what you can do and where you can start
Just as we do not have to look any farther than to our
beloved and renowned Alpha to find precepts and principles on
which to base our actions, neither, unfortunately, do we have
to look any farther than down the street or across town to
find tragic conditions that cry out for human attention,
ingenuity and love. but on top of that, television and the
other mass media bring into our homes on a daily basis
stories of untold suffering and dehumanization--much of it
done to, and even by, people of color. These stories tug at
our heartstrings and, too, cry out for human attention,
ingenuity and love.
Caught between the local and the global, between what's
happening over there and what's happening over here, we may
be tempted to focus on one and ignore the other, or simply to
pretend to see neither. But I believe, and I pray that you
will come to share my belief--if you don't already--that
there is only one race, only one place, and only one God who
made them both. I pray, too, that if you do come to share my
belief, then you will accept, if you have not already
accepted, some measure of responsibility, no matter how
small, for bringing to bear, on the afflictions which burden
humankind and our planetary home, whatever attention,
ingenuity and love you can muster.
Now, some of you may be wondering what you can do and where
you can start. The best answer is that you should do what you
feel you reasonably can, given your talents and resources;
and you should start wherever your interests and your concern
lead you.
Allow me, if you will, to share with you some of my
thoughts about some of the issues that the American people
and our government, among others around the world, should be
thinking about and acting on.
It seems to me that we face three kinds of problems: Those
that are traceable to, and best addressed by, individuals in
their personal, family and community lives; Those that are
traceable to, and best addressed, by private industry; and
Those that are traceable to, and best addressed by,
governments.
Concerning problems which I think of as being attributable
and amenable mainly to the action or the inaction of
individuals in their personal, family and community lives,
Ten Deadly Sins, as I have labeled them, come to mine.
First, there is child abuse in all its forms, including
neglect and physical, psychological and sexual abuse;
Second, there is the abuse and misuse of alcohol and other
drugs, both legal and illegal;
Third, there is domestic violence, which takes place behind
the closed doors of too many homes;
Fourth, there is gang violence, often related to the
marketing of illegal drugs. Let me say that I include in my
definition of gang violence the illegal hazing of young men
who are pledges of our fraternity and quite a few others in
these United States.
Fifth, there is the epidemic of teen pregnancy or premature
parenthood, which obviously involves young men as well as
young girls and young women;
Sixth, there is prejudice and discrimination, often
accompanied by hate crimes, against our fellow men and women
because of their race, creed, color, national origin or
sexual orientation. In this regard, we must condemn
unequivocally the cowardly and dastardly burning of African
American and other churches. We must condemn hate crimes
against Jewish people, their places of worship and their
cemeteries. we must condemn hate crimes against homosexuals,
which include assault, battery and even murder. and we must
condemn the tendency of white America to blame either black
men or people of Middle Eastern heritage for nearly every
criminal or terrorist event in this country.
Seventh, and along the same line, there is the unforgivably
unfair and costly tradition of subordinating the welfare of
women and girls to that of men and boys. This is unacceptable
in all its aspects, though especially so when girls' minds
are neglected or their bodies mutilated, and when women are
prohibited by government from exercising their right to
terminate legally, safely and affordably an unwanted or
health- and life-threatening pregnancy;
Eighth, there are the many unhealthy behaviors in which so
many of us engage. I refer specifically to smoking, chewing
tobacco, the overconsumption of food--especially foods with
high fat, salt and calorie content. And perhaps most
important in this age of AIDS, the highly irresponsible
practice of unsafe sex by adults and teenagers who know, or
ought to know, better.
Ninth, there is the regrettable and ominous mixture of
apathy, cynicism and disrespect for law, government and
politics;
And tenth, there is the stifling isolationism which has
overtaken so many individuals, families and communities. I
refer to our growing lack of interest in people, places and
issues with whom and with which we may not have everyday
contact. It is right to be worried about average Americans'
lack of interest, and even hostility, toward foreign people
and places. But we should be downright alarmed about average
Americans' lack of interest in, and interaction with, their
neighbors and fellow citizens.
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Next, let us consider problems which are traceable mainly
to, and best addressed by, the private sector in this country
and in others. But before I focus on troubling aspects of
contemporary private enterprise, let me make at least two
things clear: First, the private sector is not an enemy of
whom we should wish to be rid; in fact, because the private
sector is the principal source of employment, innovation,
growth and progress, we should, and do, want it to grow and
prosper Second, many companies, large and small, are models
of corporate social responsibility. You don't have to be a
Republican or a conservative to acknowledge this fact and
give credit where it's due. The President did it a few weeks
ago when he invited some of the more praiseworthy companies
to send representatives to Washington and tell their stories
to the country and the world.
Now, concerning private sector problems to be addressed, I
have five in mind.
One--and for me the most important one today--is the
problem of the violent images and antisocial ideas
disseminated so broadly by the media and the entertainment
industry, especially through movies, television shows and
certain kinds of music. I don't necessarily advocate more
regulation at this time, but the entertainment industry has
to show allegiance to some moral principle other than ``give
them whatever they want, so long as it sells.''
A second problem, similar to the first, is the lack of
corporate social responsibility demonstrated by companies and
industries which target advertising for alcohol, tobacco and
games of chance at the most vulnerable segments of society,
namely children and poor people.
A third important problem is the widely varying performance
of companies and industries, especially in the United States,
with respect to equal employment and affirmative action for
women and underrepresented minorities. It is unacceptable
that a person is subject to harassment or denial of a job or
promotion because of physical traits or beliefs.
A fourth is the insensitivity of some large corporations to
the genuine human needs and just deserts of their employees
and communities. It doesn't seem unreasonable that a
corporation can be compassionate and commercially viable at
the same time. But it does seem unreasonable that
a corporation can be in a community but not of it.
And, fifth, is the problems of corporate respect for this
planet and for its wondrous ecological systems. One would
expect business-people to know that there is a relationship
between nature and the economy, even if, sadly, their
knowledge is based solely on pragmatism. The overfishing of
our oceans, for example, isn't just a crime against Mother
Earth; it puts thousands of people out of work.
I come now to my third set of concerns, namely problems
which are traceable to, or at least best addressed by,
governments around the world.
Our federal government, and other national governments,
face both inward and outward as they strive, we hope, to
promote the general welfare, insure domestic tranquility,
provide for the common defense and help secure, for any one
who hungers for them, the same blessings of liberty and
justice that we ourselves seek and sometimes enjoy.
Even if some Americans don't think so, there still are some
things that our federal government, and national governments
in developed and developing countries ought to be doing, or
doing better, to improve conditions in their own societies.
Several things come to mind.
First, government can do a much better job of educating
young people. No nation that fails to educate its children
will have much of a present or a future.
Second, government can do a much better job of insuring
that as many people as possible, especially children, have
the best health care that a society can reasonably provide.
Third, government can do a much better job of insuring
employment and decent and affordable housing for low and
moderate income people.
Fourth, government can do a much better job of making our
streets, neighborhoods and commercial districts safe for
everyone, not just the wealthy and the politically
influential.
Fifth, government can do a much better job of taking
responsibility for protecting our natural environment and
preserving it for future generations as a cultural and
economic resource. Let me elaborate just a bit. When I say
environment I don't mean just protecting the ecology from
destructive people; I also mean protecting people from
environments that are unhealthy because the air is dirty,
toxic wastes have been dumped there, or the water is unsafe
for human consumption.
Sixth, governments can do a much better job of governing.
Too often, governments and the people who run them conduct
themselves in ways that a are highly deficient when it comes
to honor, morality and integrity. They should be on notice
that their people's patience has its limits and that they
should either conform, reform or perform, or else expect to
be informed that their time in office has expired.
Now, as I said earlier, governments face not only inward
but outward, toward other government. And there are some
things that outward-looking and forward-looking governments
ought to be doing or doing better. I label these Ten
Expressions of Love for Humankind.
One is to take effective steps to head off interstate and
intrastate armed conflict.
A second is to take effective steps to stop any fighting or
killing if prevention should fail.
A third is to prohibit, in law and in fact, ethnic
cleansing, or anything that resembles it.
A fourth is to come to the aid of people displaced by
conflict or natural disasters.
A fifth is to find ways to make war--if it is
inevitable,and I pray that it isn't--less lethal, especially
for innocent civilians during and after violent episodes. One
of the great tragedies of our time is the killing and maiming
of unsuspecting children, mothers an fathers by landmines
encountered in their perfectly legitimate and innocent daily
life.
A sixth thing that government ought to be doing better is
coming to the aid of people and nations who have overthrown,
or want to overthrow, tyranny and are likely to choose the
path of democracy, freedom and tolerance.
A seventh is to treat the international AIDS epidemic more
seriously. No person of any ethnicity should be indifferent
to the fact that African American men have been harder hit by
the virus than other groups of Americans, or that HIV and
AIDS infection rates in Africa, where some 14 million men,
women and children have contracted the virus, are the highest
in the world and still rising. Nor should anyone fail to be
greatly concerned that the AIDS epidemic has become
established in the Caribbean and especially in Asia, where
its explosive infection rate will soon overtake Africa's.
An eighth is to work harder to insure that the world
economy operates fairly and justly for all nations, not just
a fortunate few. As we race ahead toward the high-tech
information economy of the twenty-first century, let us
consider how we might bring up to 20th century living
standards the three billion or so of the world's people left
behind in 18th and 19th century conditions.
A ninth is to build on the work begun four summers ago at
the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development
by following though on national and international commitments
and agreements to address critical environmental problems.
And the tenth is to work harder to make the United Nations
the place where all nations meet not just to talk--which is
valuable, of course--but also to resolve conflicts peacefully
and work together to elimiante the problems which threaten
all, many or some of our fellow human beings.
5. Conclusion
Brothers, three years ago, when I spoke to many of you here
in New Orleans at the 87th Anniversary General Convention, I
said: ``We have, and will always have, a further contribution
to make, a place to fill, a work to perform.'' I suspect that
the litany of concerns which I have just sumamrized--most of
them not only serious but painfully complex as well--will
serve to confirm the continuing truth of that statement. And
although this reality is in many ways a said commentary on
the state of the nation and the world, it should also serve
as a reminder of why we as men of Alpha Phi Alpha are needed
more and more in the community, in the nation, and in the
world.
My Brothers, I call on each of you--as Americans, as
Americans of African Heritage, and as children of God, sent
by Him to dwell temporarily on this Earth--to do whatever you
can to improve the quality of life on this planet.
You don't have to be a politician; you don't have to be a
diplomat; you don't have to be a general or an admiral; nor a
scholar or a preacher. All you have to be is someone who
cares abut his family, his community, his environment and his
fellow human beings, wherever they may be, whatever their
language, whatever their religion, and whatever the color of
their skin.
I think the great 19th Century American philosopher and
poet, Ralph Waldo Emerson, put it best:
So near is grandeur to our dust
So near is God to man
When duty whispers low ``thou must''
The Youth replies, ``I can!''
My dear Brothers in Alpha, that is the message I bring to
you today. That is the message I thank you for listening to.
And that is the message in the spirit of Charles Harris
Wesley that I ask you to accept an respond to as men worth of
being Alphas.
Good luck and godspeed.
Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, I rise today to support final passage of
H.R. 3060 as amended by S. 1645, the Antarctic Science, Tourism, and
Conservation Act of 1996, which I introduced earlier this year. This
legislation will enable the United States to implement the Protocol on
Environmental Protection to the Antarctic Treaty. The Protocol was
negotiated by the parties of the Antarctic Treaty System and signed in
October, 1991. The Senate gave its advice and consent to the Protocol
on October 7, 1992. In August 1993, I introduced the precursor to this
bill and the Senate Commerce Committee reported it to the full Senate
in early 1994. Unfortunately, continuing disagreements among
scientists, conservation groups, and the Administration about the
legislative changes needed for the United States to carry
[[Page S9644]]
out its responsibilities under the Protocol prevented further action on
that bill. Passage of this bill today brings to a close a long, arduous
process in which all of the parties mentioned above have finally
reached agreement.
The bill Senator Hollings and I introduced is supported by all the
parties engaged in this somewhat lengthy, but ultimately successful,
consensus-building process. The Commerce Committee held a hearing on S.
1645 in June and ordered the bill to be favorably reported. During
committee consideration of the bill, members agreed to work with
Senator Stevens on a floor amendment addressing polar research and
policy. That amendment offered today to S. 1645 requires the National
Science Foundation to report to Congress on the use and amounts of
funding provided for Federal polar research programs. There is no
opposition to this amendment.
Mr. President, S. 1645 builds on the existing U.S. regulatory
framework provided in the Antarctic Conservation Act to implement the
Protocol and to balance two important goals. The first goal is to
conserve and protect the Antarctic environment and resources. The
second is to minimize interference with scientific research. S. 1645
amends the Antarctic Conservation Act to make existing provisions
governing U.S. research activities consistent with the requirements of
the Protocol. As under current law, the Director of the National
Scientific Foundation (NSF), would remain the lead agency in managing
the Antarctic science program and in issuing regulations and research
permits. In addition, the bill calls for comprehensive assessment and
monitoring of the effects of both governmental and nongovernmental
activities on the fragile Antarctic ecosystem. It also would continue
indefinitely a ban on Antarctic mineral resource activities. Finally,
S. 1645 amends the Act to Prevent Pollution from Ships to implement
provisions of the Protocol relating to protection of marine resources.
As one of the founders of the Antarctic Treaty System, the United
States has an obligation to enact strong implementing legislation, and
is long overdue in completing ratification of the Protocol.
In closing, Mr. President, I would like to thank Senator Hollings for
all of his assistance in getting agreement on this legislation. The
House passed similar legislation, H.R. 3060, by a vote of 352-4 in
June. I urge my colleagues' support for final passage of the Antarctic
Science, Tourism, and Conservation Act of 1996.
____________________