[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 111 (Thursday, July 25, 1996)]
[Senate]
[Pages S8864-S8865]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
CHIAPAS--A TEST FOR MEXICO'S FUTURE
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, 3 weeks ago, a group of armed rebels in the
state of Guerrero, Mexico marched down from the mountains and into the
city of Coyuca de Benitez, not far from the resort town of Acapulco.
Then, last week, several armed men attacked a Mexican army vehicle,
killing one civilian in the crossfire. They were arrested, and the
Mexican army is scouring Guerrero's countryside looking for other
members of the insurgent group, known as the ``Popular Revolutionary
Army,'' in an attempt to prevent future outbreaks of violence in the
region.
These are just the most recent of several demonstrations of civil
unrest in Mexico since the 1994 uprising of the ``Zapatista National
Liberation Army'' in Chiapas. In states like Tabasco, Puebla, and San
Luis Potosi, indigenous people are increasingly staging protests, and
resorting to violence, to expose the inequity and racism of which they
have been victims for generations.
Unfortunately, while the Mexican Government has reportedly tripled
its assistance to Chiapas in the 2 years since the Zapatista uprising,
those efforts have produced little in the way of real economic and
social change. The disparities that exist between Chiapas and the rest
of Mexico are still as appalling as they were 2 years ago. While
President Zedillo has recognized that poverty and the lack of access to
justice among indigenous populations are matters which must be
addressed, his administration has taken few effective steps to do so.
Chiapas is one of Mexico's richest states, contributing oil, electric
energy, cattle, coffee, cocoa, sugar, and various fruits and vegetables
to domestic and international markets. Yet the majority of the people
there lack adequate food and shelter, or access to education and basic
medical care.
Where the government built roads in Chiapas, the roads were often of
poor quality. Health clinics lack beds and experienced doctors. Schools
lack materials and trained teachers. The uneven distribution of wealth
and the unjust distribution of land are at the root of the civil unrest
that has captured the world's attention.
Over 50 percent of Mexico's hydroelectric power is generated in
Chiapas, yet less than one-third of all houses there have electricity.
Coffee producers, with the help of over 80,000 Chiapanecos, almost
all of whom are Mayan Indians, produce 35 percent of Mexico's coffee
each year. While over 50 percent of the coffee is exported to markets
in the United States and Europe for over three times it's value in
Chiapas, indigenous laborers, paid as little as $2 per day, rarely see
any of that profit.
Cattle has become an increasingly profitable industry, but while
nearly 3 million head are exported each year, few of the people in
indigenous communities can afford to buy meat. There are reports that
half of Chiapanecos are malnourished, and in the highlands and jungle
areas the percentage is even higher.
Half of the homes in Chiapas do not have potable water and two-thirds
lack sewage systems. There is one doctor for every 2,000 people.
Chiapas has the highest number of deaths per 100,000 people than any
other state in Mexico. Infant mortality, is close to double the
national average.
The illiteracy rate is five times the national average, and the
percentage of students not attending school is more than three times
the national average.
The situation in Chiapas stems in part from a government that has
deliberately excluded the indigenous people
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of Mexico from the political process. While the Zapatista uprising may
have given them a voice in the national and international press, they
still lack a real voice in their own government.
Politics in Chiapas has been dominated by corrupt local and state
officials influenced by the Civil Defense Committee. The Committee is
comprised of the few families that own virtually all that is worth
owning in the state. Human rights groups including Amnesty
International and Americas' Watch have documented accounts of torture
and political violence by Chiapas authorities since the mid-1980's.
The majority of the adult population in Chiapas is illiterate.
Peasants there have reported that they don't vote, but the ruling PRI
party picks up their voting cards and votes for them. In the 1988
elections which former President Salinas won by a narrow margin, no
state gave the PRI a greater percentage of the vote than Chiapas.
What Chiapas needs is increased democratization of the Mexican
political system, and greater representation for indigenous people.
Until that occurs, political instability will discourage the investment
that is necessary to provide jobs for the people there.
The United States loaned Mexico billions of dollars during the
economic crisis of 1994. That decision was controversial in the United
States, and had it been put to a vote in the Congress it might have
been defeated. If the Mexican Government does not act aggressively to
strengthen the institutions of democracy and reform its economy,
political and economic instability will increase. If the peso collapses
again, would the United States bail out Mexico a second time? I would
not want to bet my house on it.
While the Mexican Government needs to do more to provide the people
of Chiapas with basic services like potable water and roads that are
passable in the rainy season, what they need most, and what will
ultimately bring about the kind of fundamental changes that are needed
in order to avoid further violence and instability, is economic
investment and a meaningful say in the political process.
Despite widespread poverty in states like Chiapas, the Mexican elite
have prospered, from Mexico's enormous oil wealth and the growth in
manufacturing during the past two decades. The beneficiaries of this
wealth need to recognize that the future stability and prosperity of
their country depends on them. Not the United States. Not anyone else.
They alone can provide the financial investment and jobs that are
needed to overcome the desperation and inequities that have led to
violence in places like Chiapas and Guerrero.
Mr. President, in addition to our geographical linkage, the United
States and Mexico are closely linked both economically and culturally.
There is a large population of Mexican-Americans living in the United
States, and we are taking unprecedented measures to stem the flow of
illegal immigrants from Mexico who risk arrest and even death in search
of a better life in the north. There is no escaping the fact that
events in Mexico, even in seemingly distant states like Chiapas, have
enormous implications for our own country.
So we must encourage the Mexican Government, and representatives of
Mexico's private sector, to address these problems with the utmost
urgency. Benito Juarez, Emiliano Zapata, and Mexico's other great
political visionaries and revolutionaries, gave their people hope for a
better life. But for many, that hope has faded, and for some, who have
resorted to violence, it has died. They have nothing left to lose.
With Mexico's population continuing to grow, putting increasing
pressure on government services and the country's resources, the
situation in places like Chiapas has reached a crisis point. But with
creative thinking and the recognition that those who have prospered
have a responsibility to help those who have been left out, Mexico's
business elite has an opportunity to play a key role in finally turning
the goals of the Mexico revolution into a reality.
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