[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 95 (Tuesday, June 25, 1996)]
[Senate]
[Pages S6850-S6853]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
STATEMENTS ON INTRODUCED BILLS AND JOINT RESOLUTIONS
By Mr. HEFLIN:
S. 1902. A bill to provide for the establishment of National Senior
Citizen Hall of Fame Commission, and for other purposes; to the
Committee on Governmental Affairs.
the national senior citizens hall of fame act of 1996
Mr. HEFLIN. Mr. President, I rise to introduce a bill which will
provide for the establishment of a National Senior Citizens Hall of
Fame Commission. This concept grew out of an idea by Dr. Ruben Hanan,
who chairs the Alabama Senior Citizens Hall of Fame Commission, and Dr.
Earl Potts.
Each year, the Alabama Senior Citizens Hall of Fame Commission
bestows honor upon living Alabamians in recognition of their
outstanding accomplishments, services, and contributions to the lives
of older American citizens.
The Alabama Senior Citizens Hall of Fame was created by the Alabama
State legislature in 1933, and has been very successful in inducting
worthy individuals into the organization. I am delighted that Dr. Hanan
and Dr. Potts came up with the idea of establishing a National Senior
Citizens Hall of Fame. The National Hall of Fame will provide a forum
to bestow honor and recognition upon deserving citizens for their
outstanding accomplishments, services and contributions to the lives of
older American citizens.
Mr. President, the population of older Americans is projected to
increase to 35 million by the year 2000. This means that older
Americans would constitute 13 percent of the total population. As the
national population is projected to exceed 300 million by the year
2000, the senior population would drastically increase with the entry
of the baby-boomers in the senior population. Therefore, by the year
2030, the senior population will increase to approximately 70 million.
Mr. President, the older population is growing. If we look back over
the last few years, we will notice that in 1993, the age group between
75 and 84 was 10,800,000. This was 14 times larger than in 1900. Every
day, more than 5,000 individuals in the United States celebrate their
65th birthday. Their mature judgment, keen insight, historical
perspective, perceptive vision, and gifted leadership are invaluable to
our Nation.
By establishing a Senior Citizens Hall of Fame, we will have in place
an organization that will recognize the contributions made by older
American citizens to our Nation. I am delighted that the Alabama Senior
Citizens Hall of Fame Commission, which has contributed greatly to the
well being of thousands of Alabamians, will serve as a model for this
national entity. In addition, the Alabama Hall of Fame Commission has
improved the quality of life of those in need, and many have served in
the Retired Senior Volunteer Program.
Finally, a National Senior Citizens Hall of Fame will also honor
patriotic Americans for their spirit of loyalty and selfless labor in
serving the needs of the people of our Nation.
I urge the entire Congress to join me in the adoption of this
important legislation.
______
By Mr. COATS:
S. 1904. A bill to implement that Project for American Renewal, and
for other purposes; to the Committee on Finance.
The Project for American Renewal Act
Mr. COATS. Mr. President, earlier today I joined with my colleagues
from the House, the chairman of the Budget Committee, John Kasich, in
reintroducing a program that I have been working on for a long time. It
is called the Project For American Renewal.
It attempts to address the question of how we can more effectively
provide assistance to people in need, people living in poverty, without
resorting to more of the same, which is simply funneling money into
Washington, establishing a bureaucracy, and handing out welfare checks
to, in many cases, perpetuate a lifestyle and a behavior that is not
desirable, not giving us the results we wanted.
A lot of well-intentioned programs have been offered to deal with
some of the social problems that exist in our country: teen pregnancy,
spousal abuse, juvenile delinquency, substance abuse, and on and on it
goes. Many of those, as I have said, have been well-intentioned but
have simply missed the mark. They have not solved the problem. And, in
many cases, they have made it worse.
It seems that the alternative to that that has been discussed in the
last year or so is what was called devolution, a word that I hate. I do
not know for sure exactly what it means, but I think it means washing
our hands of the problem, and let somebody else worry about it.
I do not believe either of those alternatives are acceptable
alternatives. I do not believe more of the same or none of the above
are the alternatives we ought to be examining. I believe there is a
place for our encouragement of hopeful solutions to some of the
problems that exist in our society as it affects our families and our
children and our neighborhoods and our communities.
The Project for American Renewal is my attempt at addressing those
questions, to strengthen families, to encourage communities and to
utilize mediating institutions of volunteer associations, of charities,
particularly of faith-based charities, to address some of these most
pressing problems. Utilization of these institutions, other than
Government institutions, means that we can bring to bear not just
efforts to meet the material needs of individuals, but also the
spiritual needs of individuals. We can bring to bear values that are
important in addressing some of these more fundamental problems.
The Project for American Renewal consists of 16 separate pieces of
legislation designed to strengthen families, to provide mentors where
fathers are not present, to strengthen communities, rebuild communities
across America, and to provide effective compassion. The centerpiece of
this is the charity tax credit, which will allow a joint-filing couple
to contribute up to $1,000 a year as an offset against their taxes.
Today I joined with Congressman Kasich in announcing how we would pay
for this charity tax credit, estimated at $44.8 billion over a 5-year
period of time. We propose that we will ask the Ways and Means and the
Finance Committee to designate a third of that amount in corporate
loophole closings, corporate welfare.
We think if we are addressing some of the most fundamental problems
in America, we ought to look for funding sources to offset the revenue
loss from subsidies given to special interests over the years that do
not serve as high a national purpose.
We also think it is appropriate to shift some resources from some of
the existing Federal social policy programs that have not proven
effective. While we do not specify directly what those offsets should
be in the corporate welfare area, we do specify offsets of some of the
Federal programs that we do not think are as effective as they ought to
be.
The goal here is to encourage mediating institutions to play a
greater role in addressing some of our more fundamental problems. They
can bring hope and a vision of hope that, in many cases, Government is
constrained to bring or is unable to bring.
I am today reintroducing this legislation, with the hope that it will
continue to be a topic of discussion among our colleagues as to where
we go next with some of these great social debates. It is my hope that
it can be a very important part of our party's platform, a very
important part of the discussion that will take place, as this is a
Presidential election year and an election year that will elect or
reelect 435 Congressmen and 34 Senators.
It is then, finally, my hope that we can seriously address this issue
in the next Congress, make it part of our budget discussion, and
examine ways in which we can more effectively provide assistance to
those in need.
[[Page S6851]]
These programs are directed to those in poverty. The credit is
available to those programs either currently existing or which will be
constituted as a result of this legislation that devote 75 percent or
more of their effort to either preventing or alleviating poverty.
It is a solution that goes beyond Government. It acknowledges the
failure of Government, in many instances, to address these problems. It
does not offer the total solution, but it offers, I believe, a step in
the right direction. I hope it will become an important part of the
debate ahead.
______
By Mr. KOHL:
S. 1905. A bill to establish an independent commission to recommend
reforms in the laws relating to elections for Federal office; to the
Committee on Rules and Administration.
The Campaign Finance Reform Commission Act of 1996
Mr. KOHL. Mr. President, I rise today to continue the debate on the
issue which we have voted on today--campaign finance reform. Today the
Senate voted on S. 1219, the Senate Campaign Finance Reform Act of
1996. While a majority of the Senate voiced its support for this
meaningful legislation, sadly, we did not get the required 60 votes to
end the filibuster against the bill.
Mr. President, I supported and cosponsored S. 1219 because I felt it
was the best legislation moving through the Congress to reform our
campaign finance system. My Wisconsin colleague, Senator Feingold and
Senator John McCain deserve our gratitude and praise for keeping this
issue alive. It's been nearly 20 years since Congress enacted
meaningful campaign finance reform, and they have come closer than
anyone at passing a bipartisan plan.
We are, however, at a crossroads in this debate. America's campaign
finance laws have not been significantly altered since the 1970's.
Since that time we have seen an explosion in the costs of running
campaigns and a growing public perception that special interests are
far too influential in the electoral process. Despite these widely
agreed-upon problems, Congress and the President seem incapable of
enacting a campaign finance reform bill.
We have seen initiatives by Democratic and Republican Presidents,
Democratic and Republican Congresses, even widely-hailed bipartisan
approaches all fail. One can only conclude that this issue is so mired
in partisan politics, trapped in a quagmire of self-interest and
special interest, that Congress will not be able craft a comprehensive
reform bill. S. 1219 was the best legislation to be proposed in two
decades, and yet we can not get 60 Senators to support it, and the
House of Representatives will not even guarantee the House
counterpart legislation will get an up-or-down vote.
Mr. President, after two decades it is time to try a new approach--
time for us to embrace a new method for addressing this vital issue.
Therefore, I am introducing today the Campaign Finance Reform
Commission Act of 1996. Let me be clear from the outset: I would prefer
to pass a bill such as S. 1219. But after today's vote, we must be
honest with ourselves and the American public--that is not going to
happen.
The Campaign Finance Reform Commission is modeled on the successful
Base Realignment and Closure Commissions. The legislation would
establish a balanced, bipartisan commission, appointed by Senate
leaders, House leaders and the President to propose comprehensive
campaign finance reform. Like the BRAC Commissions, the proposals of
the Campaign Finance Reform Commission would be subject to
congressional approval or disapproval, but no amendments would be
permitted. The Commission would have a limited duration--1 year after
its creation. And Congress would have a limited time to consider the
Commission's proposals.
Mr. President, there are many who will object to this plan and argue
that, through the creation of a commission, the Congress is conceding
that it cannot solve this problem on its own. To the contrary, the
creation of a Campaign Finance Reform Commission would be a concrete
sign to the American public that Congress is serious about reforming
our election laws. We have seen the success of the BRAC Commissions in
removing political influences from the decision-making process. This
same formula could be used for our campaign finance reform laws.
When Congress enacted the first BRAC Commission law, it was argued
that a non-partisan commission was required because the closure of
military bases was so politically sensitive, Congress could not be
expected to make the tough choices of closing bases. Well, Mr.
President, if closing military bases is considered tough, altering the
campaign laws that literally determine whether Members could retain
their jobs must be just as politically sensitive, if not more so.
Again, I wish to praise the efforts of Senators Feingold, McCain, and
the broad coalition of grassroots organizations which have kept the
campaign finance issue in front of the American public and the
Congress. We have come so close to enacting real campaign finance
reform. The creation of a pure bipartisan commission, modeled on the
Base Closure Commission, is final act to achieve the reform we all
desire.
Mr. President, like all common sense ideas, this one did not spring
from a text book but came from a simpler setting. A year ago President
Clinton and House Speaker Newt Gingrich held an historic conversation
at a New Hampshire meeting. The first question came from a retiree, Mr.
Frank McConnell Jr. Mr. McConnell had a simple, common sense idea--form
a commission like the one that closed the military bases to reform our
election system, so, in Mr. McConnell's words, ``it would be out of the
political scene.'' The time for Mr. McConnell's idea has come.
I am pleased to put Mr. McConnell's idea into legislative form and
urge my colleagues to join me in this effort. This commission could
give us the reform we all demand. And, it would give the American
public a restored faith that their democratic institutions have
responded to their cry for change in our electoral system.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be
printed in the Record.
There being no objection, the bill was ordered to be printed in the
Record, as follows:
S. 1905
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``Campaign Finance Reform
Commission Act of 1996''.
SEC. 2. ESTABLISHMENT OF COMMISSION.
(a) Establishment.--There is established a commission to be
known as the ``Federal Election Law Reform Commission''
(referred to in this Act as the ``Commission'').
(b) Membership.--
(1) Appointments.--The Commission shall be comprised of 8
qualified members, who shall be appointed not later than 30
days after the date of enactment of this Act as follows:
(A) Appointments by majority leader and speaker.--The
Majority Leader of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of
Representatives shall jointly appoint to the Commission--
(i) 1 member who is a retired Federal judge as of the date
on which the appointment is made;
(ii) 1 member who is a former Member of Congress as of the
date on which the appointment is made; and
(iii) 1 member who is from the academic community.
(B) Appointments by minority leaders.--The Minority Leader
of the Senate and the Minority Leader of the House of
Representatives shall jointly appoint to the Commission--
(i) 1 member who is a retired Federal judge as of the date
on which the appointment is made; and
(ii) 1 member who is a former Member of Congress as of the
date on which the appointment is made.
(C) Appointment by president.--The President shall appoint
to the Commission 1 member who is from the academic
community.
(D) Appointments by commission members.--The members
appointed under subparagraphs (A), (B), and (C) shall jointly
appoint 2 members to the Commission, neither of whom shall
have held any elected or appointed public or political party
office, including any position with an election campaign for
Federal office, during the 15 years preceding the date on
which the appointment is made.
(2) Qualifications.--
(A) In general.--A person shall not be qualified for an
appointment under this subsection if that person, during the
10-year period preceding the date on which the appointment is
made--
(i) held a position under schedule C of subpart C of part
213 of title 5 of the Code of Federal Regulations;
[[Page S6852]]
(ii) was an employee of the legislative branch of the
Federal Government, not including any service as a Member of
Congress; or
(iii) was required to register under the Lobbying
Disclosure Act of 1995 (2 U.S.C. 1601 et seq.) or derived a
significant income from influencing, or attempting to
influence, members or employees of the executive or
legislative branches of the Federal Government.
(B) Party affiliations.--Not more than 3 members of the
Commission shall be members of, or associated with, the same
political party (as that term is defined in section 301(16)
of the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 (2 U.S.C.
431(16)).
(3) Chairperson and vice chairperson.--The members of the
Commission shall designate a chairperson and a vice
chairperson from among the membership of the Commission. The
chairperson shall be from a political party other than the
political party of the vice chairperson.
(4) Financial disclosure.--Not later than 60 days after
appointment to the Commission, each member of the Commission
shall file with the Secretary of the Senate, the Office of
the Clerk of the House of Representatives, and the Federal
Election Commission a report containing the information
contained in section 102 of title 5, United States Code.
(5) Period of appointment; vacancies.--Members of the
Commission shall be appointed for the life of the Commission.
Any vacancy in the Commission shall not affect its powers,
but shall be filled in the same manner as the original
appointment.
(6) Termination of commission.--The Commission shall
terminate 1 year after the date of enactment of this Act.
(c) Powers.--
(1) Hearings.--The Commission may hold such hearings, sit
and act at such times and places, take such testimony, and
receive such evidence as the Commission considers advisable
to carry out the purposes of this Act.
(2) Information from federal agencies.--The Commission may
secure directly from any Federal department or agency such
information as the Commission considers necessary to carry
out this Act. Upon request of the Chairperson of the
Commission, the head of such department or agency shall
furnish such information to the Commission.
(3) Postal services.--The Commission may use the United
States mails in the same manner and under the same conditions
as other departments and agencies of the Federal Government.
(d) Pay and Travel Expenses.--
(1) Members.--Each member of the Commission, other than the
Chairperson, shall be paid at a rate equal to the daily
equivalent of the annual rate of basic pay payable for level
IV of the Executive Schedule under section 5315 of title 5,
United States Code, for each day (including travel time)
during which the member is engaged in the actual performance
of duties vested in the Commission.
(2) Chairperson.--The Chairperson shall be paid for each
day referred to in paragraph (1) at a rate equal to the daily
equivalent of the annual rate of basic pay payable for level
III of the Executive Schedule under section 5314 of title 5,
United States Code.
(e) Staff.--
(1) Executive director.--The Chairperson of the Commission
may, without regard to the civil service laws and
regulations, appoint and terminate an executive director of
the Commission, who shall be paid at the rate of basic
payable for level IV of the Executive Schedule under section
5315 of title 5, United States Code.
(2) Other personnel.--(A) Subject to subparagraph (B), the
executive director may, without regard to the civil service
laws and regulations, appoint and fix the pay of such other
additional personnel as may be necessary to enable the
Commission to perform its duties.
(B) The pay of any individual appointed under this
paragraph shall be not more than the maximum annual rate of
basic pay payable for grade GS-15 of the General Schedule
under section 5332 of title 5, United States Code.
(3) Detail of federal employees.--Any Federal Government
employee may be detailed to the Commission without
reimbursement, and such detail shall be without interruption
or loss of civil service status or privilege.
(f) Procurement of Temporary and Intermittent Services.--
The Chairperson of the Commission may procure temporary and
intermittent services under section 3109(b) of title 5,
United States Code, at rates for individuals which do not
exceed the daily equivalent of the annual rate of basic pay
prescribed for level V of the Executive Schedule under
section 5316 of such title.
SEC. 3. DUTIES OF COMMISSION.
(a) In General.--The Commission shall--
(1) identify the appropriate goals and values for Federal
campaign finance laws;
(2) evaluate the extent to which the Federal Election
Campaign Act of 1971 (2 U.S.C. 431 et seq.) has promoted or
hindered the attainment of the goals identified under
paragraph (1); and
(3) make recommendations to the Congress for the
achievement of those goals, taking into consideration the
impact of the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971.
(b) Considerations.--In making recommendations under
subsection (a)(3), the Commission shall consider with respect
to Federal election campaigns--
(1) whether campaign spending levels should be limited,
and, if so, to what extent;
(2) the role of interest groups and whether that role
should be limited or regulated;
(3) the role of other funding sources, including political
parties, candidates, individuals from inside and outside the
State in which the contribution is made;
(4) public financing and benefits; and
(5) problems in existing campaign finance law, such as soft
money, bundling, and independent expenditures.
(c) Report and Recommendations.--Not later than 1 year
after the date of enactment of this Act, the Commission shall
submit to the Congress--
(1) a report on the activities of the Commission; and
(2) a draft of legislation (including technical and
conforming provisions) recommended by the Commission to amend
the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 (2 U.S.C. 431 et
seq.) and any other law relating to elections for Federal
office.
SEC. 4. FAST-TRACK PROCEDURES.
(a) Rules of House of Representatives and Senate.--This
section is enacted by the Congress--
(1) as an exercise of the rulemaking power of the House of
Representatives and the Senate, respectively, and as such it
shall be considered as part of the rules of each House,
respectively, or of that House to which it specifically
applies, and such rules shall supersede other rules only to
the extent that they are inconsistent therewith; and
(2) with full recognition of the constitutional right of
either House to change the rules (so far as relating to such
House) at any time, in the same manner and to the same extent
as in the case of any other rule of that House.
(b) Definitions.--As used in this section, the term
``Federal election bill'' means only a bill of either House
of the Congress which is introduced as provided in subsection
(c) to carry out the recommendations of the Commission as set
forth in the draft legislation referred to in section 5.
(c) Introduction and Referral.--Not later than 3 days after
the Commission submits its draft legislation under section 5,
a Federal election bill shall be introduced (by request) in
the House of Representatives by the Majority Leader of the
House and shall be introduced (by request) in the Senate by
the Majority Leader of the Senate. Such bills shall be
referred to the appropriate committees.
(d) Amendments Prohibited.--No amendment to a Federal
election bill shall be in order in either the House of
Representatives or the Senate; and no motion to suspend the
application of this subsection shall be in order in either
House; nor shall it be in order in either House to entertain
a request to suspend the application of this subsection by
unanimous consent.
(e) Period for Committee and Floor Consideration.--(1) If
the committee of either House to which a Federal election
bill has been referred has not reported it at the close of
the 30th day after its introduction, such committee shall be
automatically discharged from further consideration of the
bill and it shall be placed on the appropriate calendar. If
prior to the passage by one House of a Federal election bill
of that House, that House receives the same Federal election
bill from the other House, then--
(A) the procedure in that House shall be the same as if no
Federal election bill had been received from the other House;
but
(B) the vote on final passage shall be on the Federal
election bill of the other House.
(2) For purposes of paragraph (1), in computing a number of
days in either House, there shall be excluded the days on
which that House is not in session because of an adjournment
of more than 3 days to a day certain or an adjournment of the
Congress sine die.
(f) Floor Consideration in the House.--(1) A motion in the
House of Representatives to proceed to the consideration of a
Federal election bill shall be highly privileged except that
a motion to proceed to consider may only be made on the
second legislative day after the calendar day on which the
Member making the motion announces to the House his intention
to do so. The motion to proceed to consider is not debatable.
An amendment to the motion shall not be in order, nor shall
it be in order to move to reconsider the vote by which the
motion is agreed to or disagreed to.
(2) Consideration of a Federal election bill in the House
of Representatives shall be in the House with debate limited
to not more than 10 hours, which shall be divided equally
between those favoring and those opposing the bill. The
previous question on the Federal election bill shall be
considered as ordered to final passage without intervening
motion. It shall not be in order to move to reconsider the
vote by which a Federal election bill is agreed to or
disagreed to.
(3) All appeals from the decisions of the Chairperson
relating to the application of the Rules of the House of
Representatives to the procedure relating to a Federal
election bill shall be decided without debate.
(g) Floor Consideration in the Senate.--(1) A motion in the
Senate to proceed to the consideration of a Federal election
bill shall be privileged and not debatable. An amendment to
the motion shall not be in order, nor shall it be in order to
move to reconsider the vote by which the motion is agreed to
or disagreed to.
[[Page S6853]]
(2) Debate in the Senate on a Federal election bill, and
all debatable motions and appeals in connection therewith,
shall be limited to not more than 10 hours. The time shall be
equally divided between, and controlled by, the Majority
Leader and the Minority Leader or their designees.
(3) Debate in the Senate on any debatable motion or appeal
in connection with a Federal election bill shall be limited
to not more than 1 hour, to be equally divided between, and
controlled by, the mover and the manager of the bill, except
that in the event the manager of the bill is in favor of any
such motion or appeal, the time in opposition thereto, shall
be controlled by the Minority Leader or a designee of the
Minority Leader. Such leaders, or either of them, may, from
time under their control on the passage of a Federal election
bill, allot additional time to any Senator during the
consideration of any debatable motion or appeal.
(4) A motion in the Senate to further limit debate is not
debatable. A motion to recommit a Federal election bill is
not in order.
SEC. 5. AUTHORIZATION OF APPROPRIATIONS.
There are authorized to be appropriated to the Commission
such sums as are necessary to carry out the duties of the
Commission under this Act.
______
By Mr. AKAKA (for himself and Mr. Inouye):
S. 1906. A bill to include certain territory with the jurisdiction of
the State of Hawaii, and for other purposes; to the Committee on Energy
and Natural Resources.
The Insular Areas Consolidation Act of 1996
Mr. AKAKA. Mr. President, with Senator Inouye as a cosponsor, I am
introducing legislation to give the State of Hawaii a greater say over
proposals to develop seven U.S. possessions in the Pacific which are
currently not affiliated with any U.S. State or territory. These
islands are Baker Island, Jarvis Island, Howland Island, Johnston
Atoll, Kingman Reef, Midway Island, and Palmyra Atoll. My legislation
would transfer jurisdiction, but not title, of these areas to the State
of Hawaii.
Proposals to consolidate these Pacific islands into the State of
Hawaii's jurisdiction have surfaced before. Last year, Congressman
Elton Gallegly introduced a nearly identical bill in the House and a
hearing was held on the measure by the Subcommittee on Native American
and Insular Affairs on January 31, 1995. The Clinton Administration
supported the proposal, as did Hawaii's State Senate. At the time of
its introduction, however, there were many people in the State of
Hawaii who wanted to know more about the potential benefits and
liabilities that would accrue to the State should jurisdiction be
transferred under the Gallegly bill. As a consequence, Hawaii's Gov.
Benjamin Cayetano convened a task force headed by the Office of State
Planning and the Pacific Basin Development Council to review the
implications of the proposal.
My reason for reviving this legislation is that recent proposals to
develop these islands have greatly alarmed the people of Hawaii and the
Pacific. In blatant disregard for the welfare of people residing in the
mid-Pacific region, a group of developers and financiers have announced
a proposal to store high-level nuclear fuel on Palmyra Atoll, a
privately owned U.S. possession located 1,000 miles from Hawaii. This
action occurred after the group failed to secure Midway Island for
their joint venture. On June 13, I introduced legislation to prohibit
an interim or permanent nuclear storage facility on any U.S. possession
outside of the 50 States, including Palmyra. However, I believe that
the developers of Palmyra have forced us to consider a much broader
issue; that is, how can we give the people of Hawaii a greater say in
what goes on in our own backyard? While the cold war has ended, the
threat of storing nuclear waste in isolated Pacific islands is just as
alarming to the people of Hawaii. Instead of the tropical Pacific,
nuclear entrepreneurs in search of a Pacific island for storing high-
level waste would turn our region into the toxic Pacific.
The legislation I introduce today will give the people of Hawaii the
opportunity to respond, at the local level, to efforts to store nuclear
waste on Palmyra or any of these U.S. possessions. At the moment,
Hawaii residents are effectively precluded from decisions on issues
confronting these islands, despite the fact that some of these islands
are geographically part of the Hawaiian islands and have historical,
political, or cultural links to Hawaii. Through the transfer of
jurisdiction to the State of Hawaii, the Governor of Hawaii, the State
legislature, and the residents of Hawaii can have a real voice in
determining the future of these islands.
Five of the islands under my bill--Baker Island, Jarvis Island,
Howland Island, Kingman Reef, and Palmyra Atoll--are uninhabited U.S.
possessions, though Palmyra is privately owned. The other two islands--
Johnston Atoll and Midway Island--fall under Department of Defense
jurisdiction. Five of the islands, excluding Palmyra Atoll and Kingman
Reef, are national wildlife refuges.
Midway Island has been managed as an overlay national wildlife refuge
since 1988 when the U.S. Navy signed a cooperative agreement with the
U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service. Most recently, on May 22, 1996, the
Navy transferred custody of and accountability for Midway to the U.S.
Fish and Wildlife Service.
Johnston Atoll is currently being used by the U.S. Army for the
Johnston Atoll Chemical Agent Disposal System. There are about 960
civilian and 250 military personnel working on the island. Most
recently, the Army testified that it expects to complete the
destruction of chemical weapons by the year 2000. This is welcome news
to all of us in the Pacific.
Mr. President, to ensure that U.S national security interests are not
jeopardized, my bill would allow the United States to maintain its
current defense operations and needs.
In summary, Mr. President, the State of Hawaii has more at stake in
what happens in the Pacific than any other State in the Union. The
legislation I introduce today preserves U.S. interests in the Pacific
while ensuring that the State of Hawaii has a clear voice over
decisions that affect the region.
____________________