[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 93 (Friday, June 21, 1996)]
[Senate]
[Page S6658]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




            PRESIDENT CLINTON'S FOREIGN POLICY ACHIEVEMENTS

  Mr. PELL. Mr. President, 1996 is fast emerging as one of the most 
critical years of the post-cold-war period. Earlier this year, Taiwan 
concluded Presidential elections, taking a firm step toward a pro-
democratic course under China's watchful eye. India and Israel recently 
held elections that resulted in dramatic shifts of power in both 
countries. Russia just concluded the first round of balloting in its 
Presidential elections, and a second round is scheduled shortly in 
which Russians will face a stark choice between the West-leaning 
Yeltsin and the former communist Zyuganov. Later this year, Bosnia is 
scheduled to hold elections as well, the outcome of which may well 
determine whether that war-torn, fragmented country will continue to 
exist.
  As President Clinton said recently, ``we live in a moment of hope.'' 
The demise of the cold war, the emergence of democratic trends across 
the globe, advances in telecommunications and the exchange of 
information--all of these are helping to create a new international 
environment, which will force a realignment in the fundamental 
relationship between States, and augurs for a more stable and 
cooperative world.
  As we complete what appears to be a transition period into an era of 
unprecedented opportunity, the world will look to the United States--as 
the only true remaining superpower--for guidance and moral authority. 
Any President of the United States, of course, immediately plays an 
epic role on the world's stage. But President Clinton seems to be 
paying a more critical role than most.
  During the past 4 years, the Clinton administration has worked 
assiduously to exert influence over and capitalize on the momentous 
changes that have occurred. President Clinton's solid record of 
achievement, I would argue, demonstrates beyond all doubt that he has 
the requisite vision and courage to steer the ship of state into the 
next century. If you will permit me, I will give a brief tour of the 
international horizon to underscore my point.
  In Europe and the former Soviet Union, the Clinton administration has 
achieved some of its greatest foreign policy successes. Clinton's 
active engagement in Bosnia--a mine field where Presidents, 
policymakers, and pundits once feared to tread--has brought a halt to 
the bloodshed and killing in one of Europe's most destructive and 
intractable conflicts. The presence of U.S. troops--whom early critics 
predicted would be drawn into a fighting war--has proven to be the key 
ingredient in setting the stage for the return of stability. In the 
next several months, the administration looks to be equally engaged in 
ensuring that the proper circumstances arise for free and fair 
elections to take place, which would go a long way toward paving the 
way for a U.S. withdrawal and bringing the issue to a close.
  Russia follows close on Bosnia's heels as a major foreign policy 
success. The recent conclusion of the first round of the Presidential 
elections is a remarkable development in and of itself. For the first 
time in Russia's history, a Russian leader has endeavored to seek 
reelection, further strengthening prospects for the emergence of a 
Russian democratic culture. And the Clinton administration's policy of 
engaging--without actually endorsing--Yeltsin appears now to have been 
brilliantly conceived and well implemented.
  Turning to Asia, one simply cannot neglect China. China is the most 
important country in the region, and the United States-China bilateral 
relationship is one of the most critical in the world. Our relations 
with China are so complex and multifaceted that it is difficult to do 
them justice in so brief a discussion. I would only say that in such an 
intricate relationship, there are bound to be successes as well as 
failures. I, for one, credit the Clinton administration for pursuing a 
better trade relationship with China, which can promote cooperation, 
and ultimately progress, in other areas. I think the agreements on 
trade the administration has achieved so far constitute a good 
foundation, but the key challenge from here is to ensure that 
agreements are enforced and commitments honored in order for broader 
progress to come.

  Elsewhere in Asia, the administration's actions with regard to North 
Korea deserve special mention and commendation. It is indeed no small 
matter that the Clinton administration has, in essence, prevented one 
of the world's most dangerous rogue states from going nuclear. In doing 
so, the administration has set a strong precedent and learned 
invaluable lessons that it can apply to other aspiring nuclear powers.
  In the Middle East, the Clinton administration has made a superb 
effort to stabilize the region and broaden international acceptance of 
Israel. Israel's peace agreements with Jordan and the Palestinians 
represent achievements that are, in my view, irreversible. I am sure 
that the election of a new government in Israel will prompt some 
changes in the calculus for a comprehensive peace, which ultimately 
should include Lebanon, Syria, and the Persian Gulf States. But I would 
argue that whatever changes occur are more likely to have an impact on 
the timing, rather than the inevitability, of normal relations between 
Israel and the Arab States.
  In the Western Hemisphere, the Clinton administration can say with 
pride that democratically elected governments exist in every country of 
the region save one. And the one exception, Cuba, has become the target 
of particularly vigorous sanctions effort, which the administration 
hopes will hasten the fall of the Castro regime and open the way for 
the transition to democracy. Although I must confess to having opposed 
the tightening of sanctions, I cannot argue with the administration's 
intent.
  The administration's effort to restore Haitian President Aristide to 
power represents, of course, a milestone in the hemisphere's transition 
to democracy. In Haiti, much as in Bosnia, this administration 
inherited a seemingly insoluble problem, to which it brought energy, 
courage, creativity, and ultimately, a resolve to use justifiable 
force, and thereby achieved its goal.
  Finally, Mr. President, I would say a word about Africa, where United 
States interests have not been so easily defined as they have 
elsewhere, and which consequently has suffered occasionally from a lack 
of attention from Washington. Not so with the Clinton administration, 
which has made a real effort to promote stability, encourage the 
emergence of democratic trends, and disburse U.S. assistance 
effectively to promote sustainable development. The obvious high point 
is, of course, the peaceful transfer of power and the domestic election 
of President Mandela in South Africa. But there are equally important--
if lesser known--success stories such as Botswana, which enjoys a 
freely elected government and recently graduated altogether from United 
States assistance.
  To sum up, each of the highlights that I have touched upon represent 
significant achievements in their own right. In and of themselves, they 
command respect and recognition of a job well done by the Clinton 
administration in the foreign policy area. Collectively, they provide 
overwhelming evidence that the administration is up to the challenge of 
leading the United States into the next millennium, which holds promise 
for tremendous opportunity for our country and its citizens.

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