[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 91 (Wednesday, June 19, 1996)]
[Senate]
[Pages S6509-S6512]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
DR. BEATRICE BRAUDE AND JUSTICE DELAYED BUT NOT ULTIMATELY DENIED
Mr. MOYNIHAN. Mr. President, this past Monday, the Washington Post
reported that Justice Department attorneys have reached a settlement
with lawyers representing the estate of Dr. Beatrice Braude concerning
monetary damages equitably due for the wrongful dismissal of Dr. Braude
from her Federal job in 1953 and subsequent blacklisting. The estate
will receive $200,000 in damages. Family members have announced that
the funds--which Congress must now appropriate--will be donated to
Hunter College, the institution from which Dr. Braude received her
bachelor's degree.
This settlement stems from the enormously gratifying decision of U.S.
Court of Federal Claims Judge Roger B. Andewelt on March 7, following a
hearing last November, that the United States Information Agency (USIA)
had wrongfully dismissed Dr. Braude and intentionally concealed the
reason for her termination. He concluded that such actions constituted
an equitable claim for which compensation is due.
Dr. Braude's suit was made possible through legislation then-Senator
Javits and I originally introduced in 1979 and which Senator D'Amato
and I continued to press. When finally enacted, it lifted the statute
of limitations, enabling the Court to hear Dr. Braude's case and hand
down its decision. I know Senator D'Amato shares my gratification with
the settlement announcement.
With Judge Roger B. Andewelt's decision and this negotiated
settlement, we have finally seen a measure of justice which brings back
memories of an old and awful time. Dr. Braude, a linguist fluent in
several languages, was dismissed from her position at the USIA in 1953
as a result of accusations of disloyalty to the United States. The
accusations were old; 2 years earlier, the State Department's Loyalty
Security Board had investigated and unanimously voted to dismiss them.
The Board sent a letter to Dr. Braude stating ``there is no reasonable
doubt as to your loyalty to the United States Government or as to your
security risk to the Department of State.''
Dr. Braude was terminated 1 day after being praised for her work and
informed that she probably would be promoted. USIA officials told that
her that the termination was due to budgetary constraints. Congress had
funded the USIA at a level 27 percent below the President's request.
The Supplemental Appropriation Act of 1954 (Public Law 83-207)
authorized a reduction in force commensurate to the budget cut. Fair
enough. As Dr. Braude remarked years later, ``I never felt that I had a
lien on a government job.'' But what Dr. Braude did not know is that
she was selected for termination because of the old--and answered--
charges against her. And because she did not know the real reason for
her
[[Page S6510]]
dismissal, she was denied certain procedural rights (the right to
request a hearing, for instance).
The true reason for her dismissal was kept hidden from her. When she
was unable, over the next several years, to secure employment anywhere
else within the Federal Government--even in a typing pool despite a
perfect score on the typing test--she became convinced that she had
been blacklisted. She spent the next 30 years fighting to regain
employment and restore her reputation. Though she succeeded in 1982 (at
the age of 69) in securing a position in the CIA as a language
instructor, she still had not been able to clear her name by the time
of her death in 1988. The irony of the charges against Dr. Braude is
that she was an anti-communist, having witnessed first-hand communist-
sponsored terrorism in Europe while she was an assistant cultural
affairs officer in Paris and, for a brief period, an exchange officer
in Bonn during the late 1940's and early 1950's.
Mr. President, I would like to review the charges against Dr. Braude
because they are illustrative of that dark era and instructive to us
even today. There were a total of four. First, she was briefly a member
of the Washington Book Shop on Farragut Square that the Attorney
General later labeled subversive. Second, she had been in contact with
Mary Jane Keeney, a Communist Party activist employed at the United
Nations. Third, she had been a member of the State Department unit of
the Communist-dominated Federal Workers' Union. Fourth, she was an
acquaintance of Judith Coplon.
With regard to the first charge, Dr. Braude had indeed joined the
Book Shop shortly after her arrival in Washington in 1943. She was
eager to meet congenial new people and a friend recommended the Book
Shop, which hosted music recitals in the evenings. I must express some
sensitivity here: my F.B.I. records report that I was observed several
times at a ``leftist musical review'' in suburban Hampstead while I was
attending the London School of Economics on a Fulbright Fellowship.
Dr. Braude was aware of the undercurrent of sympathy with the Russian
cause at the Book Shop, but her membership paralleled a time of close
U.S.-Soviet collaboration. She drifted away from the Book Shop in 1944
because of her distaste for the internal politics of other active
members. Her membership at the Book Shop was only discovered when her
name appeared on a list of delinquent dues. It appears that her most
sinister crime while a member of the book shop was her failure to
return a book on time.
Dr. Braude met Mary Jane Keeney on behalf of a third woman who
actively aided Nazi victims after the war and was anxious to send
clothing to another woman in occupied Germany. Dr. Braude knew nothing
of Keeney's political orientation and characterized the meeting as a
transitory experience.
With regard to the third charge, Dr. Braude, in response to an
interrogatory from the State Department's Loyalty Security Board,
argued that she belonged to an anti-Communist faction of the State
Department unit of the Federal Workers' Union.
Remember that the Loyalty Security Board investigated these charges
and exonerated her.
The fourth charge, which Dr. Braude certainly did not--or could not--
deny, was her friendship with Judith Coplon. Braude met Coplon in the
summer of 1945 when both women attended a class Herbert Marcuse taught
at American University. They saw each other infrequently thereafter. In
May 1948, Coplon wrote to Braude, then stationed in Paris and living in
a hotel on the Left Bank, to announce that she would be visiting
shortly and needed a place to stay. Dr. Braude arranged for Coplon to
stay at the hotel. Coplon stayed for 6 weeks, during which time Dr.
Braude found her behavior very trying. The two parted on unfriendly
terms. The friendship they had prior to parting was purely social.
Mr. President, Judith Coplon was a spy. She worked in the Justice
Department's Foreign Agents Registration Division, an office integral
to the FBI's counterintelligence efforts. She was arrested early in
1949 while handing over notes on counterintelligence operations to
Soviet citizen Valentine Gubitchev, a United Nations employee. Coplon
was tried and convicted--there was no doubt of her guilt--but the
conviction was overturned on a technicality. Gubitchev was also
convicted but was allowed to return to the U.S.S.R. because of his
quasi-diplomatic status.
I bring all this up because, as I mentioned earlier, it is
instructive. The world is a dangerous place. On July 11, 1995--6 days
before the 50th anniversary of the first successful detonation of an
atomic bomb--the National Security Agency released 49 of some 2,200
coded messages sent by the KGB and decrypted between 1943 and 1980. The
decoded messages have been kept classified until now. They are known as
the VENONA intercepts.
The existence of a Soviet spy ring and the active involvement of
American communists--fellow countrymen was the KGB code word for them--
has long been established. Of late, details have been flooding in from
Moscow. But this is the first American archive to be opened.
At the onset of the Cold War, in Edward Shils' memorable phrase, the
American visage began to cloud over. Some saw conspiracy everywhere.
Recall, that in 1951, Senator Joseph McCarthy published America's
``Retreat from Victory: The Story of George Catlett Marshall.'' Some
denied any such possibility and accused the accusers. Loyalty oaths and
background checks proliferated, and all information became Top Secret.
A culture of secrecy took hold within the American government, whilst a
hugely divisive debate raged in Congress and the press.
We got through it. But the world remains a dangerous place, and it is
just possible that we might learn something from the VENONA files. Had
they been published in 1950, we might have been spared the soft-on-
communism charge that distorted our politics for four decades. We might
have been spared the anti-anti-communist stance that was no less
unhelpful.
The fact is, there were spies in this country and they did awful
things--Coplon among them. But there were innocent people, too, like
Dr. Braude, who were caught in a hall of mirrors.
My involvement in Dr. Braude's case dates back to early 1979, when
Dr. Braude came to me and my colleague at the time, Senator Javits, and
asked us to introduce private relief legislation on her behalf. In
1974, after filing a Freedom of Information Act request and finally
learning the true reason for her dismissal, she filed suit in the Court
of Claims to clear her name and seek reinstatement and monetary damages
for the time she was prevented from working for the Federal Government.
The Court, however, dismissed her case on the grounds that the statute
of limitations had expired. On March 5, 1979, Senator Javits and I
together introduced a bill, S. 546, to waive the statute of limitations
on Dr. Braude's case against the U.S. Government and to allow the Court
of Claims to render judgment on her claim. The bill passed the Senate
on January 30, 1980. Unfortunately, the House failed to take action on
the bill before the 96th Congress adjourned.
In 1988, and again in 1990, 1991, and 1993, Senator D'Amato and I re-
introduced similar legislation on Dr. Braude's behalf. Our attempts met
with repeated failure. Until at last, on September 21, 1993, we secured
passage of Senate Resolution 102, which referred S. 840, the bill we
introduced for the relief of the estate of Dr. Braude, to the Court of
Claims for consideration as a congressional reference action. The
measure compelled the Court to determine the facts underlying Dr.
Braude's claim and to report back to Congress on its findings.
The Court held a hearing on the case last November and Judge Andewelt
issued his verdict in March. Forty-three years after her dismissal from
the USIA and 8 years after her death, the Court found in favor of the
estate of Dr. Braude.
Senator D'Amato and I wish to express our profound admiration for
Judge Andewelt's decision in which he absolved Dr. Beatrice Braude of
the surreptitious charges of disloyalty with which she was never
actually confronted. The Court declared that Dr. Braude ``cared about
others deeply and was loyal to her friends, family and country.''
We are equally grateful to Christopher N. Sipes and William
Livingston, Jr. of Covington & Burling, two of
[[Page S6511]]
the many lawyers who have handled Dr. Braude's case on a pro bono basis
over the years. Mr. Sipes quite properly remarked that the decision
represents an important page in the annals of U.S. history: ``The Court
of the United States has said it recognizes that this conduct is out of
bounds. It tells the government it must acknowledge its wrongs and pay
for them.''
Anthony Lewis wrote about Dr. Braude's case on March 15 in his
regular New York Times column, Abroad at Home. He properly warns us
that the cause of the injustice to Beatrice Braude and other loyalty
victims--secret proceedings--is not ancient history. The anti-terrorism
bill had a provision to allow for the deportation of aliens on secret
evidence. It was stripped, fortunately, during floor consideration in
the House. But the provision is likely to reappear in some fashion. We
must remain vigilant.
Now that the parties to the Braude case have reached an agreement on
the monetary damages equitably due to Dr. Braude's estate, Senator
D'Amato and I will be offering legislation soon to release the $200,000
to her estate. When that time comes, I hope that we will have the
unqualified and unanimous support of our colleagues.
Ann Kirchheimer, a friend--now 80--who carried on Dr. Braude's fight,
recently commented that Dr. Braude's life following her dismissal from
the USIA could have been taken from the opening lines of Franz Kafka's
book, The Trial: ``Someone must have traduced Joseph K., for without
having done anything wrong, he was arrested one fine morning.'' Indeed.
What happened to Dr. Braude was a personal tragedy. But it was also
part of a national tragedy, too. This nation lost, prematurely and
unnecessarily, the exceptional services of a gifted and dedicated
public servant. Stanley I. Kutler, a professor of constitutional
history at the University of Wisconsin, estimates that Dr. Braude was
one of about 1,500 Federal employees who were dismissed as security
risks between 1953 and 1956. Another 6,000 resigned under the pressure
of security and loyalty inquiries, according to Professor Kutler, who
testified as an expert witness on Dr. Braude's behalf last November. It
was, as I said earlier, an awful time. We had settled ``as on a
darkling plain, Swept with confused alarm of struggle and flight, Where
ignorant armies clash by night.'' It mustn't happen again.
I ask unanimous consent that an article appearing in the June 17,
1996, issue of the Washington Post, ``$200,000 Repayment Agreement for
Estate of McCarthy-Era Victim'', Mr. Lewis's March 15, 1996 column,
``Secrecy and Justice,'' from the New York Times, and a letter dated
June 19, 1996 from Mr. Sipes to my legislative director, Gray Maxwell,
be printed in the Congressional Record following my remarks.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
[From the Washington Post, June 17, 1996]
$200,000 Repayment Agreement for Estate of McCarthy-Era Victim
The estate of Beatrice ``Bibi'' Braude, who was fired from
the U.S. Information Agency and blacklisted 43 years ago
during a spasm of anti-communist zealotry, should be paid
$200,000, according to an agreement between the U.S.
government and attorneys for her estate.
Funding the settlement is up to Congress.
Braude fought for decades to clear her name after her
firing in 1953. By the time she was in her seventies, she
seemingly had exhausted all court remedies. After her death
nearly nine years ago, her friends and relatives took up her
cause and persuaded Sens. Daniel Patrick Moynihan (D-N.Y.)
and Alfonse M. D'Amato (R-N.Y.) to sponsor legislation that
mandated review of the case by the U.S. Court of Federal
Claims.
Attorneys for the Justice Department argued earlier this
year that there was insufficient proof that loyalty concerns
prevented Braude from being rehired for decades. The reason
might have been, they argued, because she was a woman and in
her forties. Judge Roger B. Andewelt disagreed, saying Braude
was a loyal American persecuted ``during a dark era in
American history.''
He ordered the Justice Department to negotiate an amount to
pay Braude's estate. Christopher Sipes, of the law firm of
Covington & Burling, who handled the case without a fee, said
lawyers considered what Braude would have earned during the
period of her blacklisting. The case, Sipes said, represents
a rare acknowledgment of the wrongs committed by the
government during the era associated with Sen. Joseph R.
McCarthy.
Braude's niece, Ericka, responding to the agreement, said
she was nearly speechless. ``It's unbelievable,'' she said,
``and it's about time.''
____
[From the New York Times, Mar. 15, 1996]
Abroad at Home; Secrecy and Justice
(By Anthony Lewis)
The case before him, the judge said, ``harks back to a dark
era in American history when Senator Joseph R. McCarthy was a
powerful political force in this nation, when promising
careers in the public and private sectors were arbitrarily
cut short based on innuendo, unsubstantiated allegations and
irrational fears. . . .''
That was the opening sentence of a remarkable opinion by
Judge Roger B. Andewelt of the United States Court of Federal
Claims. It told a story of long ago, but one with a moral for
today.
Beatrice Braude came to Washington to work for the
Government during World War II. She had college and graduate
degrees, and she won lots of praise at work. In 1951 she went
to the new United States Information Agency. On Dec. 30,
1953, she was told she was going to get a pay raise. The next
day she was fired.
Why? They told her that Congress had cut the U.S.I.A.
budget. But when she applied for other government jobs over
the next several years, she got nowhere. She was even turned
down for a position as a typist, although she had a perfect
score on the Civil Service typing exam.
Ms. Braude went on to other work. She got a Ph.D. and was a
tenured teacher at the University of Massachusetts. But she
never again felt the exhilaration she had in government
service, and her exclusion from it was a troubling mystery.
Then, when the Privacy Act became law in 1974, she got her
records from the Government. They showed she had been fired
as a security risk.
She had been investigated by the State Department Loyalty
Board in 1951 because of casual past associations with two
people considered suspect. The board cleared her, finding
that there was ``no reasonable doubt'' as to her loyalty. But
the U.S.I.A., on the same evidence, decided to fire her--and
to conceal the reason.
Mr. Braude sued, but the courts held that she was too late.
In 1982 she finally went back to work for the Government--as
a language instructor at the C.I.A. She died in 1988.
But her family, still angry at what had happened, persuaded
Senators Daniel Patrick Moynihan and Alfonse D'Amato to
sponsor a bill to compensate her for any wrongdoing. It was
referred to the Court of Claims for a finding on whether she
had a claim in law or equity.
Judge Andewelt said there was no basis for saying that Ms.
Braude ``was a security risk or was sympathetic to any
political philosophy not within the mainstream.'' Indeed, he
said, the record showed her to be ``a rather typical
American. She cared about others deeply and was loyal to
her friends, family and country.''
The judge found that the U.S.I.A. had ``intentionally
concealed'' the reason for her dismissal and had
``blacklisted'' her thereafter. That was wrongdoing, he said,
and gave Ms. Braude's heirs an equitable claim. The lawyers
will work out the amount due, and the court will send that to
Congress for action.
So, 43 years she was fired, 8 years after she died,
Beatrice Braude got a kind of justice. I asked her lawyer,
Christopher N. Sipes of Washington, why the effort on her
behalf had been so persistent.
``She was happy,'' he said, ``she served her country--and
in a flash it was gone. In time, bewilderment turned to anger
and frustration. She had friends and family who cared so much
that they had the same burning desire to see justice done.''
It would be nice to think that the cause of the injustice
to Beatrice Braude and other loyalty victims--secret
proceedings--is ancient history. But it is not.
The Clinton Administration has pressed for a so-called
antiterrorism bill allowing the deportation of aliens on
secret evidence. An unusual combination of civil libertarians
on the right and left has just deleted that and other
dangerous sections from the legislation. But the same
proposals will be back on the floor next week as part of an
immigration bill.
The National Rifle Association, in its criticism of the
antiterrorism bill, made the case as well as anyone. ``The
constitutional right to confront one's accusers is a
necessary safeguard against government abuses,'' it said.
``Our nation has survived for 200 years without resorting to
the use of secret evidence in criminal trials or deportation
proceedings. Congress must not set a dangerous precedent by
abandoning the right to confront evidence against you.''
____
Re Estate of Beatrice Braude v. United States; Congressional
Reference No. 93-645x.
Covington & Burling,
Washington, DC, June 19, 1996.
Gray Maxwell,
Legislative Director,
Hon. Daniel P. Moynihan,
Russell Senate Office Building,
Washington, DC
Dear Mr. Maxwell: It was a pleasure speaking with you
yesterday. As we discussed, I am writing now to update you on
the status of Dr. Braude's case. As you may
[[Page S6512]]
recall, on March 7, 1996, Judge Andewelt of the Court of
Federal Claims ruled that Dr. Braude had been blacklisted by
the Federal Government during the 1950s and 1960s on the
basis of spurious allegations of disloyalty and that her
state therefore had an equitable claim for compensation from
the United States for the wrongs she suffered.
In its opinion, the court left open the amount of
compensation due. Following negotiations with the Justice
Department, the parties stipulated to $200,000 as the
appropriate amount of compensation. On June 3, 1996, Judge
Andewelt issued his final report, ``recommend[ing] to
Congress that plaintiff's equitably entitled to $200,000 from
the United States .'' For your convenience, I have attached
copies of the March 7 and June 3 rulings.
The next, and final, step in the Congressional Reference
regarding Dr. Braude's case is submission of the final report
issued by Judge Andewelt to a review panel composed of three
judges of the Court of Federal Claims. See 28 U.S.C.
Sec. 2509(d). This review should complete the Congressional
Reference and result in transmission of a final report on Dr.
Braude's case back to the Senate. See 28 U.S.C. Sec. 2509(e).
It is unclear how long the review panel will take with Dr.
Braude's case. However, both the Justice Department and
plaintiff have submitted a notice of acceptance of the
hearing officer's report, and therefore neither party is
seeking review or otherwise raising any objections or issues
for the review panel to address. It is our hope that, in the
light of both parties' acceptance of Judge Andewelt's report,
that report will be adopted by the review panel expeditiously
and without modification. It is thus our hope that the Senate
will shortly be receiving a final report on Dr. Braude's case
indicating that she is equitably due $200,000 as a result of
her wrongful blacklisting from government employment.
It is our understanding that payment of Dr. Braude's claim
requires an appropriation from Congress. (In the alternative,
it may be possible, if funds are already available, for her
claim to be paid pursuant to a directive of Congress). For
this reason, we urge you to discuss her case, and Judge
Andewelt's favorite report, with members of the
Appropriations Committee, and, more specifically, with the
Subcommittee on Commerce, Justice and State. We understand
that the Subcommittee has not yet scheduled a mark-up of its
FY 1997 Appropriations Bill. We would be happy to accompany
you to any meeting with the Staff and urge you to request
that the Subcommittee bill include funding for Dr. Braude's
claim.
Thank you again for your interest and assistance in this
matter. Please feel free to call me or Joan Kutcher if we can
be of any further assistance in this matter.
Sincerely yours,
Christopher Sipes.
____________________