[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 87 (Thursday, June 13, 1996)]
[Senate]
[Pages S6182-S6186]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




 CONCURRENT RESOLUTION ON THE BUDGET FOR FISCAL YEAR 1997--CONFERENCE 
                                 REPORT

  The Senate continued with the consideration of the conference report.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Nebraska.
  Mr. EXON. Mr. President, as I understand the situation now, under the 
previous unanimous-consent request, we have 10 minutes equally divided 
on each side remaining before the vote. We have about 16 minutes, 17 
minutes before noon, according to my clock. I ask unanimous consent 
that the scheduled vote at noon be extended to 3 minutes past noon so 
that the previous unanimous consent request can be abided with regard 
to time allotted by each side.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. EXON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that a table showing 
how the deficit in this budget increases because of its tax breaks be 
printed in the Record.
  There being no objection, the table was ordered to be printed in the 
Record, as follows:

                                REPUBLICAN DEFICITS WITH AND WITHOUT THE TAX CUT                                
                                            [In billions of dollars]                                            
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
                                                                 1996   1997   1998   1999   2001   2002   1996 
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
CBO Baseline Deficits (April) \1\.............................    130    165    175    182    192    194     210
Republican deficits with tax cut..............................    130    153    147    117     89     42       5
Republican deficits w/o tax cut...............................    130    135    129     97     63     11     -39
Addendum:                                                                                                       
    Republican tax cut........................................      0     18     16     18     23     26      28
    Interest on tax cut.......................................      0      1      1      2      3      5       6
                                                               -------------------------------------------------
      Total...................................................      0     19     17     20     26     31     34 
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
\1\ The 1996 deficit estimate is a preliminary revision from CBO based on current Treasury data. The 1996       
  estimate included in their official April forecast was $144 billion.                                          


  Mr. EXON. Mr. President, as we wrap up the debate on the budget 
conference report, I would like to make a few final observations, if I 
might.
  If last year was the Republicans' winter of discontent, this is their 
spring of missed opportunities. I know the Republicans wanted to hit 
one out of the ballpark with this budget, but what they did reminds me 
more of the Red Sox's Bill Buckner in the infamous 6th game of the 1986 
World Series. That is when he let Mookie Wilson's grounder roll through 
his legs. The Mets rallied and eventually won the series. That was a 
missed opportunity on a grand scale; so is this budget.
  There was a chance--granted a small one--to craft a compromise on a 
balanced budget this year. To his credit, the President has repeatedly 
offered to come back to the bargaining table. As he has pointed out, at 
the very least, we could have agreed on the common

[[Page S6183]]

savings in both the Republican and the Democratic plans. But the 
Republicans rebuffed the President, and now we are saddled with this 
GOP budget retread.
  It still has too many reductions in Medicare--reductions that are not 
necessary to maintain the solvency of the trust fund. As much as the 
Republicans bridle at the suggestion, the size of the tax breaks always 
has and still does determine the size of the Medicare reductions. The 
Medicaid provisions still jeopardize the guarantees to health for our 
most vulnerable citizens. The cuts to education and the environment are 
still too severe, and they got worse in this conference report.
  So much time has passed since we first saw this Republican budget 18 
months ago, and so little has really changed. We can see from this same 
tired budget that the majority's cupboard is bare; they are bereft of 
new ideas. This conference report is just a sorry addendum to last 
year's budget fiasco. I think we all know it, and I urge my colleagues 
to vote against it.
  In closing, Mr. President, let me thank all of the members of the 
Budget Committee on both sides, of which the distinguished presider of 
the Chair is one. On my side of the aisle, I have had nothing but 
cooperation from all the Democrats on the Budget Committee, and I 
particularly thank all of them for all of their efforts.
  I want to take just a moment, if I can, to thank Bill Dauster, who 
heads up our great staff on this side of the committee. We worked well 
with the other side and staff as well.
  I simply say, while we do not agree on this budget, there has been a 
lot of good-faith effort and good intentions to try to work this out 
the best we could. I am sorry that we do not have a better product.

  I reserve any balance of my time that I have.
  May I inquire of the Chair, do I have any time left of my 5 minutes?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator has 1 minute, 30 seconds.
  Mr. EXON. How much?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. One and a half minutes.
  Mr. EXON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent, although we have 
had very great difficulty this morning in coming to an agreement in 
breaking it, that those who are scheduled to make speeches at this 
time, to call to their attention time is running out. I will suggest at 
this time the absence of a quorum, and that the first 3 minutes of the 
quorum would be charged equally to the time remaining on both sides. I 
withdraw my request. The chairman of the committee has arrived on the 
floor.
  Mr. DOMENICI addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Mexico.
  Mr. DOMENICI. I am sorry I was late. I apologize to the Senate. How 
much time does the Senator from New Mexico have?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Four minutes, 50 seconds.
  Mr. DOMENICI. Thank you very much.
  Mr. President, as I have said frequently, if I were a king I would 
not write this budget. But we do not have any kings in the United 
States. We have a U.S. Congress. That means we have Senators from very 
different States. That is the way our Founding Fathers decided to run 
this Republic. And there are very differing views, even among 
Republicans and certainly among Democrats and Democrats and 
Republicans.
  I believe, however, that other than having some kind of mandate from 
on high on how to do it, I believe this is as good as we can do this 
year. And to tell you the truth, I have been at budgeting for a long 
time. For those who would call this a budget that perhaps does not 
reduce spending enough, or counts on too many things happening next 
year and the year after that, let me suggest, it would be beyond the 
comprehension of the Senate 10 years ago to think they could vote up or 
down and pass a budget resolution with this much savings in it.
  We have never come to grips with the real problems. And this budget 
resolution at least says, ``We know the problems. We know we can't 
continue this deficit spending. And let's try it this way.''
  As I said, it is not perfect, but it takes the main problems with 
deficit spending, the big ones that everybody knows about, and it 
begins to say, ``Let's try to spend less. Let's try to send some of 
them closer to home where more efficiencies can be adopted.''
  It says to Medicaid, which is burgeoning beyond what the States will 
be able to pay, ``Let's ratchet it down. Let it increase, but not as 
much as it would. Let the States make some decisions to see if they 
can't save significant amounts of money and still cover our poor people 
with health care.''
  On welfare reform it is not only saying we are spending too much, it 
is saying the program is broken. Let us do a new one, give the States 
more authority, and build it around the premise of 5 years instead of a 
lifetime on welfare; and those who are on welfare have to get educated 
and work at preparing to get a job, and then get jobs. That is doing 
what the American people want.
  Ten years ago if that were all the reform we had in the budget we 
would have been heralding it as something great for America. In 
addition, we try to make Medicare solvent for 10 years without hurting 
senior citizens.
  Our budget also recognizes that in addition to a deficit up here, 
there is a deficit in the checkbook of working Americans. Especially 
those with children. Their taxes are too high and their credits for 
having to raise children are too low. So we say, let us fix one other 
deficit. Let us fix the deficit in the checkbooks of working men and 
women who have children under 18. Let us give them a $500 tax break for 
each child that they are raising. This is a deficit that is going to 
destroy family life unless we work at trying to solve it.
  We have left only 122 billion dollars' worth of tax relief in this 
budget. Most of it will go to that cause. I think when you add it all 
up--and one salient point, that for all of the discretionary spending, 
we are at a freeze. We have asked the Congressional Budget Office, how 
much should we spend in 1997 if we want to spend at a freeze level? 
They gave us the dollar numbers, and that is what we settled with the 
U.S. House in conference.
  So hopefully we will get appropriations done and we can tell 
Americans we have frozen it. We have not increased it, and we have not 
cut it. That is a pretty good approach to a year when you really say 
you are trying to balance the budget. When you add that all up, it 
seems to me this budget resolution not only deserves a majority vote, 
but I am very hopeful that the President will sign much of the 
legislation that comes from it because I think we have the right 
message. We are delivering in a way that is good for Americans, be they 
young or old or those who are out there working to make sure their 
children and their seniors are taken care of. It is a good budget. I 
yield the floor.
  Mr. DASCHLE addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Democratic leader is recognized.
  Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, let me begin by complimenting the 
distinguished ranking member of the Budget Committee, Senator Exon. 
This will be the last budget he works on in his capacity as ranking 
member of the Senate Budget Committee. I must say no one has put more 
effort, more work, and more real leadership into this whole process 
than has he over the last many years. He is an extraordinary member of 
the caucus. It has been my good fortune to work with him very closely 
and, fortunately, with great effectiveness as a result of his 
participation. I thank him, not only for his work in this Congress, but 
for all the years that he has worked so diligently as a very key member 
of the Budget Committee.
  Let me also commend his excellent staff, led by Staff Director Bill 
Dauster, for the outstanding work they have done in presenting our case 
on this budget and throughout the many difficult budget battles in this 
Congress. They do exemplary staff work, and they have served this 
Senator, and indeed our entire caucus and the American people, with 
distinction and intelligence.
  Let me also thank the distinguished chairman of the Budget Committee. 
He works diligently and with passion and conviction. I oftentimes 
remark about the real contribution he makes. I may find myself in 
disagreement with him on many occasions, but not with him personally. 
He carries out his duties admirably. I commend him for his work.

[[Page S6184]]

  In this case, Mr. President, in spite of his leadership, the fact is 
that he proposes to move this process in the wrong direction. He and 
his colleagues have produced a budget that is designed to appear more 
moderate, but it contains the same failed policies that the President 
was forced to veto last winter.
  In fact, this budget, in spite of all of the good work and rhetoric 
of the distinguished chairman, contains the same extreme proposals 
relating to Medicare, Medicaid, education, the environment, and the 
other issues we debated so vociferously last winter. It is just as 
extreme if you follow it out to take into account the 7-year budget 
timeframe that we had to work with last year. The numbers are hardly 
different. So no one should be misled. This is almost identical to what 
we were presented last year. Because of the extreme and harmful 
policies it contains, the President had to veto it last year.
  The President has offered a plan that balances the budget without 
resorting to such extremism. The deficit as a result of his efforts and 
our efforts over the last 4 years has been cut by more than half. The 
deficit was $290 billion in 1992. The deficit this year is $130 
billion. For 4 years in a row, the first time since the 1940's, we have 
cut the deficit dramatically. This resulted from real leadership, and 
because we did what we said we were going to do.
  This deficit will actually go back up under the Republican budget 
plan for the next 2 years. So instead of this hyperbole and instead of 
all of the partisan rhetoric, we ought to be negotiating downtown with 
the White House, sitting down with the President and the bipartisan 
congressional leadership, and finding an agreement that will balance 
the budget by 2002.
  Instead, as is often the case in this Congress, Democrats have been 
locked out: locked out of the budget negotiations, locked out of the 
budget process almost entirely, and locked out of any real effort to 
try to resolve these matters in a bipartisan way.
  There are many problems with this budget. But I want to cite very 
briefly just six.
  First of all, this budget reveals again what is really at the heart 
of the Republican priority list: more tax breaks for those who do not 
need them. The conference agreement drops any pretense of balancing the 
budget before it provides for the opportunity to propose tax cuts. At 
least in the Senate bill the tax cuts were contingent on the passage of 
two other bills which actually cut the deficit and achieved balance.

  The reconciliation prescription in this budget conference report does 
not even do that. The conference agreement drops all contingencies. It 
proposes that major tax reduction proposals for those at the very 
highest income levels be dealt with in the very first reconciliation 
package that comes before the Senate.
  The first bill could be a $122 billion net tax cut in addition to the 
deep cuts in Medicaid and welfare. The actual tax breaks, Mr. 
President, will actually add up to $180 billion in that bill, according 
to the Chairman of the Budget Committee in the other body.
  This arrangement will force a veto. It is designed to include 
devastating Medicaid cuts that will act as a poison pill. There is no 
doubt in my view that the tax cuts that we are going to be confronted 
with are the same kind that created the deficit. Just after we have 
been able to deal so effectively with the deficit over the last 4 years 
is no time to turn back the clock and propose budget-busting tax breaks 
before any serious effort to cut the deficit.
  So that is problem No. 1: approving tax cuts before we actually make 
room for them; tax cuts in many cases that are not necessary; tax cuts 
that are going to drive up the deficit all over again in the not-too-
distant future.
  The second problem is the excessive Medicare cuts that we all know 
are incorporated in this plan. The tax cuts, in large measure, to the 
extent they are paid for at all, are paid for out of Medicare 
cuts, $168 billion in Medicare cuts. We know these deep cuts will lower 
quality of health care provided to millions of seniors and individuals 
with disabilities. We know they threaten the solvency of many rural 
hospitals, who may be forced close their doors. We know they will 
undercut the ability of many beneficiaries to gain access to care, and 
we know they will create real problems for many who obtain their health 
only through the Medicare system today.

  Mr. President, these issues will go away. They must be addressed in a 
comprehensive way. We know we have to deal with solvency. The 
President's budget proposal maintains the solvency of Medicare for the 
next 10 years. Yet, the pending budget resolution contains $50 billion 
more in Medicare reductions than the President's plan. The only purpose 
of such unnecessary reductions in Medicare is to finance the excessive 
tax breaks proposed in this resolution. We simply cannot accept a 
willingness on the part of some to use deep Medicare cuts to pay for 
the tax cuts in this budget plan.
  The third problem is that this bill virtually destroys Medicaid--it 
proposes $72 billion in Medicaid cuts. We are also concerned about the 
way in which these cuts are provided. It proposes to turn the Medicaid 
Program into block grants. This approach does not reflect the 
bipartisan plan proposed by the National Governors Association. It has 
been opposed by Democratic Governors. Block grants would create a 
tremendous inconsistency in the availability of benefits under 
Medicaid, regardless of what other assurances were being given by the 
Republican majority. These cuts are not just $72 billion as they relate 
directly to the budget. Because of the ability for States to 
dramatically reduce the availability of funding, the cuts could 
actually reach $250 billion if the States maximize their ability to 
reduce the commitment to health care.
  This will undercut the availability, and in some cases completely 
eliminate the availability for millions of children, and for persons 
with disabilities. It threatens seniors in nursing homes and the 
financial well-being of their spouses. All this devastation and 
sacrifice is being asked for in order to provide for tax breaks in many 
cases for those who do not need them at all. The fourth problem is this 
budget proposal dramatically shortchanges education. It reduces 
education and training by a full 20 percent in real dollars, or $25 
billion by the year 2002. When we vote on this resolution, keep in mind 
that it incorporates the largest education cuts in history. Over the 
same time period, in spite of the fact this represents the most 
dramatic reduction in the availability of funding for education in our 
history, school enrollments are going to rise to historic highs. Every 
school is going to be faced with the prospect of increasing enrollment, 
and greater demands for real budgets, at the same time the Federal 
Government is reducing its commitment to the very schools it claims to 
support. The President's budget, on the other hand, invests $57 billion 
more than what this budget resolution provides.
  The fifth problem, Mr. President, is this resolution dramatically 
harms the environment. It cuts $3.8 billion from environmental 
protection and natural resources. That is 17 percent below the 
President's commitment to the environment into the year 2002. We cannot 
all talk about how much of an advocate we are to the environment if we 
are not willing to commit the resources to ensure that environmental 
protection can become a reality. Mr. President, we have to address 
environmental funding in a way that ensures the ability to implement 
comprehensive environmental protection.
  Finally, the sixth problem, is that it raises taxes on working 
families. It proposes an $18.5 billion in increase in taxes on working 
families through the cutting back on the earned-income tax credit. It 
raises taxes on 7 million working families in the next 7 years. As the 
President's budget makes clear, we can balance the budget without 
raising taxes on working people.
  Mr. President, we can do a lot better than this. This is an extreme 
budget. This budget takes money from health, education, the 
environment, and working families. Those priorities, we have said from 
the beginning, are our priorities. This budget attacks those priorities 
in ways that we do not believe are wise for this country or for the 
people affected. Obviously, this budget continues the great debate 
about where we ought to be taking this country. Do we really want to 
make the dramatic and draconian cuts in health and in education, in 
Medicare and in Medicaid, in the EITC, to provide for the tax breaks 
for many people who simply do not

[[Page S6185]]

need them today? I do not think the American people want that. I know 
members of our caucus do not want it, either.

  This budget resolution represents an abandonment of any pretense of 
balancing the budget before cutting taxes. As a result of this fiscal 
irresponsibility and the cruelty of its priorities, this budget is 
dead. The reconciliation process that will be carried out as a result 
of this budget resolution is going nowhere.
  The only way that we can resolve this matter is to do what we talked 
about doing yesterday, to work together, to resolve our differences, 
and in a bipartisan way to come up with an agreement on a plan that 
details ways with which to balance the budget. We should build on the 
record of the last 4 years, and guarantee the kind of economic growth 
and the protection of priorities that we all know are so critical to 
the long-term best interests of this Nation.
  I urge all of our colleagues to look at this resolution very 
carefully and to join us in opposition when we have that opportunity a 
few moments from now. I yield the floor.
  Mr. EXON. Mr. President, I have 1 minute remaining. I will stay 
within that 1 minute. I thank my Democratic leader, my good friend from 
the neighboring State of South Dakota for his kind remarks. I thank the 
chairman of my committee for all that he has done over the years.
  This is my last part in managing a budget resolution. I simply say in 
leaving, while I am not satisfied with what we have done and while I 
will be involved, I am sure, in the months to come this year in trying 
to bring some resolution to the remaining differences, I want to say it 
has been a thrill and an honor to work with so many outstanding people 
on both sides of the aisle. I only wish my friends on the Republican 
side could have been a little bit more understanding. But I simply say 
we have, in the last 3 years, cut the deficit from about $300 billion 
to about $140 billion. We are on the road to the right course. We 
should not give up.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority leader.
  Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I know the hour of the vote has arrived. I 
believe we have 5 minutes' time remaining. I will use leader time if 
that is necessary.
  Mr. President, I am proud to be here today to endorse this budget 
resolution conference report. It is obviously the thing we need to do. 
It is the first critical step in the process this year. After we pass 
this budget resolution conference report, we can then quickly move to 
the reconciliation bills that, in fact, enforce the things that we say 
we are going to do in this bill, and we can begin passing the 
appropriations bills because the Appropriations Committees will then 
have the numbers they need to mark to, and we can move this process 
forward as we need to in a cooperative way. But first, we must pass 
this conference report.
  I begin by again recognizing the outstanding work of the 
distinguished chairman, the chairman of the Budget Committee. I daresay 
there is no Senator that knows more about the budget rules and the 
budget itself than Senator Pete Domenici of New Mexico. He does 
outstanding work, here in this body, on that committee, and working 
with Members across the aisle and with the other body. I congratulate 
him for the fine job he has done, once again, this year.
  I also want to extend my congratulations and best wishes to our good 
friend, the Senator from Nebraska, Senator Exon. He certainly 
epitomizes the old saying, ``you can disagree without being 
disagreeable,'' and particularly this year we have found that while he 
made his points and offered some amendments he has worked with us to 
move the process along. I know the Senator from New Mexico has already 
pointed that out. We appreciate the very fine work of Senator Exon.

  Also, I might note today, Mr. President, that this the last budget 
resolution other Senators who are members of the Budget Committee will 
work on, too. Senator Bennett Johnston of Louisiana has been an 
excellent member of the Budget Committee since the 95th Congress, 
January 1977, I believe under the chairmanship of Senator Muskie. Mr. 
President, 19 years on the committee is almost a sentence, but he has 
done excellent work as a member of the Budget Committee. He also has 
been a pleasure to work with and has been helpful on many occasions.
  The distinguished Senator from Illinois with the bow tie, Senator 
Simon, has always worked as a really good member of the Budget 
Committee, and the distinguished Senator from Colorado, Senator Brown, 
has worked on budgets many times in the past and has been a great 
member of the Budget Committee. I commend them all for their fine work 
and what they have done.
  It has not been easy to reach this budget conference report, to get 
to this point. We have had disagreements along the way. In the Budget 
Committee and on the floor of the Senate efforts were made to amend it, 
substitute alternatives were offered, and the Senate passed an 
amendment that added some additional funds for nondefense discretionary 
spending. When the conference work was going on, that was not received 
with a great deal of pleasure in some circles, but we worked it out and 
we came up with a reasonable agreement that will allow us to do what we 
need to do for our country and continue to move us toward our ultimate 
important goal of a balanced budget by the year 2002.
  We do have a budget resolution conference report here before the 
Senate that continues to represent dramatic changes in the way we 
govern. If you want to continue to build a monument to status quo, the 
way things have been done around here for years, that basically always 
seems to lead to more spending, then you do not want to be for this 
budget resolution. This budget resolution continues the good work that 
was started last year, that moves us in a different direction, that 
moves toward giving some relief to the American people that work and 
pay taxes, and moves toward some real reform in the entitlement areas, 
where we need it so badly.
  It does continue to restrain spending. It does allow enough funds for 
a strong national defense, but it will continue a pattern overall, in 
that period of years, of less spending for defense. We have worked on 
that very carefully, and I think this conference report does an 
adequate job there.
  This conference report reflects our beliefs in a balanced budget and 
lower taxes for families with children. When I hear these accusations 
about tax relief for those that do not need it, I wonder first of all, 
whose taxes are they, anyway? Whose money is it? It is the people's 
money. We are talking about allowing families with children to have 
just a little help in raising their children with their own money, a 
$500 tax credit--which, by the way, is limited to people under a 
certain income level.
  So I do not apologize at all for wanting to help families with 
children, for wanting to help children with some tax relief instead of 
it coming to Washington and letting Washington decide, ``Oh, yes, we 
will send it back the way that we determine is best for your 
children.'' We say, ``How about letting the families make that 
determination?''
  With regard to the Medicare issue, we have seen recently that the 
decline in the Medicare Trust Fund is greater than we had anticipated, 
greater than even a year ago. We can stand here and ignore this 
problem. But what we are threatening is our parents', our 
grandparents', and our children's future, and their ability to depend 
on this program.
  The bipartisan substitute that was offered, as a matter of fact, had 
proposed Medicare reforms that would lead to a savings over the 6-year 
period of $154 billion. In this conference report, the proposed savings 
are $158 billion. As you can see, the numbers on Medicare are very 
close. Over a 7-year period, I think the difference between the 
administration's proposal and ours is around 2 percent. Yet, we are 
still all talking about an increase every year--every year for this 
important program.
  So I think that we are doing the right thing here. It provides for 
reduced Government spending and less Government intervention. It lays 
out a blueprint for what we need to do, but it continues the path we 
started with last year. By the year 2002, we will have the first 
balanced budget since 1969.
  With regard to what the President has proposed, Mr. President, I 
would like to submit for the Record a chart

[[Page S6186]]

which shows budget deficits, and I ask unanimous consent that it be 
printed in the Record.
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

                                                 BUDGET DEFICITS                                                
                                            [In billions of dollars]                                            
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
                                                                  1996   1997   1998   1999   2000   2001   2002
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Current law baseline...........................................    146    156    160    147    136    111    105
Conference agreement...........................................    146    153    147    117     89     42     -5
President's Budget: a                                                                                           
    With trigger...............................................    146    155    152    123    105     54     -3
    Without trigger............................................    146    156    153    125    108     87     81
Chaffee-Breaux Moderate........................................    146    147    154    134    114     77     49
Balanced Budget Act b..........................................    151    159    127     97     73     34     -3
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
a CBO reestimate.                                                                                               
b CBO reestimate from December baseline.                                                                        
                                                                                                                
Prepared by SBC Majority Staff, June 13, 1996.                                                                  


  Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, this chart shows that every year--every 
year--the President's proposals would have the deficits that our 
package has over these 6 years. As a matter of fact, there has been 
this reference to the spike we have in the next fiscal year. Yes, there 
is a spike in our budget in the next fiscal year, but there is also one 
in the President's budget, and it is $2 billion higher than our 
proposal.
  So if you want to compare the proposals, I invite you to do so. This 
chart will be in the Record.
  I am proud to support this package. It is fair. It is what we need to 
do.
  I urge my colleagues today to stand up, do the right thing, and vote 
for this budget resolution. Let us move the process forward. Let us do 
what is right for our children and for our country.
  I yield the floor, Mr. President.
  Mr. President, I understand the yeas and nays have not been 
requested. I ask for the yeas and nays.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
  There is a sufficient second.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to the conference 
report. On this question, the yeas and nays have been ordered, and the 
clerk will call the roll.
  The assistant legislative clerk called the roll.
  Mr. FORD. I announce that the Senator from Arkansas [Mr. Bumpers] is 
necessarily absent.
  I further announce that, if present and voting, the Senator from 
Arkansas [Mr. Bumpers] would vote ``no.''
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Ashcroft). Are there any other Senators in 
the Chamber who desire to vote?
  The result was announced--yeas 53, nays 46, as follows:

                      [Rollcall Vote No. 159 Leg.]

                                YEAS--53

     Abraham
     Ashcroft
     Bennett
     Bond
     Brown
     Burns
     Campbell
     Chafee
     Coats
     Cochran
     Cohen
     Coverdell
     Craig
     D'Amato
     DeWine
     Domenici
     Faircloth
     Frahm
     Frist
     Gorton
     Gramm
     Grams
     Grassley
     Gregg
     Hatch
     Hatfield
     Helms
     Hutchison
     Inhofe
     Jeffords
     Kassebaum
     Kempthorne
     Kyl
     Lott
     Lugar
     Mack
     McCain
     McConnell
     Murkowski
     Nickles
     Pressler
     Roth
     Santorum
     Shelby
     Simpson
     Smith
     Snowe
     Specter
     Stevens
     Thomas
     Thompson
     Thurmond
     Warner

                                NAYS--46

     Akaka
     Baucus
     Biden
     Bingaman
     Boxer
     Bradley
     Breaux
     Bryan
     Byrd
     Conrad
     Daschle
     Dodd
     Dorgan
     Exon
     Feingold
     Feinstein
     Ford
     Glenn
     Graham
     Harkin
     Heflin
     Hollings
     Inouye
     Johnston
     Kennedy
     Kerrey
     Kerry
     Kohl
     Lautenberg
     Leahy
     Levin
     Lieberman
     Mikulski
     Moseley-Braun
     Moynihan
     Murray
     Nunn
     Pell
     Pryor
     Reid
     Robb
     Rockefeller
     Sarbanes
     Simon
     Wellstone
     Wyden

                             NOT VOTING--1

       
     Bumpers
       
  The conference report was agreed to.
  Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote by which the 
concurrent resolution was agreed to, and I move to lay that motion on 
the table.
  The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
  Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I am disappointed and disillusioned by this 
conference report on the budget resolution for the 1997 fiscal year.
  I am disappointed that the conference report lowered next year's 
discretionary spending by $1.3 billion from the Senate-passed budget 
resolution. I applaud Senate Budget Committee Chairman Pete Domenici 
and ranking member James Exon for their strong support of adequate 
funding for programs that invest in our country. Unfortunately, the 
House of Representatives refused to accept the Senate's more 
responsible discretionary spending levels.
  Moreover, I am disillusioned that the House budget conferees have 
resorted to a new budget gimmick. Instead of showing leadership to 
produce a more moderate budget resolution, they have added a new smoke 
and mirror--the Government shutdown prevention allowance. This section 
of the conference report will free up $1.3 billion more in spending 
only if Congress decides to pass a continuing resolution to fund the 
Government. This is a billion-dollar incentive for Members to pass a 
continuing resolution.
  After two unnecessary and expensive Government shutdowns and more 
than a dozen continuing resolutions last year, I have had enough of 
this piece-meal approach to budgeting. Budgeting by continuing 
resolutions is a true failure in leadership. Instead of passing the 
buck by passing continuing resolutions, we should make the tough budget 
decisions and then vote on them in appropriations bills. Unlike short-
term continuing resolutions, year-long appropriations bills allow 
Federal, State, and local agencies to plan their budgets and make 
Government more effective.
  This conference report also makes harmful short-term cuts in 
important programs that will have devastating consequences over the 
long-term. It cuts Medicare and Medicaid more than is necessary to 
achieve a balanced budget. These cuts would reduce Medicare spending 
growth per-beneficiary far below projected private sector growth rates. 
I am disappointed that the majority persists in cutting a program that 
is vital to 83,000 Vermonters, 12 percent of whom live below the 
poverty level.
  And it cuts environment funding while increasing defense spending by 
$11 billion for 1997--which is unacceptable in today's post-cold-war 
world. The people of the United States never voted to gut environmental 
spending in the last election. They overwhelmingly want to make sure 
Government provides basic safeguards for a clean environment. This is a 
job that Government can do and needs to do.
   Mr. President, this budget resolution is better than last year's 
extreme budget, but it still cuts programs for elderly, young and low-
income Vermonters more than is necessary to balance the budget. And it 
hurts the environment while resorting to budget gimmicks.
  We can do better than this disappointing and disillusioning budget.
  Mr. LOTT addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority leader is recognized.
  Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, we hope to have some announcement about 
proceeding for the remainder of the day and week momentarily. We are 
working on that right now. I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.

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