[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 85 (Tuesday, June 11, 1996)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Page E1049]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

[[Page E1049]]


                     BANGLADESH: AVERTING A CRISIS

                                 ______


                           HON. DOUG BEREUTER

                              of nebraska

                    in the house of representatives

                         Friday, June 10, 1996

  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, with parliamentary elections set for 
tomorrow, Bangladesh is at a crucial turning point in its efforts to 
sustain a fragile democracy that has only been in place since 1991. 
Although calm prevails in Dhaka, the country is still reeling from 
jitters produced by the movements of provincial troops unhappy with the 
May 20 dismissal of the army chief of staff. Earlier this spring, the 
political opposition waged a general strike that paralyzed most 
transportation and businesses, was well as the country's crucial port 
of Chittagong. Although enjoying limited public support, the anti-
government campaign took a severe toll on what was already one of the 
world's poorest nations. It kept frightened citizens away from school 
and jobs. It cost the country up to $80 million a day in lost 
production and exports. Over 120 Bangladeshis lost their lives in 
clashes between pro- and anti-government activists during the strike.
  It is pointless to try to assign blame for the turmoil that has 
characterized Bangladesh's political scene for past several years. The 
1991 elections that brought Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia and her 
Bangladesh Nationalist Party to power were generally considered fair by 
international observers. Three years later, however, the opposition 
resigned en masse from the parliament after allegations of a rigged by-
election. It then commenced a campaign of demonstrations and boycotts 
in the effort to convince Zia to step down in favor of a neutral 
caretaker government. Then, in February 1996 a legislative contest that 
dissolved into a one-party show plagued by egregious irregularities 
only worsened the situation.
  What has made Bangladesh's circumstances all the more tragic is that 
its party warfare has been driven more by the personalities of its key 
political leaders rather than policy differences in addressing the 
country's crushing poverty and improving the lives of its citizens. 
Former Prime Minister Zia is the widow of an assassinated president, 
and opposition Awami League leader Sheikh Hasina Wajeed is the daughter 
of the country's first prime minister, who was also assassinated. 
Despite their common history as survivors, their relationship over the 
years has been characterized by charges and counter-charges related to 
their long-standing rivalry for the country's top post.
  Nevertheless, a breakthrough in Bangladesh's stalemate occurred with 
the constitutional change approved by Parliament on March 26, which 
provided for Prime Minister Zia to step down and for a neutral 
caretaker government to be appointed. A few days later, Bangladesh's 
president appointed Habibur Rahman, a former chief justice, as head of 
a neutral caretaker government; new elections were then set for June 
12. These actions appear to have answered many of the opposition's key 
demands. The catch is that Zia--who remains head of her party and has 
been actively campaigning--could conceivably recapture her position 
after the elections, a prospect that the opposition may not be prepared 
to accept with good grace--even in a fair contest. The very real 
possibility of no party attaining a majority would necessitate the 
formation of a coalition government, an arrangement that would pose the 
ultimate challenge of cooperation for Zia and Sheikh Hasina.

  Regardless of the outcome of tomorrow's polls, developments leading 
up to them have brought relative law and order to Dhaka, including a 
much welcome respite from violence and labor strikes. With this period 
of calm comes an opportunity that should not be lost. It is now 
critical for the country's leading politicos to demonstrate to 
Bangladesh's citizens and to the world that they are both serious about 
learning to live with each other and eager to attract the international 
investment that Bangladesh so desperately needs. it is imperative that 
the two sides participate in and abide by the results of these 
elections which, of course, must be respectably fair and free of 
irregularities. All parties should then take their seats in the 
legislature and reengage fully in Bangladesh's political process.
  Finally, the United States and other friends should do everything in 
their power to morally support and encourage Bangladesh to follow such 
a course. We should make it clear that the international community will 
not recognize or assist a new regime unless it achieves power through 
the democratic process. We must reiterate that a military coup--a time-
honored tradition in Bangladesh--is not an option. And, the United 
States should stand ready to at least maintain its modest bilateral 
assistance and to support legitimate requests for assistance from the 
World Bank and other international financial institutions.
  Outside financial assistance is desperately needed, but in the final 
analysis, it is the people of Bangladesh who will decide the nation's 
fate. The path to a brighter future can now be seen. Let us hope that 
the leadership of this long-suffering people, who already have endured 
more than their share of tragedy, can seize the political opportunity 
that lies before them.

                          ____________________