[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 75 (Friday, May 24, 1996)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E895-E896]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

[[Page E895]]



SECRETARY WARREN CHRISTOPHER'S ADDRESS TO THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR 
                NEAR EAST POLICY ANNUAL SOREF SYMPOSIUM

                                 ______


                            HON. TOM LANTOS

                             of california

                    in the house of representatives

                         Thursday, May 23, 1996

  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, the Washington Institute for Near East 
Policy has for many years provided an invaluable forum for discussion 
of difficult issues facing the Middle East. Last Tuesday, the Institute 
invited Secretary Christopher to discuss the very urgent and ongoing 
problem of terrorism. As we rejoice at the magnificent progress in the 
peace process, we are saddened and frustrated by the vicious terrorist 
attacks which are carried out by an unyielding and elusive extremist 
minority.
  Mr. Speaker, I invite my colleagues to read Secretary Christopher's 
thoughtful remarks and productive suggestions as to how the United 
States can play a stronger role in bringing these attacks to an end.

           Fighting Terrorism: Challenges for the Peacemakers

       Thank you very much, Mike. It is a real pleasure to speak 
     again at The Washington Institute. Under the leadership of 
     Mike Stein, Barbi Weinberg, and Rob Satloff, the Institute 
     has continued to excel as an invaluable forum for the 
     discussion of U.S. policy in the Middle East. I should say 
     that the Institute has been a reservoir for talent as well. 
     Any organization that could help cultivate the likes of 
     Martin Indyk, Dennis Ross, and John Hannah has got to be 
     doing something right. Sometimes I think that the State 
     Department owes you a finder's fee.
       As Mike mentioned, I last spoke at the Institute in October 
     1993, soon after Prime Minister Rabin and Chairman Arafat 
     shook hands on the White House lawn and forever changed the 
     course of Middle East history. Since then, much has happened. 
     Israel and Jordan are at peace. Palestinians defied the Hamas 
     call to boycott elections and in doing so gave their clear 
     mandate for peace. Today, they govern themselves in Gaza and 
     most cities in the West Bank. The Palestinian National 
     Council voted overwhelmingly to make good on its commitment 
     to cancel the egregious provisions of its charter. Economic 
     summits have been held in Casablanca and Amman. Eight members 
     of the Arab League have made official visits to Israel, and--
     with the exception of Libya, Iraq, and Sudan--every Arab 
     League member has participated in some aspect of the peace 
     process.
       Had I predicted these events in 1993, you probably would 
     have said that I needed a long rest. The scope and pace of 
     change has truly been breathtaking. It has come so fast that 
     what was previously unthinkable is now routine. In the face 
     of difficult challenges, it is easy to forget how 
     dramatically the peace process has already transformed the 
     landscape of the Middle East. As we move forward, we must 
     remember the enormous progress we have made.
       None of the challenges we now face is more pressing than 
     the fight against terrorism. Terrorism destroys innocent 
     lives. It undermines a society's sense of security--and with 
     it the very foundation upon which a lasting peace must be 
     built. As such, terrorism is a threat to our national 
     interests--not simply in the Middle East, but around the 
     world.
       President Clinton has rightly identified terrorism as one 
     of the most important security challenges we face in the wake 
     of the Cold War. As he said in his address to the United 
     Nations last October, terrorism today is a world-wide 
     phenomenon. No one is immune. Certainly not Israel. But 
     also not Egypt. Or Japan. Or France, Britain, or Germany. 
     Or Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Argentina, or Algeria. And, 
     unfortunately, not America, where terrorists have struck 
     from lower Manhattan to Oklahoma City.
       As if the threat is not already severe enough, we now face 
     an even more alarming danger: the terrorist armed with 
     weapons of mass destruction. Last year's nerve gas attack on 
     the Tokyo subway system was a grim omen. It was also a wakeup 
     call for the world. The threat is real. We must act now to 
     meet it.
       the United States is leading the way. Last month, the 
     President signed into law landmark anti-terrorism 
     legislation. This bill provides law enforcement with new 
     tools to stop terrorists before they strike and to bring them 
     to justice when they do. It strengthens our ability to 
     prevent international terrorists from raising funds in the 
     United States. And while ensuring legal safeguards, it allows 
     us quickly to expel foreigners who provide support for 
     terrorist activities.
       The United States has also spearheaded efforts to combat 
     terrorism on a global level. We have imposed strong sanctions 
     against states that sponsor or harbor terrorists. We have 
     intensified our counter-terrorism cooperation with other 
     countries, allowing us to apprehend key figures in attacks 
     like the World Trade Center bombing. Last December, with our 
     partners in the G-7 and Russia, we convened a ministerial 
     meeting in Ottawa to develop common strategies for fighting 
     terror. And in April, President Clinton joined President 
     Yeltsin and other leaders in Moscow, where they agreed on new 
     steps to prevent nuclear materials from falling into the 
     wrong hands.
       Nowhere in the world has America's leadership in the fight 
     against terror been more evident than in the Middle East. We 
     have maintained UN sanctions against Libya for its role in 
     the bombing of Pan-Am 103. And we are working to increase 
     pressure on Sudan for its support of last June's 
     assassination attempt against Egypt's President Mubarak.
       America's most critical role, however--and the one I want 
     to focus on today--is defending the Middle East peace process 
     and the peacemakers against the vicious attacks of their 
     enemies. Terrorists and their supporters are now engaged 
     in a systematic assault on Israel and the peace process. 
     Their goal is clear: They seek to kill the very 
     possibility of peace by destroying every Israeli's sense 
     of personal security.
       The enemies of peace are escalating their attacks for a 
     very clear reason: the peace process is succeeding. With 
     every step toward peace that Israel and her neighbors take, 
     the enemies of peace grow more desperate and more determined 
     to lash out. They must promote fear because they know that 
     hope is their undoing.
       The United States is determined to ensure that the enemies 
     of peace do not succeed. We will never give in to their 
     terror. We refuse to allow terrorists to undermine our 
     resolve or divert us from our goal of a real, secure, and 
     lasting peace for Israel and for all the peoples of the 
     Middle East.
       When Israel was terrorized by a wave of suicide bombings in 
     February and March, President Clinton responded by organizing 
     the Sharm el-Sheikh summit. Literally overnight, leaders from 
     around the world answered his call to join Israel--not to 
     celebrate another breakthrough in the peace process, but to 
     defend the peace process at a moment of crisis. It was an 
     unprecedented event that sent an unmistakable message: The 
     enemies of peace are doomed. Their terror will only 
     strengthen our resolve to complete the circle of peace and 
     put them out of business for good.
       Sharm el-Sheikh launched a process to expand joint efforts 
     against terrorism throughout the region. Most recently, 
     President Clinton and Prime Minister Peres signed a new anti-
     terrorism accord that will strengthen cooperation between our 
     two governments. In addition, the United States is providing 
     Israel with more than $100 million in anti-terrorism 
     equipment and training.
       We have also begun to bolster the counter-terrorism 
     capabilities of the Palestinian Authority. With our support, 
     Israeli and Palestinian security services are now cooperating 
     in a joint campaign to root out the terrorist infrastructure 
     in the West Bank and Gaza. Palestinian forces have 
     intercepted many suicide bombers. They have uncovered 
     explosives and arms caches. They have arrested, tried, and 
     imprisoned perpetrators of acts and continue to hunt down 
     others.
       Chairman Arafat today clearly understands that he must give 
     a 100 percent effort in the war on terror--and not just 
     because his agreements with Israel require it. He is doing it 
     because he knows that the bombs of Hamas and Islamic Jihad 
     are trying to destroy Palestinian aspirations as much as they 
     are Israeli lives. The United States will continue to insist 
     that this increased Palestinian effort is sustained.
       Like Hamas before it, Hizbollah's purpose in last month's 
     attacks in Lebanon was also to kill the peace process. As 
     hostilities escalated, America's responsibility and interests 
     were clear: To use our influence to stop the suffering of 
     innocent civilians, to end the crisis, and to create a new 
     framework to limit the chances of it happening again.
       The agreement that resulted from my shuttle mission 
     achieved those objectives. Hundreds of thousands of Israelis 
     and Lebanese have been able to return to their homes. New, 
     written understandings have been reached to contain the 
     dangers of any hostilities. An international effort will be 
     mounted to assist in Lebanon's reconstruction. And we are 
     organizing a Monitoring Group in which Israel, Lebanon, and 
     Syria are being brought together for the first time to help 
     prevent another crisis.
       This recent campaign of violence has again shone the 
     spotlight on a disturbing reality: When it comes to terrorism 
     against the peace process, Iran is playing a leading role. 
     Iran's leaders regularly use rhetoric that incites terrorism. 
     President Rafsanjani called

[[Page E896]]

     Prime Minister Rabin's assassination ``divine vengeance.'' 
     And just prior to the Hamas bombing spree, Iran's Supreme 
     Leader, Khameini, preached that ``The power of Islam will 
     ultimately bring about the end of the rootless Zionist regime 
     * * * which must be destroyed.''
       Iran has not stopped at rhetoric. It frequently meets with 
     all the major terrorist groups--including Hizbollah, Hamas, 
     Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and the PFL-PGC. It actively 
     encourages these groups to use terror to destroy the peace 
     process. It provides them with money--up to several million 
     dollars a year in the case of Hamas, Islamic, Jihad, and 
     others; and up to $100 million a year for Hizbollah. Iran 
     also supplies them with arms and material support, training, 
     and--in some cases--operational guidance.
       The evidence has grown in recent months. In advance of 
     Israel's elections, Iranian-trained terrorists have been sent 
     to infiltrate Israel and the Palestinian territories. Some 
     have been intercepted. Others narrowly failed in carrying out 
     their deadly activities. Still others have succeeded in their 
     murderous missions. We believe that an Iranian-backed group 
     was responsible for last week's drive-by shooting of an 
     Israeli-American yeshiva student in the West Bank. In another 
     case, Belgium intercepted a shipment containing a mortar, 
     which came from Iran and was probably intended for an attack 
     on a Jewish target in Europe.
       There should no longer be any debate about Iran's 
     involvement in terrorism against the peace process. German 
     Foreign Minister Kinkel left no doubt that in remarks he made 
     here in Washington just two weeks ago. He said that Germany 
     is ``fully aware of the evil things that Iran has been doing 
     and is still doing.'' He went on to say that ``[T]he 
     Americans and the Germans agree as to the general assessment 
     of what Iran means by way of terrorism * * * support of 
     Hizbollah, Hamas, and Jihad.''
       While we and our allies now share a similar analysis of the 
     facts, we differ when it comes to how best to deal with Iran. 
     The United States believes that Iran will only change its 
     behavior when the world makes it pay a sufficiently high 
     political and economic price. We must deny Iran's leaders the 
     resources to finance their dangerous policies. That is why 
     the President decided last year to impose a comprehensive 
     embargo on U.S. trade with Iran. And that is why we have been 
     working with Congress on legislation to further tighten 
     economic restrictions on Iran.
       In contrast, some European nations continue to engage Iran 
     in what they call a critical dialogue, while maintaining 
     normal trade. The Europeans themselves acknowledge that their 
     policy has produced no significant change in Iranian 
     behavior. We remain convinced that no amount of dialogue will 
     alter Iran's policies, unless it is coupled with real 
     economic pressure.
       Let me stress one point: We do not oppose the EU policy 
     because we oppose the principle of speaking with Iran. The 
     United States has long said that we are ready to conduct an 
     open dialogue with authoritative representatives of the 
     Iranian government, in which we could fully air our two major 
     concerns: First, Iran's support for terrorism, especially 
     against the peace process. And second, its efforts to acquire 
     weapons of mass destruction. Iran, however, has never taken 
     up this offer.
       Our determination to contain Iran and to defeat the enemies 
     of peace is clear. But so is our commitment to press ahead 
     with negotiations on a comprehensive Arab-Israeli peace. 
     Anything less would hand the terrorists the very victory they 
     seek.
       To close the circle of peace, agreements between Israel and 
     Syria and between Israel and Lebanon are essential. Syria 
     presents us with a unique challenge. On the one hand, we 
     continue to have serious problems in our bilateral 
     relationship with Syria. Syria remains on our narcotics list 
     as well as our terrorism list.
       Both President Clinton and I have consistently pressed our 
     concerns with President Assad and other senior Syrian 
     officials. We will continue to do so, and to make clear that 
     these concerns must be met before the United States can build 
     a mutually beneficial relationship with Syria.
       Yet we recognize that Syria is different from Iran. Iran 
     rejects the very notion of peace and has dedicated itself to 
     Israel's destruction. By contrast, Syria has been negotiating 
     directly with Israel to end their conflict. I have no 
     illusions. Translating that willingness to negotiate into a 
     peace agreement will be difficult. But the talks thus far 
     have provided a solid foundation for progress when 
     negotiations resume.
       As long as we remain convinced that peace is possible, we 
     must continue to work with the parties to achieve a 
     breakthrough that would have far-reaching strategic 
     consequences--not just for the Middle East, but for America's 
     vital interests. A comprehensive peace will dramatically 
     reduce the risks of another Arab-Israeli war. It will remove 
     the final constraints on Israel's having normal relations 
     with the entire Arab and Muslim world.
       Finally, and perhaps most importantly, ending the Arab-
     Israeli conflict will allow us and our friends to harness our 
     resources to meet the common set of strategic challenges that 
     threaten us all--especially the rise of extremist movements 
     that use terrorism and violence, and rogue states, like Iran 
     and Iraq, that possess weapons of mass destruction.
       These are the real dangers that we and our friends will 
     have to address in the coming years. In pursuit of our 
     national interests, we are determined to do so. A critical 
     part of our strategy must be a continued effort to seize the 
     historic opportunity that now exists to achieve a secure and 
     comprehensive peace.

                          ____________________