[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 63 (Wednesday, May 8, 1996)]
[House]
[Pages H4536-H4550]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
ESTABLISHING SELECT SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE UNITED STATES ROLE IN
IRANIAN ARMS TRANSFERS TO CROATIA AND BOSNIA
Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I
call up House Resolution 416 and ask for its immediate consideration.
The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:
H. Res. 416
Resolved, That (a) there is established a Select
Subcommittee on the United States Role in Iranian Arms
Transfers to Croatia and Bosnia (hereinafter referred to as
the ``select subcommittee'') of the Committee on
International Relations. The select subcommittee is
authorized to sit and act during this Congress at such times
and places within the United States, including any common-
wealth or possession thereof, or in any other country,
whether the House is in session or has adjourned.
(b) The select subcommittee shall be composed of 8 members
of the Committee on International Relations appointed by the
chairman of the Committee on International Relations, 5 of
whom shall be members of the majority party and 3 of whom
shall be appointed upon the recommendation of the ranking
minority party member of the committee. The chairman of the
Committee on International Relations shall designate one of
the majority party members as chairman. Any vacancy occurring
in the membership of the select subcommittee shall be filled
in the same manner in which the original appointment was
made.
(c) The select subcommittee is authorized and directed to
conduct a full and complete investigation, and to make such
findings and recommendations to the Committee on
[[Page H4537]]
International Relations as the select subcommittee deems
appropriate relating to the following matters:
(1) The policy of the United States Government with respect
to the transfer of arms and other assistance from Iran or any
other country to countries or entities within the territory
of the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia during any
period that an international arms embargo of the former
Yugoslavia was in effect.
(2) The nature and extent of the transfer of arms or other
assistance from Iran or any other country to countries or
entities within the territory of the former Federal Republic
of Yugoslavia during the period that an international arms
embargo of the former Yugoslavia was in effect.
(3) Any actions taken by the United States Government to
facilitate or to impede transfers described in paragraphs (1)
and (2).
(4) Any communications or representations made to the
Congress of the United States or the American people with
respect to the matters described in paragraph (1), (2), or
(3), with respect to the international arms embargo of the
former Yugoslavia, or with respect to efforts to modify and
terminate United States participation in that embargo.
(5) Any implication of the matters described in paragraphs
(1), (2), and (3) for the safety of United States Armed
Forces deployed in and around Bosnia, for the prompt
withdrawal of United States Armed Forces from Bosnia, for
relations between the United States and its allies, and for
United States efforts to isolate Iran.
(6) Any actions taken to review, analyze, or investigate
any of the matters described in paragraph (1), (2), (3), (4),
or (5), or to keep such matters from being revealed.
(7) All deliberations, discussions, or communications
within the United States Government relating to the matters
described in paragraph (1), (2), (3), (4), (5), or (6), and
all communications between the United States Government (or
any of its officers or employees) and other governments,
organizations, or individuals relating to such matters.
(d) The select subcommittee shall be deemed to be a
subcommittee of a standing committee of the House of
Representatives for all purposes of the Rules of the House,
including clause 2(m) of rule XI, but not for purposes of
clause 6(d) of rule X. The select subcommittee may sit while
the House is reading for amendment under the five-minute
rule.
(e)(1) The chairman of the select subcommittee, for
purposes of its investigation, may, upon consultation with
the ranking minority party member of the select subcommittee,
authorize the taking of affidavits and dispositions pursuant
to notice or subpoena, by a member of the select subcommittee
or of the staff of the Committee on International Relations
designated by the chairman of the select subcommittee, or
require the furnishing of information by interrogatory, under
oath administered by a person otherwise authorized by law to
administer oaths.
(2) The select subcommittee shall provide other committees
and Members of the House with access to information and
proceedings, under procedures adopted by the select
subcommittee consistent with clause 7(c) of rule XLVIII of
the Rules of the House of Representatives. However, the
select subcommittee may direct that particular matters or
classes of matter shall not be made available to any person
by its members, staff, or others, or may impose any other
restriction. The select subcommittee shall, as appropriate,
provide access to information and proceedings to the Speaker,
the majority leader, the minority leader, and their
appropriate cleared and designated staff.
(3) Authorized subpoenas may be signed by the chairman of
the select subcommittee.
(f) The select subcommittee shall transmit a report to the
Committee on International Relations not later than 6 months
after the date on which this resolution is agreed to. The
report shall contain a detailed statement of the findings of
the select subcommittee, together with its recommendations.
(g) The select subcommittee shall cease to exist 6 months
after the date on which this resolution is agreed to.
{time} 1130
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Hansen). The gentleman from New York
[Mr. Solomon] is recognized for 1 hour.
Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, for the purposes of debate only, I yield
the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Texas [Mr. Frost],
pending which I yield myself such time as I might consume. Mr. Speaker,
during consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the
purpose of debate only.
Mr. Speaker, House Resolution 416 was introduced on April 29 by the
distinguished chairman of the Committee on International Relations, the
gentleman from New York [Mr. Gilman], and referred exclusively to the
Committee on Rules as a matter of original jurisdiction. It was
considered by the Rules Committee on May 2 and reported to the floor
that day.
This resolution establishes a select committee of the Committee on
International Relations to investigate the United States role in
Iranian arms transfers to Croatia and Bosnia. The purpose of the
resolution is to permit the Committee on International Relations to
create a select committee, select subcommittee, for the exclusive
purposes of investigating what role, if any, the United States played
in the shipment of arms from Iran to Croatia and Bosnia,
notwithstanding the 1991 United Nations embargo against such shipments
to the former Nation of Yugoslavia.
The resolution is designed to focus in a single unit of this House
the primary responsibility for investigating this matter while
permitting cooperation with other committees of jurisdiction,
particularly the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, Mr.
Speaker.
The resolution is also needed to provide certain additional
authorities to the subcommittee to permit it to conduct a thorough, yet
expeditious, investigation, and these would include the authority to
sit and act both within and without the United States, the ability to
sit while the House is considering legislation under the 5-minute rule,
the authority for the chairman of the subcommittee, in consultation
with the ranking minority member, to designate a single member of the
subcommittee, or staff of the committee, to take depositions and
affidavits.
The select committee would be limited in both time and scope, as it
should be, as the resolution specifically outlines its parameters and
contains a 6-month sunset clause.
Mr. Speaker, I do not want to go to great lengths in describing the
events leading up to the need for this investigation. Needless to say,
if the administration had adopted the policy that this Congress has
recommended on at least two different occasions to unilaterally lift
the embargo on Bosnia, then we might have avoided such a back-door
approach by a country we have attempted to isolate, a terrorist Nation
called Iran. What we know is that while the Clinton administration was
vigorously opposing congressional attempts to lift this ill-advised,
immoral arms embargo, it was simultaneously winking at one of the
world's worst rogue regimes as it violated the arms embargo.
Mr. Speaker, that not only makes no sense, it is simply outrageous.
Only this administration, which has proven itself so completely
incompetent in the field of foreign policy, could conclude that it was
better for Iran to give arms to Bosnia than for the American Government
or the American private sector to give arms to Bosnia.
But even more fundamental questions arise, Mr. Speaker, as to the
operations of our foreign policy and the administration's obligation to
keep the Congress fully informed, which in this case it absolutely did
not.
Beyond that there are serious questions as to whether the
administration even attempted to keep those parts of its own executive
branch charged by law with overseeing such policies fully informed.
They did not. It appears that not even the CIA was aware of this
policy. Can my colleagues imagine that? In addition to the Defense
Department and several U.S. Embassies in the Balkan region not even
knowing what was going on, I mean they are an integral part of the
administration and they were not even bothered to be told.
Mr. Speaker, no one questions the need for secrecy regarding certain
foreign policy initiatives or actions, certainly not this Member, but
enough serious questions remain to warrant us getting to the bottom of
this, and that is what this subcommittee will do, I am sure. I think we
can have the greatest confidence in the leadership abilities and the
fairness of the person designated to head this select committee, the
gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Hyde]. I served on the Committee on
Foreign Affairs with him for many, many years. In addition, he is the
chairman of the Committee on the Judiciary, highly respected by every
Member of this body on both sides of the aisle. His foreign policy
expertise, his intelligence and his integrity are certainly beyond
reproach.
Mr. Speaker, I think it is important to point out that this
resolution does not go as far as some previous select committees or
task forces have done because this is not a select committee and it is
not a task force. It is a select subcommittee of a standing committee.
For instance, a chairman of the subcommittee has not been delegated
the
[[Page H4538]]
authority to authorize subpoenas. That must be voted on by the whole
subcommittee with the majority being present, just like it would be in
any other standing committee.
So I want to take this opportunity to commend the gentleman from New
York [Mr. Gilman] on taking this necessary but very balanced approach
to this disturbing set of circumstances that have to be cleared up in
order to find out and to set a precedent for what kind of foreign
policy we will have in the future.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
(Mr. FROST asked and was given permission to include extraneous
material.)
Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, this select committee is not only completely
unnecessary but also completely political.
It is being created to investigate a policy issue and nobody is
claiming wrongdoing. Make no mistake about it, the rule we are
discussing is pure politics and nothing else.
The creation of this committee and the subsequent expenditure will
amount to $1 million of work for the Dole campaign.
The issue my Republican colleagues claim needs investigating, the
issue of Iranian arms shipments to Bosnia and Croatia, has been common
knowledge to every single Member of this House since early 1994 and
absolutely no one objected to those shipments. In fact, in October of
that same year, Congress voted to look the other way on enforcing the
arms embargo. Furthermore, the Intelligence Oversight Board determines
that there was no covert action and no violation of laws whatsoever.
Mr. Speaker, here are the facts: Everyone knew these arms transfers
were taking place; nobody objected; a majority of the House voted not
to enforce sanctions; and absolutely no one is accusing the White House
of any wrongdoing.
So why on earth, Mr. Speaker, do my Republican colleagues want to
spend $1 million to investigate nothing at all?
Frankly, I don't see how anyone can stand here and tell me this
ridiculous, trumped up charade which is scheduled to end the week
before election day is anything more than a cheap political stunt.
And, may I remind the House, Mr. Speaker, that the creation of this
committee is being dictated by the same leadership that is asking
congressional committees to perform opposition research for the Dole
campaign.
Mr. Speaker, I think the Republican leadership ought to be ashamed.
They are creating a whole new congressional committee just because
they can and it is wrong. They are actually trying to spend $1 million
to investigate something no one objected to 2 years ago, and, on top of
that, they are demanding the committee finish its work a week before
election day.
I don't think the creation of this committee could be any more
transparent, Mr. Speaker.
If this issue really needs to be investigated, which I doubt, and if
it is not a political move, then why can't it take place in the
existing structure of one of the standing congressional committees?
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to defeat the previous question in
order to conduct this investigation within the existing structure of
the Foreign Affairs Committee and using the existing resources instead
of an additional $1 million.
If the previous question is not defeated, I urge my colleagues to
vote against the resolution to keep our legislative branch out of
presidential politics: It's a waste of money; it's a waste of time; and
it's insulting to the American people.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from
Sanibel, FL [Mr. Goss], a very valuable member of the Committee on
Rules and also a very valuable member of the Permanent Select Committee
on Intelligence.
(Mr. GOSS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. GOSS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished gentleman from New
York [Mr. Solomon] for yielding this time to me.
Mr. Speaker, this resolution provides a measured and appropriate
response to recent disturbing disclosures about secret administration
policy with respect to Iranian arms shipments during the Bosnian
conflict. I think most Members would agree that there remain many
serious questions about this policy, the circumstances surrounding its
formulation and the lack of information provided to the Congress
regarding its execution. These questions are particularly important
given the presence of thousands of United States troops in Bosnia and
the serious national security consequences of encouraging an Iranian
foothold in Europe. It is not only the clear right, but also the
obligation of Congress, to conduct a careful review in search of more
thorough answers to these questions, a point made eloquently at the
Rules Committee by the distinguished ranking member of the
International Relations Committee, Mr. Hamilton. Mr. Hamilton advised
that he believes this is undoubtedly an issue for Congress to
investigate. As stewards of the management of this House, the majority
has determined that the most effective means for conducting this review
is to create a special purpose, temporary, select subcommittee within
the International Relations Committee, and that is precisely what House
resolution 416 proposes to do. It is our judgment, and the judgment of
such respected foreign policy experts in this House as Mr. Gilman and
Mr. Hyde, that this matter requires the focus, expanded resources, and
clearly defined authority to gather information of a special select
subcommittee. Given Mr. Hamilton's reasoned words and his candid
assessment of the complexity of the issues involved in this matter, I
am dismayed that some of his Democratic colleagues in the House are
still resisting this investigation. This resistance is even more
puzzling given news reports that the minority leader in the other body
has publicly expressed no opposition to it. Although other committees,
including Select Intelligence, on which I serve, will be exploring
certain points of jurisdictional interest, it is sensible and practical
for one body to accept the primary, exclusive and comprehensive
responsibility for this task. In addition, through this resolution we
are clearly defining the job description of this select subcommittee,
while providing a clear and decisive end-date for the investigation.
Mr. Speaker, Members of this House and the American people have a
right to know how it was that, at a time when the administration was
publicly opposing bipartisan efforts in this Congress to lift the
Bosnian arms embargo, the President and a few others working for him
pursued a policy of tacit approval for Iranian arms shipments through
Croatia to the Bosnian Government. Apparently we had Americans working
against Americans in our Croatian country team--the White House
reportedly working against itself and Congress. In addition to the
troubling gap between the public exhortations of the Clinton
administration about preserving the arms embargo and the apparent
private decision to allow Iran to supply arms in contravention of the
embargo--I am troubled at the apparently calculated lack of
congressional notification about these events. This was not CIA;
ironically they were the whistleblowers, according to the press. This
was a small band of the President's men, it seems. And, perhaps most
troubling of all, I am deeply concerned about the long-term impact of
allowing an outlaw terrorist nation, Iran, to establish a presence in
Bosnia. This goes beyond foolish policy to increased national security
risks and it is not a matter to be taken lightly by this Congress. We
need the truth from the White House, the whole truth. This resolution
starts us in that direction. I support this resolution and urge my
colleagues to do the same.
{time} 1145
Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Texas
[Mr. Doggett].
Mr. DOGGETT. Mr. Speaker, this resolution is designed to implement
the oft-repeated trademark of the self-styled Gingrich revolutionaries:
Promises made, promises broken. They came to the floor of this Congress
last January and told us they were interested in reforming the
committee process and
[[Page H4539]]
cutting the amount of taxpayer money spent in this Congress.
As a new Member, I joined with them in that effort. How do they
proposed to fulfill that promise today? By adding a $1 million
subcommittee, $1 million paid by the taxpayers of America; another
subcommittee that is five times more expensive than the average
subcommittee in this House. That is promises made, promises broken.
Who says the Republicans do not want to raise the minimum wage? They
proposed to pay four of their political backers over $100,000 each to
man this expensive subcommittee. They want to raise the minimum wage.
They just want to do it for a handful of their political friends,
instead of for the hardworking people of this country.
This subcommittee should rightfully be called the rabbit trail
subcommittee, because they are down there chasing another rabbit. They
have not got the slightest idea how to solve the real problems of the
American people, so instead of focusing on those problems, they head
off to Bosnia. Instead of focusing on solving our problems here at
home, in dealing with the real troubles that hardworking families
across this country have, they want to chase off to Bosnia.
Mr. Speaker, last year they caught shutdown fever and they could not
seem to get rid of it. This year they are suffering another malady. It
is the same malady, but there are other symptoms. They are called
sinking spells. They just keep sinking right on down into the ground in
the polls, because the American people understand that all they have
given us is promises made, promises broken. As a solution for this
sinking spell that they are now suffering, they proposed gimmicks like
this subcommittee.
Mr. Speaker, I would say to my Republican colleagues, heal thyselves.
Stop wasting taxpayer money on this kind of frivolity.
Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 1 brief minute to call
attention to a report that was put out by the Democratic leadership
back in 1992. It is ``Management of the Federal Government: A Decade of
Decline.''
As the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Clinger] says in his letter
to the gentleman from Georgia [Mr. Gingrich]:
I have enclosed for your information and your use a staff
report from the former Committee on Government Operations
entitled ``Managing the Federal Government: A Decade of
Decline.'' This report chronicles mismanagement and ethical
lapses which occurred throughout the Reagan and Bush
administrations.
I could go on, but it is strange to hear them come here now and
complain, when they went to considerable time and expense using
committee staff to put out this report. I just do not understand this
kind of logic.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Claremont, CA
[Mr. Dreier], a valuable member of the Committee on Rules.
(Mr. DREIER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. DREIER. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend for yielding time to me.
Mr. Speaker, I think some very important questions have to be
addressed here. That is the reason that we are strongly supporting
establishment of this subcommittee. It seems to me that as we look at
these questions, to have my friends on the other side of the aisle
saying this is totally unnecessary, one must ask: Was the
administration telling the American people, Congress, our allies, and
even most of the executive branch one thing while it was doing another?
Did any of the administration's actions violate U.S. law? Was the U.S.
Government's role in these arms transfers simply passive, or was it, as
the Los Angeles Times stated on April 17, more hands on? Which
Government officials knew about these arms transfers and when?
How extensive was the effort to keep Congress uninformed of the
Iranian operations? Why did the Clinton administration allow Iran to
extend its influence into Europe after the administration had announced
a policy of isolating Iran? Why would the Clinton administration allow
Iran, a State Department terrorist nation, as it is designated, to
unilaterally violate the arms embargo, after repeatedly ignoring U.S.
congressional pleas and directives for the United States to do so? Did
the administration's action increase the risk to United States Armed
Forces deployed in Bosnia, or decrease the likelihood of a timely
withdrawal of United States Armed Forces from Bosnia?
Mr. Speaker, these are among the many questions that must be
answered. For my friends on the other side of the aisle to claim that
this is totally unnecessary is preposterous. These need to be answered
because of our constitutional responsibility, and the fact that we are
accountable to the American people and to those who are courageously
standing and serving on behalf of our country.
Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
Connecticut [Mr. Gejdenson]
Mr. GEJDENSON. Mr. Speaker, I think it is important to look at the
history here. We had 4 years of the Bush administration where they did
nothing while mass murder continued in Yugoslavia. President Clinton
came along and, with tremendous effort, was able to get a peace process
that is now holding.
Why are we here today? The gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Walker]
and the gentleman from Iowa [Mr. Nussle], two of the gentlemen who are
the gentleman from Georgia, Mr. Gingrich's, closest associates, sent
out a message to committee chairmen: Use taxpayer money to get the
President. What are they trying to get the President on?
Let us take a look at it. The Iranians were shipping arms to the
Muslims in the former Yugoslavian area from the beginning, but in April
1994 the administration did not stop the Iranians from sending arms
into Bosnia.
Mr. Speaker, there was no law, no U.N. resolution that mandated they
do that. But that is what happened in April. In May, the Washington
Post publishes a report of Iranian arms shipments into the former
Yugoslavian Republics. That was in April 1994.
Now we are in May 1994. Everybody who reads the Washington Post now
knows it is going on, or they ought to have a pretty good suspicion.
What happens in June? Congress passes an amendment calling for a
unilateral lifting of the arms embargo, violating our U.N. agreement,
maybe putting our embargo of Libya in danger. But we are all concerned
about what is happening with the slaughter there.
Just in case Members think Republicans missed the Post article, here
we have on June 24 a Washington Times story: ``Iranian Weapons Sent.
Aid Gets U.S. Wink.'' It is included in the Senate Record by Mr.
McCain, who is leading the effort for Senator Dole's reelection.
Now, just in case you think Congress knew about it and wanted to stop
it after it was in the papers, what did Congress do, with the gentleman
from New York [Mr. Gilman] and the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Hyde]
voting in favor of the resolution? It passed a resolution in the
defense authorization bill which said that the President should be
prohibited from interfering with arms shipments into the former
Yugoslavian Republics; the President should be prohibited. It did not
say the President should be prohibited except for the Iranians who have
been shipping arms there to the Muslims from the beginning. It simply
said, across the board, the President ought to be prohibited from
interfering with arms shipments.
The U.N. resolution did not call on us to take this action. There was
no congressional action to have the President interfere with Iranian
arms shipments. To the contrary, this Congress passed a resolution that
told the President he was not to interfere with arms shipments from
other countries.
Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, it seems odd to see the gentleman from Connecticut,
whose name has appeared on the National Taxpayers Union's list of
biggest spenders since the year he came here, complaining about wasting
taxpayers' money.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to my good friend, the distinguished
gentleman from California [Mr. Cox], the chairman of the Republican
Policy Committee.
Mr. COX of California. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for
yielding time to me.
Mr. Speaker, during his recent circumnavigation of the planet,
President Clinton stopped at the G-7 summit to
[[Page H4540]]
hector our allies about leaning harder on the Iranian mullahs who are
shipping arms to the Hezbollah guerrillas in Lebanon. But while he was
publicly condemning Iran, and while the administration and the
President were calling Iran the main source of international terrorism,
we find that President Clinton was in fact conniving for even larger
Iranian shipments into the Balkans.
Mr. Speaker, let us take a look at the history of this. It was May
1992 that the United Nations imposed an arms embargo on the former
Yugoslavia. The United States supported this arms embargo, but Bill
Clinton, who was running for President, opposed it. He said it was a
cruel arms embargo, and that we ought to lift it. He became President
and completely changed his policy, and broke that promise and said,
``No, we are going to have an arms embargo, because it would be wrong
now for anyone to ship arms into the Balkans.''
The Congress, for its part, agreed with candidate Clinton, not
President Clinton, and supported lifting the arms embargo with a view
not to letting Iran into Europe but, rather, our allies such as Saudi
Arabia and Turkey supply the Bosnian Muslims with arms. But the
President of the United States opposed even that, and in particular, of
course, he opposed the United States in any way being involved in arms
shipments into the Balkans.
Finally, Mr. Speaker, we discover that the President concealed not
just from the American people, not just from the Congress, but from the
CIA and from the Joint Chiefs of Staff the United States' complicity,
through our American Ambassador, in these direct Iranian shipments into
the Balkans.
What is wrong with this? First, it is wrong to structure an operation
of this type for the express purpose of concealing something from the
Congress. All that has gone before about whether or not these shipments
were taking place, whether or not people knew about them, elides over
the fact that what we did not know and what the CIA station chief did
not know and what the Joint Chiefs did not know was about the
administration's and the President's and the Ambassador's own
involvement, all of this structured for the purpose of concealing this
from the Congress.
What about the policy? It is insane. It is absolutely insane to give
Iran a toehold into Europe. That is the policy that was being concealed
here. One can understand why.
Is it worthwhile for us to have a very time-limited and financially
limited committee to take a look at this? Of course it is.
Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from
Colorado [Mrs. Schroeder].
Mrs. SCHROEDER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding time
to me.
Mr. Speaker, there is more misinformation going on around here, and
especially by people who call themselves great budget hawks. Let us
talk about what is going on. They want $1 million, that is five times
more than the average subcommittee has in this Congress, $1 million for
a short-term subcommittee. They are going to take care of these people,
too. Four are going to make over $100,000 apiece.
They have a line item in here for bottled water. This is the bottled
water subcommittee. They have another line item that they get new RCA
color TV's. That makes you wonder a bit, too. But the real issue is
this House is already spending $37.2 million for 132 staff people to
look at foreign affairs issues. There are supposedly three Bosnia
investigations going on right now in those standing committees, so this
will be investigation No. 4.
The only way I can read this is the three are not turning up what
they want, or they figure if you have four and you keep having enough
committees out there, maybe somebody will finally find something on
President Clinton. This is desperation politics, I think, at its very
worst.
Let us think about what else they did. We have done away with the
committee on drugs, we have done away with the committee for seniors,
we have even done away with the committee on hunger, children, youth,
and families. Apparently those are not issues anymore. We do not have
enough money to spend on those issues. But we can now have the fourth
investigation on Bosnia, the fourth.
Mr. Speaker, that does not make any sense to me. I think if we do not
think the other three are doing well, then fire the people who are in
charge of them, put the right people in, but you do not keep piling on
more. That is why we are so suspicious. Having this follow the
political memo, this looks like a political subcommittee.
Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
Indiana [Mr. Hamilton].
Mr. HAMILTON. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding time to
me.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the resolution. I think it is
overkill. This is really not the way to handle a dispute on American
foreign policy.
{time} 1200
The select committee is unnecessary. There are no compelling reasons
for it. There really are no disputes about the facts. There are no
allegations of violation of the law. It is a simple dispute over
policy.
The fact is that in the spring of 1994, the President had some very
tough judgments to make. Does he try to stop the arms shipment and
watch the Bosnian Government go down the tubes? Does he lift the arms
embargo unilaterally, and that would fracture the NATO allies? Or does
he do nothing, and thereby allow shipments of arms from Iran to go
through Croatia to Bosnia?
He chose the third alternative. Some people may disagree with that.
Some may believe it is bad policy, but three things about it I think
can be said: First, the policy worked. It produced peace, and through
this peace the Iranian presence in Bosnia has been reduced practically
to zero. Second, many Members knew about the arms shipment at the time
and they did not protest. And third, Congress, just 3 months after the
administration decision, codified into law where it directed that no
funds be used to enforce the arms embargo.
The second point I would make is that creating this subcommittee is a
mistake because it duplicates the efforts of a lot of other committees
at a cost of about $1 million. There are already three committees in
the House, I do not know how many in the Senate, looking into this
matter and will continue looking into it.
Just a few minutes ago, the Committee on International Relations, the
full committee, not a subcommittee, under the very able leadership of
my friend from New York, Mr. Gilman, voted to subpoena the testimony of
two State Department officials. That is a clear indication that the
committee is conducting an investigation, and that investigation of
policy is proper and reasonable, but there is no reason to set up a
separate subcommittee to do this.
Finally, may I say that I think it is a mistake to establish this
subcommittee simply because it falls far short in ensuring the rights
of the minority. We were not consulted in drafting this resolution. The
resolution gives the minority almost no role in the establishment or
the operation of the subcommittee.
I want to say that I have confidence in the chairman of this select
committee to be established, I assume the gentleman from Illinois [Mr.
Hyde]. I think we will work well together. But it is not an
unreasonable request to insist that the resolution adequately protect
minority rights.
Therefore, I urge my colleagues to defeat the resolution. We need
instead to let the standing committees of the House do their work and
report back to the House on the question. We do not need a select
committee with a very large payroll to examine the wisdom of the
administration's policies.
Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the very distinguished
gentleman from California [Mr. Thomas].
Mr. THOMAS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me the
time.
Mr. Speaker, I would respond to my friend and colleague from Indiana
that he knows full well we just went through a committee funding
procedure in which the chairman of the select subcommittee made a
number of statements on the record.
But before I talk about a comparison between the October Surprise
Task Force, which was chaired by the gentleman from Indiana, and the
current
[[Page H4541]]
select subcommittee, I just think we need to revisit the statements
made by the chairman of the October Surprise Task Force as to the
rationale for the Democrats, who were then in the majority, to conduct
a task force which for 8 months ran without any funding whatsoever and
wound up spending five times as much, open-ended funding. This is what
the gentleman from Indiana said when asked about the task force in
front of the then-Committee on House Administration.
Representative Lee Hamilton said, quote, ``There was no clear
pervasive evidence of wrongdoing, but we ought to go forward.'' He said
he did not know if the allegations were true or false, but we ought to
spend $4.5 million.
He then went on and said he did not know, quote, ``how to get to the
bottom of it unless you have a formal investigation with a body with
some kind of empowerment to issue subpoenas and to take statements
under oath.'' He said the objective of the task force that the
Democrats put in when they were in the majority was a simple one: ``The
objective is to simply find out what happened.''
If you heard the gentleman from California [Mr. Cox], about how this
President, even within the secret inner sanctums of the national
security structure, did not talk about letting Iran into Europe, I
think the Congress of the United States ought to at least know what was
happening.
Now, let us talk about the funding and the ratios. As I said, the
October Surprise Task Force operated for over 8 months and spent
virtually the entire amount of this select subcommittee before ever
coming before a committee to be authorized to spend money.
Let us talk about relationships. The gentleman from Indiana said he
did not know what the relationships were. Hogwash. During the hearing
in front of the Committee on House Oversight, it was clearly spelled
out by the chairman of the full committee and the chairman of the
select subcommittee what those ratios were going to be, and guess what?
In terms of the consultants, it is a 50-50 split.
In no use of staff is the now-minority being treated in any way worse
than the old minority, which is the majority. As a matter of fact, the
new majority is treating the old majority in a fairer way.
So there are some differences. We are putting the money up front. We
have a time limit on it. But the questions, the reason for creating of
the October Surprise Task Force and this one are the same. We want to
get to the bottom of what could be a very smelly situation.
Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
Virginia [Mr. Moran].
Mr. MORAN. Mr. Speaker, it is immoral to stand by while a quarter of
a million people are massacred as victims of genocide. Maybe that is
why for the last 2 years the Congress has not done anything about the
information that it had in June 1994. The Congress reads the papers. It
listens to its colleagues on the floor of the House and Senate.
In June 1994, Senator McCain said clearly, unequivocally:
Croatia has become a major transit point for covert Iranian
arms shipments to Bosnia with the tacit approval of the
Clinton administration, which publicly remains opposed to a
unilateral lifting of the international arms embargo.
Senator McCain said that to all the Senate. The House was aware of
that information, and yet for 2 years no Member of the House or the
Senate has asked for a hearing. No Member of the House or the Senate
objected to what they knew the administration was doing. We said
nothing. We are the ones who kept quiet about it.
I think that there is good reason why we kept quiet about it. For one
thing, the majority would have as a reason that they might be
embarrassed that it was the Bush administration that lost Yugoslavia,
and it was the Bush administration that supported the U.N. Security
Council resolution that imposed the arms embargo in the first place.
That arms embargo was supposed to apply to Serbia and Croatia, who
were the aggressors in the conflict, who had plenty of arms, who had
access to plenty of arms. But in effect the arms embargo only applied
to Bosnia, who did not have sufficient arms to protect itself, who did
not have access to arms, so it was an unfair policy.
Because it was such an unfair policy, this House of Representatives
put itself on record 3 months after the Clinton administration was
aware that the arms might go into Bosnia, we put ourselves on record
demanding that the Clinton administration do just what we are today
accusing them of doing. We told the President not to use any
appropriated funds to enforce the arms embargo, and 3 months later it
became law. We legally required the Clinton administration to do
exactly what we are now accusing them of doing, and it was an
overwhelming vote in both the House and Senate.
I think that we should also be careful, and I do not want to offer
any advice to the other side, but to bring up the Iran-Contra situation
in this context I think is a serious mistake, because the Iran-Contra
situation was clearly illegal. This was not illegal. The Clinton
administration did not supply any arms to Bosnia. It did not take any
overt activity. But it was illegal for the Reagan administration to
sell arms to Iran and then to use the money subsequently for another
illegal operation.
We should not waste the taxpayers' money on this politically inspired
witch hunt.
Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I would inquire of the time remaining on each
side.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Hansen). The gentleman from New York has
11\1/2\ minutes, and the gentleman from Texas has 13\1/2\ minutes.
Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from
Maryland [Mr. Hoyer].
(Mr. HOYER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, it is with a certain degree of sadness that I
rise. I think frankly that the specter of election-year politics raises
its head very high in this instance.
I am one who consistently opposed the Clinton administration's
policies and without exception supported the unilateral, immediate
lifting of the arms embargo. I did that so that peoples under siege,
peoples being raped, pillaged, children being killed, ethnic cleansing
occurring, yes; genocide occurring could be stopped. I believed that it
was immoral and wrong for the United States and its Western allies to
keep from the Bosnian people the means for self-defense. But the West
as a joint policy, with the British and the French leading the
argument, ``Do not arm. It will put our troops at risk that are on the
ground.''
Contrary to the representations of the gentleman from California [Mr.
Cox], the President did not lie. He said he wanted a unilateral
withdrawal, but he thought it would undermine our alliance and
therefore would not support it.
But the fact of the matter is we, as the gentleman from Virginia
pointed out, by law, and I do not know how the gentleman from Illinois
[Mr. Hyde] or the gentleman from California [Mr. Dornan] or the
gentleman from New York [Mr. Solomon] or the gentleman from Florida
[Mr. Goss] or the gentleman from New York [Mr. Gilman] or the gentleman
from New Jersey [Mr. Smith], who are on the floor, voted on that, but
we said, ``Mr. President, you must stop arms coming to these
defenseless people.''
We said that. We directed them in the defense authorization bill of
1994. Now, as the Presidential campaign is about to get underway, we
lament the fact that the President of the United States followed the
law and allowed them to get from whichever source they could the arms
to defend their homes, their freedom, the democracy that they wanted to
establish, the multicultural society which had been a fact of life in
Sarajevo and in Bosnia.
What a tragedy, Mr. Speaker, that we now found ourselves driven
solely by politics to this point where we raise the issue that a
President of the United States, any President of the United States, and
I will tell my friend from Virginia, I thought the Bush policy
initially was correct in Bosnia, which was to leave it to the
Europeans. It turned out we were all wrong. The Europeans did not
engage it and solve it. Ultimately the United States had to do that.
But I regret my friend from New York, who is a very close friend for
[[Page H4542]]
whom I have great respect, and the gentleman from Illinois, for whom I
have very great respect, are at this time looking at what I believe to
be a very short time frame, not the long time frame where history will
judge America not only by what it does, but if we had stopped the
Bosnians from getting arms from whomever they could, we would have been
wrong.
A gentlewoman on your side of the aisle, one of your most
conservative Members walking with me yesterday said, ``Well, good for
the Iranians getting them arms. They needed arms, and I was for them
getting arms.''
That was an honest, nonpolitical response.
{time} 1215
Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, I cannot imagine any conservative
Republican woman in this body saying such a thing, but I will have to
take the gentleman's word for it.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New York [Mr.
Gilman], the very distinguished chairman of the Committee on
International Relations.
(Mr. GILMAN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time.
Mr. Speaker, I regret the gentleman from Maryland has characterized
this as a political action.
Mr. Speaker, in April 1994, the Clinton administration secretly
decided to permit Iran to ship weapons to Bosnia in violation of an
international arms embargo.
The administration took this action even as it strongly opposed the
efforts of many of us in the Congress to terminate that unjust embargo
against Bosnia.
The administration argued that our allies feared that terminating the
embargo would endanger their troops on the ground.
The result of this foolish and deceitful policy has been to give the
terrorist state of Iran a sizeable foothold in Europe, endangered our
troops in Bosnia, as well as peace and security there.
The administration has argued that this is no big deal, stating that
Congress forced them to stop enforcing the arms embargo in November
1994.
According to the Los Angeles Times, the idea of not enforcing the
embargo was proposed by Senator Sam Nunn at a meeting in August 1994
with Ambassador Charles Redmond--then our chief negotiator in the
Balkans.
The article states that Redmond discussed at length the legislative
language the administration would accept.
But he never disclosed that the administration had already given Iran
a go-ahead to smuggle arms into Bosnia.
This is the same Iran that the administration's own annual report on
terrorism, issued just last week, states that it is a major supporter
of such terrorist groups as Hizbollah and Hamas.
The report also states, and I quote: ``Because of Tehran's and
Hizbollah's deep antipathy towards the United States, U.S. missions and
personnel abroad continue to be at risk.'' Close quote.
A select subcommittee of our International Relations Committee is
needed to find out just how and why the Clinton administration made
this major change in policy without telling Congress, the American
people, or even our NATO Allies.
A select committee is needed to find out why--if the administration
did want the Bosnians to have arms, it allowed a terrorist state like
Iran to provide the arms and secure a beachhead in the Balkans.
Accordingly, I urge our colleagues to support the resolution.
Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
California [Mr. Berman].
(Mr. BERMAN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, my friend from New York claims this is not
political. Forty-five minutes ago he, under the direction of his
leadership, with the passionate support of his Republican members of
the Committee on International Relations egging him on, pushed through
that committee a subpoena of two of our Ambassadors, not to the select
committee that we are creating for $1 million now, but to the committee
on International Relations, notwithstanding the fact that the Secretary
of State this very morning had called him and told him he would make
these people available at any mutually agreeable time and wanted to do
anything he could to cooperate with the committee's efforts.
This is purely political.
We talk about Iran and we hear these comments. I do remember a time
when we gave lend-lease to the Stalinist thugs who had committed the
purges and killed millions of people because we thought a national
interest required us to do that. The country of Bosnia was about to go
down. I remember my friend from Illinois speaking in the committee
about article 51, the compelling moral and legal right to help somebody
defend themselves from extinction. That was what was at stake in this
particular issue.
Mr. Speaker, I have not heard one word of any question of either the
legality or the morality of this particular decision. Our options were
not good, we had to make a decision based on the circumstances at the
time. The administration made that decision. A country was saved. To
now, for what I believe are truly political motivations as I watched
what happened this morning in the Committee on International Relations,
go back to the people who most passionately spoke in favor of helping
this country get arms to defend itself, now wanting to make political
hay out of it, I think is quite a tragedy for this House.
Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman
from California [Mr. Dornan], another very distinguished member of this
body who has served on the Committee on Foreign Affairs with me, served
on the Committee on National Security and the Permanent Select
Committee on Intelligence. He is a very outstanding member of this
body.
Mr. DORNAN. Mr. Speaker, I guess it is every man for himself on both
sides of the aisle, whether or not their heart is pure and they think
it is political. If anybody wants to tell me that my feelings on this
issue are political, I'll just laugh in your face. I have been over
there in that area more than any other Member of the House or Senate,
except for staffers on both sides, and administration staffers, and I
am a bit offended that my good friend from Texas would get up and say
that it is ridiculous, trumped up, a charade, cheap political stunts,
he is ashamed of us.
I am on the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence in my eighth
year. What was wrong with the schizophrenic Clinton policy is that the
leaders of all of our committees, Intelligence, Foreign Affairs,
Defense, everybody was shut out of this policy. It came down to a
handful, as I predicted it would 3\1/2\ years ago, to the Strobe Talbot
team, figuring out how they could have their cake and eat it too.
It looked like they were licking the boots of the countries that
wanted no Muslim state on European soil, the leaders of England and
France, Great Britain and France principally, and then to allow the
infrastructure of a terrorist state to win the hearts of the people who
were being genocided was a nightmare policy.
I read the NID, the National Intelligence Daily, as assiduously as
any member of our Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence. I cannot
speak for the Senate. And I can feel the pressure building. I can feel
the similarities to Lebanon, which occurred under my hero, President
Ronald Reagan, where one suicide terrorist bomber was able to destroy
241 Navy, Army, and of them 221 young Marines. Now we have got a
pressure cooker building because we did not have the guts, as I wanted
to do, to go against the Bush policy and put a helicopter attack raid
on the Auschwitz type camps that the Serbians were running in Bosnia.
Remember with the four times more expensive, politicized Gary Sick
affair, you had to accept that George Bush got on a SR-71 Blackbird,
ditching his Secret Service at an Air Force base in New Jersey, flew to
Spain, special refueling tankers, met with Iranian terrorists and come
back from Spain. Absurd. But my friend who I hold in high esteem said
let us get the facts. I am talking about Mr. Hamilton.
All I am saying is let us try to keep politics out of it. Not easy in
an election year. But let us get the facts and stop the nightmarish
schizophrenia of
[[Page H4543]]
the Iranian terrorists who hate our guts and call us the great Satan
and making their new friends in Bosnia. What a nightmare Clinton has
created. I predicted it right here.
Mr. Speaker, here are several reasons why Congress must investigate
the United States role in Iranian arms transfers to Bosnia:
First, in response to the overwhelming and horrific evidence of
atrocities committed against the Bosnians, Members of this House during
eight different legislative occasions either indicated, authorized, or
directed the President to lift the arms embargo--unilaterally if
necessary--and provide arms to the Bosnian Government and treat the
Croatians fairly.
Second, at the same time that the Clinton administration was working
so stridently to prevent Congress from allowing the Bosnians to arm and
thus defend themselves, it connived to allow the Iranians to gain a
position of influence through backdoor arms transfers.
Third, according to the administration's own assessment, the Bosnians
would have needed at least 1 billion dollars' worth of arms to defend
themselves--so no one can argue that Iran's program was a suitable
alternative to United States support.
Fourth, President Clinton's policy of don't pursue the truth on the
Iranian arms supply operation was unnecessary and dangerous in the
extreme. Clinton's small inexperienced Strobe Talbot team withheld from
Congress, our allies, the CIA and the American people, information
about Iran's dangerous involvement because they knew it could not
withstand public scrutiny.
Fifth, the Clinton administration has been claiming that Congress
supported their policy of acquiescence toward Iranian arms transfers by
enacting the Nunn legislation which prohibited United States
enforcement of the international arms embargo.
Sixth, according to the May 2 Los Angeles Times, Senator Sam Nunn
acknowledged that the Clinton administration had encouraged him to
offer language to terminate United States participation in efforts to
enforce the embargo--subsequently viewed by the Clinton administration
as in effect ratifying their policy of inviting Iran into Bosnia. This
legislation was also political cover for those who were unwilling to
fight to lift the arms embargo.
Here are six more facts to consider:
First, Clinton and other key officials knew about Iranian involvement
in Bosnia and the approximate scope of their presence from 1993 onward.
Second, as we learned from the tragedy in Beirut on October 23, 1983,
it only takes one determined suicide terrorist to slaughter our troops.
Third, the capture of two Iranian passport holders at a terrorist
training center in Bosnia by NATO troops last February should cause
sufficient alarm about Iranian involvement and intentions.
Fourth, Iran's large diplomatic presence conflicts with the mission
of IFOR.
Fifth, Iran has been classified by the United States State Department
as a terrorist state.
Sixth, it is characteristic of Clinton's schizophrenic policies and
leadership that he can sign an antiterrorism bill and at the same time
introduce a terrorist infrastructure into southern Europe.
Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Colorado [Mr. Skaggs].
Mr. SKAGGS. Mr. Speaker, I have three ideas that come to mind in this
debate right now: footholds; duplication; and the legitimate interests
of my Republican colleagues.
There has been, I think, fairly casual use of language and logic in
suggesting that the President's ``no instructions'' instruction in the
spring of 1994 occasioned the Iranians gaining a foothold in Bosnia.
Unclassified intelligence makes it very, very clear that there were
hundreds of Iranian revolutionary guards and others, unfortunately, in
Bosnia in 1993, way before any of the events in question here took
place.
Second point, the question of duplication. Are we going to learn
anything new from creating this select subcommittee that we are not
already going to learn?
Mr. Speaker, this matter is already under investigation by the House
Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, the Committee on National
Security has jurisdiction, the Committee on Government Reform and
Oversight has jurisdiction. The Committee on International Relations
can have plenty of jurisdiction, too, without spending one million
bucks to create another select committee. We have so many people
looking at this they are going to be stepping all over each other
trying to schedule witnesses and everything else during the next few
months.
Finally, the question, and it is a very legitimate one, should not
the opposition in the Government; that is, the Republican majority here
in Congress, in the opposition as to the administration, have a right
to have their own look at this?
Of course they should. But let us also keep in mind that the
distinguished former Senator from New Hampshire, Warren Rudman, a
Republican who serves on the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory
Board, who used to serve on the Senate Permanent Select Committee on
Intelligence, has reviewed the Intelligence Oversight Board
investigation of this matter and found nothing illegal, no violation of
U.S. law. This already has the blessing, if you will, of a
distinguished Republican overseer of the matter. I think that is
terribly important.
Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from
Florida [Mr. Goss].
Mr. GOSS. Mr. Speaker, I think the distinguished gentleman from
Colorado would agree that the comments and the allegations he made
about Senator Rudman go to a very narrow issue with regard to covert
action findings, and do not go the broad comprehensive policy we are
talking about.
Mr. SKAGGS. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. GOSS. I yield to the gentleman from Colorado.
Mr. SKAGGS. Mr. Speaker, the point is that Senator Rudman said no
illegality, no covert action. What is left, as he put it in his words,
is a matter of politics.
Mr. GOSS. Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, to a very narrow point
that they were looking into, which we cannot talk about, regrettably,
too much in the open, I agree that was a correct finding, but it is not
the whole story.
Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Indiana [Mr. Buyer], a member of the Committee on National Security.
Mr. BUYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time.
Mr. Speaker, with quite a bit of interest I listened to the debate,
because I was not here in the Congress back during the Bush
administration, but I recognize that in 1991, the United Nations, with
the full support of the United States Government imposed the arms
embargo on the entire former Yugoslavia. Then, as outgunned, the
Bosnian military suffered repeated defeats and the Bosnian civilian
casualties mounted, many people came to see the embargo as unfair to
the Bosnians.
In January 1993, when President Clinton took office, he attempted to
persuade our allies to multilaterally lift the embargo. This attempt
was not successful, but President Clinton would not support a
unilateral lifting of the embargo. They continued to support the
embargo and enforced it with U.S. Naval forces. The Clinton
administration has always opposed the unilateral lifting of the
embargo, until the Dayton peace accords were signed in late 1995.
Now the Undersecretary of State has confirmed the United States
officially, by this alleged secret agreement with Croatia, turned a
blind eye to covert arms shipments by Iran into Croatia and Bosnia.
This leads to the potential of a terrorist state such as Iran claiming
a foothold into Europe.
I think that there are many important questions to be asked. What
prompted the President to enter into a secret agreement with Croatia to
allow the shipments of large quantities of arms into Bosnia and Iran,
in violation of the U.N. arms embargo, at the time he was lobbying
Congress not to lift the arms embargo? Did the administration officials
initiate this deal, and did it involve them directly or indirectly with
Iranian officials? Why did the President not notify Congress of the
secret agreement when it was made at that time? Has the administration
been honest with the public and private statements on the issue during
its testimony before Congress, in statements
[[Page H4544]]
to the American people that it is diplomatic dialog with our European
allies? And were any laws violated?
We do not know the answers to those questions, and I think it is
very, very appropriate to ask.
Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from West
Virginia [Mr. Wise].
{time} 1230
Mr. WISE. Mr. Speaker, now I just want to get this straight, myself
and a lot of taxpayers. This Congress is about to approve a million-
dollar select committee to hold hearings into matters that three other
subcommittees are already holding hearings into.
The complaint apparently is that the United States knew that Iran was
sending arms to the Bosnian Muslims. Now, this is the same Congress
that voted overwhelmingly to lift the arms embargo so that the Bosnian
Muslims could get arms from wherever to defend themselves.
Was not this the same Congress, headed by Senate Majority Leader
Dole, who led the effort to lift the arms embargo so the Bosnian
Muslims could get arms from wherever to defend themselves? Mr. Speaker,
the most open secret around here, if indeed published news reports are
secret, was that the Bosnian Muslims were getting arms to defend
themselves from the Iranians, which was what everybody said they wanted
to happen, that they have arms from somewhere to defend themselves.
Now that requires a million-dollar select subcommittee, in addition
to the three subcommittees already investigating it?
Mr. Speaker, this is a group that likes hearings. I have sat in on a
bunch of them myself on the Committee on Government Reform and
Oversight. The record so far is that this million-dollar subcommittee
will be added to the 44 days of hearings and $30 million that has so
far been spent on Whitewater; 14 days of hearings on Ruby Ridge; 10
days of hearings on Waco, that certainly changed national policy; and
countless wasted hours and taxpayer dollars on other types of
politically motivated investigations.
We have three committees already looking into this. Mr. Speaker,
there is no need to spend a million dollars, add more staff, add more
fluff, to do what those three committees are already charged with doing
and are doing.
Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman
from Illinois [Mr. Hyde], someone very important in this debate. He
will be the chairman of this new select subcommittee. He is one of the
most respected Members of this body.
(Mr. HYDE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, you will miss my tirade about October
Surprise. How soon we forget the greatest wild goose chase in history
which spent $1.3 million. I have quotations about how important that
quest was for the Emerald City that my friends on the other side of the
aisle led us on. Oh, it was not political; it was just 10 years old in
an election year. But my friends do not know anything about politics,
and I will not raise the issue.
Mr. Speaker, we are not talking about the wisdom of the embargo.
Everybody agreed, except the Clinton administration while they lived
under it, that the embargo was wrong and immoral. We agree with that.
But what we are concerned about is the wisdom, the propriety, the
common sense of standing by while the most terrorist nation on Earth
comes into the bosom of the most volatile place on Earth. The wisdom of
that is a legitimate inquiry of the Committee on International
Relations. It is legitimate.
We want to know the genesis of this brainstorm, because we need to
know if there were options? Was Iran the only country that could supply
training and arms? Is not Turkey nearby? Is not Egypt nearby? Is not
Pakistan nearby?
What about the countries that were on our side, the Muslim countries
in Operation Desert Storm? Why, of all the countries in the world, do
we turn a blind eye to terrorist Iran? That is a legitimate inquiry.
Politics? We did not learn about this until April 5, until the Los
Angeles Times did what the administration should have done: Let us in
on it. Oh, my Democrat colleagues say we had notices that arms were
trickling in. Sure. We never knew that we had a policy of looking the
other way while the most terrorist nation on Earth was getting a
foothold in the most volatile place on Earth.
Well, the timing is yours; it is not ours. Politics? Listen, I cannot
help it if it is an election year. We are not going to abandon our
responsibility to find out who dreamed up this policy, what is our
role, what are the options, and most significantly, what are the
consequences for our troops there? Our credibility as a country, saying
one thing and doing another, those are important issues. We have a
responsibility to get at the bottom of them. I wish it was last year,
but it is not.
Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
First, Mr. Speaker, I urge a ``no'' vote on the previous question. If
the previous question is defeated, I will offer an amendment to the
rule which would make in order a substitute amendment. My substitute
simply directs the International Relations Committee--using existing
resources--to do the very same investigation the Republicans would have
their new subcommittee do.
There is no dispute that the appropriate committees ought to review
and investigate the foreign policy decision of this or any other
President. But before you can say we need to create a new subcommittee,
you have to establish that the existing committees aren't capable of
doing their job. No one has made that case. Frankly, the only
difference between the Republican resolution and our substitute is
whether to create a million dollar subcommittee or whether to carry out
the investigation within the current committees using funding already
available.
Vote ``no'' on the previous question.
The text of the proposed amendment is as follows:
Strike all after the resolving clause and insert the
following:
That (a) the Committee on International Relations is
authorized and directed to conduct a full and complete
investigation (using existing committee resources), and to
make such findings and recommendations to the House as it
deems appropriate relating to the following matters:
(1) The policy of the United States Government with respect
to the transfer of arms and other assistance from Iran or any
other country to countries or entities within the territory
of the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia during any
period that an international arms embargo of the former
Yugoslavia was in effect.
(2) The nature and extent of the transfer of arms or other
assistance from Iran or any other country to countries or
entities within the territory of the former Federal Republic
of Yugoslavia during the period that an international arms
embargo of the former Yugoslavia was in effect.
(3) Any actions taken by the United States Government to
facilitate or to impede transfers described in paragraphs (1)
and (2).
(4) Any communications or representations made to the
Congress of the United States or the American people with
respect to the matters described in paragraph (1), (2), or
(3), with respect to the international arms embargo of the
former Yugoslavia, or with respect to efforts to modify or
terminate United States participation in that embargo.
(5) Any implication of the matters described in paragraphs
(1), (2), and (3) for the safety of United States Armed
Forces deployed in and around Bosnia, for the prompt
withdrawal of United States Armed Forces from Bosnia, for
relations between the United States and its allies, and for
United States efforts to isolate Iran.
(6) Any actions taken to review, analyze, or investigate
any of the matters described in paragraph (1), (2), (3), (4),
or (5), or to keep such matters from being revealed.
(7) All deliberations, discussions, or communications
within the United States Government relating to the matters
described in paragraph (1), (2), (3), (4), (5), or (6), and
all communications between the United States Government (or
any of its officers or employees) and other governments,
organizations, or individuals relating to such matters.
(b)(1) The chairman of the Committee on International
Relations, for purposes of its investigation, may, upon
consultation with the ranking minority party member of that
committee, authorize the taking of affidavits and depositions
pursuant to notice or subpoena, by a member or staff of the
committee designated by the chairman, or require the
furnishing of information by interrogatory, under oath
administered by a person otherwise authorized by law to
administer oaths.
(2) The Committee on International Relations shall provide
other committees and Members of the House with access to
information and proceedings, under procedures adopted by the
committee consistent with clause 7(c) of rule XLVIII of the
Rules of the House of Representatives. However, the committee
may direct that particular classified
[[Page H4545]]
materials shall not be made available to any person by its
members, staff, or others, or may impose any other
restriction. The committee shall, as appropriate, provide
access to information and proceedings to the Speaker, the
majority leader, the minority leader, and their appropriately
cleared and designated staff.
____
The Vote on the Previous Question: What It Really Means
This vote, the vote on whether to order the previous
question on a special rule, is not merely a procedural vote.
A vote against ordering the previous question is a vote
against the Republican majority agenda and a vote to allow
the opposition, at least for the moment, to offer an
alternative plan. It is a vote about what the House should be
debating.
Mr. Clarence Cannon's Precedents of the House of
Representatives, (VI, 308-311) describes the vote on the
previous question on the rule as ``a motion to direct or
control the consideration of the subject before the House
being made by the Member in charge.'' To defeat the previous
question is to give the opposition a chance to decide the
subject before the House. Cannon cites the Speaker's ruling
of January 13, 1920, to the effect that ``the refusal of the
House to sustain the demand for the previous question passes
the control of the resolution to the opposition'' in order to
offer an amendment. On March 15, 1909, a member of the
majority party offered a rule resolution. The House defeated
the previous question and a member of the opposition rose to
a parliamentary inquiry, asking who was entitled to
recognition. Speaker Joseph G. Cannon (R-Illinois) said:
``The previous question having been refused, the gentleman
from New York, Mr. Fitzgerald, who had asked the gentleman to
yield to him for an amendment, is entitled to the first
recognition.''
Because the vote today may look bad for the Republican
majority they will say ``the vote on the previous question is
simply a vote on whether to proceed to an immediate vote on
adopting the resolution . . . [and] has no substantive
legislative or policy implications whatsoever.'' But that is
not what they have always said. Listen to the Republican
Leadership Manual on the Legislative Process in the United
States House of Representatives, (6th edition, page 135).
Here's how the Republicans describe the previous question
vote in their own manual:
``Although it is generally not possible to amend the rule
because the majority Member controlling the time will not
yield for the purpose of offering an amendment, the same
result may be achieved by voting down the previous question
on the rule. When the motion for the previous question is
defeated, control of the time passes to the Member who led
the opposition to ordering the previous question. That
Member, because he then controls the time, may offer an
amendment to the rule, or yield for the purpose of
amendment.''
Deschler's Procedure in the U.S. House of Representatives,
the subchapter titled ``Amending Special Rules'' states: ``a
refusal to order the previous question on such a rule [a
special rule reported from the Committee on Rules] opens the
resolution to amendment and further debate.'' (Chapter 21,
section 21.2) Section 21.3 continues: Upon rejection of the
motion for the previous question on a resolution reported
from the Committee on Rules, control shifts to the Member
leading the opposition to the previous question, who may
offer a proper amendment or motion and who controls the time
for debate thereon.''
The vote on the previous question on a rule does have
substantive policy implications. It is the one of the only
available tools for those who oppose the Republican
majority's agenda to offer an alternative plan.
Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I submit the following material for the
Record:
FLOOR PROCEDURE IN THE 104TH CONGRESS 1ST SESSION; COMPILED BY THE RULES COMMITTEE DEMOCRATS
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Process used for floor Amendments in
Bill No. Title Resolution No. consideration order
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
H.R. 1*........................ Compliance........ H. Res. 6 Closed................ None.
H. Res. 6...................... Opening Day Rules H. Res. 5 Closed; contained a None.
Package. closed rule on H.R. 1
within the closed
rule.
H.R. 5*........................ Unfunded Mandates. H. Res. 38 Restrictive; Motion N/A.
adopted over
Democratic objection
in the Committee of
the Whole to limit
debate on section 4;
Pre-printing gets
preference.
H.J. Res. 2*................... Balanced Budget... H. Res. 44 Restrictive; only 2R; 4D.
certain substitutes;
PQ.
H. Res. 43..................... Committee Hearings H. Res. 43 (OJ) Restrictive; N/A.
Scheduling. considered in House
no amendments.
H.R. 101....................... To transfer a H. Res. 51 Open.................. N/A.
parcel of land to
the Taos Pueblo
Indians of New
Mexico.
H.R. 400....................... To provide for the H. Res. 52 Open.................. N/A.
exchange of lands
within Gates of
the Arctic
National Park
Preserve.
H.R. 440....................... To provide for the H. Res. 53 Open.................. N/A.
conveyance of
lands to certain
individuals in
Butte County,
California.
H.R. 2*........................ Line Item Veto.... H. Res. 55 Open; Pre-printing N/A.
gets preference.
H.R. 665*...................... Victim Restitution H. Res. 61 Open; Pre-printing N/A.
Act of 1995. gets preference.
H.R. 666*...................... Exclusionary Rule H. Res. 60 Open; Pre-printing N/A.
Reform Act of gets preference.
1995.
H.R. 667*...................... Violent Criminal H. Res. 63 Restrictive; 10 hr. N/A.
Incarceration Act Time Cap on
of 1995. amendments.
H.R. 668*...................... The Criminal Alien H. Res. 69 Open; Pre-printing N/A.
Deportation gets preference;
Improvement Act. Contains self-
executing provision.
H.R. 728*...................... Local Government H. Res. 79 Restrictive; 10 hr. N/A.
Law Enforcement Time Cap on
Block Grants. amendments; Pre-
printing gets
preference.
H.R. 7*........................ National Security H. Res. 83 Restrictive; 10 hr. N/A.
Revitalization Time Cap on
Act. amendments; Pre-
printing gets
preference; PQ.
H.R. 729*...................... Death Penalty/ N/A Restrictive; brought N/A.
Habeas. up under UC with a 6
hr. time cap on
amendments.
S. 2........................... Senate Compliance. N/A Closed; Put on None.
Suspension Calendar
over Democratic
objection.
H.R. 831....................... To Permanently H. Res. 88 Restrictive; makes in 1D.
Extend the Health order only the
Insurance Gibbons amendment;
Deduction for the Waives all points of
Self-Employed. order; Contains self-
executing provision;
PQ.
H.R. 830*...................... The Paperwork H. Res. 91 Open.................. N/A.
Reduction Act.
H.R. 889....................... Emergency H. Res. 92 Restrictive; makes in 1D.
Supplemental/ order only the Obey
Rescinding substitute.
Certain Budget
Authority.
H.R. 450*...................... Regulatory H. Res. 93 Restrictive; 10 hr. N/A.
Moratorium. Time Cap on
amendments; Pre-
printing gets
preference.
H.R. 1022*..................... Risk Assessment... H. Res. 96 Restrictive; 10 hr. N/A.
Time Cap on
amendments.
H.R. 926*...................... Regulatory H. Res. 100 Open.................. N/A.
Flexibility.
H.R. 925*...................... Private Property H. Res. 101 Restrictive; 12 hr. 1D.
Protection Act. time cap on
amendments; Requires
Members to pre-print
their amendments in
the Record prior to
the bill's
consideration for
amendment, waives
germaneness and
budget act points of
order as well as
points of order
concerning
appropriating on a
legislative bill
against the committee
substitute used as
base text.
H.R. 1058*..................... Securities H. Res. 105 Restrictive; 8 hr. 1D.
Litigation Reform time cap on
Act. amendments; Pre-
printing gets
preference; Makes in
order the Wyden
amendment and waives
germaneness against
it.
H.R. 988*...................... The Attorney H. Res. 104 Restrictive; 7 hr. N/A.
Accountability time cap on
Act of 1995. amendments; Pre-
printing gets
preference.
H.R. 956*...................... Product Liability H. Res. 109 Restrictive; makes in 8D; 7R.
and Legal Reform order only 15 germane
Act. amendments and denies
64 germane amendments
from being
considered; PQ.
H.R. 1158...................... Making Emergency H. Res. 115 Restrictive; Combines N/A.
Supplemental emergency H.R. 1158 &
Appropriations nonemergency 1159 and
and Rescissions. strikes the abortion
provision; makes in
order only pre-
printed amendments
that include offsets
within the same
chapter (deeper cuts
in programs already
cut); waives points
of order against
three amendments;
waives cl 2 of rule
XXI against the bill,
cl 2, XXI and cl 7 of
rule XVI against the
substitute; waives cl
2(e) of rule XXI
against the
amendments in the
Record; 10 hr time
cap on amendments. 30
minutes debate on
each amendment.
H.J. Res. 73*.................. Term Limits....... H. Res. 116 Restrictive; Makes in 1D; 3R
order only 4
amendments considered
under a ``Queen of
the Hill'' procedure
and denies 21 germane
amendments from being
considered.
H.R. 4*........................ Welfare Reform.... H. Res. 119 Restrictive; Makes in 5D; 26R.
order only 31
perfecting amendments
and two substitutes;
Denies 130 germane
amendments from being
considered; The
substitutes are to be
considered under a
``Queen of the Hill''
procedure; All points
of order are waived
against the
amendments.
H.R. 1271*..................... Family Privacy Act H. Res. 125 Open.................. N/A.
H.R. 660*...................... Housing for Older H. Res. 126 Open.................. N/A.
Persons Act.
H.R. 1215*..................... The Contract With H. Res. 129 Restrictive; Self 1D.
America Tax Executes language
Relief Act of that makes tax cuts
1995. contingent on the
adoption of a
balanced budget plan
and strikes section
3006. Makes in order
only one substitute.
Waives all points of
order against the
bill, substitute made
in order as original
text and Gephardt
substitute.
H.R. 483....................... Medicare Select H. Res. 130 Restrictive; waives cl 1D.
Extension. 2(1)(6) of rule XI
against the bill;
makes H.R. 1391 in
order as original
text; makes in order
only the Dingell
substitute; allows
Commerce Committee to
file a report on the
bill at any time.
H.R. 655....................... Hydrogen Future H. Res. 136 Open.................. N/A.
Act.
H.R. 1361...................... Coast Guard H. Res. 139 Open; waives sections N/A.
Authorization. 302(f) and 308(a) of
the Congressional
Budget Act against
the bill's
consideration and the
committee substitute;
waives cl 5(a) of
rule XXI against the
committee substitute.
H.R. 961....................... Clean Water Act... H. Res. 140 Open; pre-printing N/A.
gets preference;
waives sections
302(f) and 602(b) of
the Budget Act
against the bill's
consideration; waives
cl 7 of rule XVI, cl
5(a) of rule XXI and
section 302(f) of the
Budget Act against
the committee
substitute. Makes in
order Shuster
substitute as first
order of business.
H.R. 535....................... Corning National H. Res. 144 Open.................. N/A.
Fish Hatchery
Conveyance Act.
H.R. 584....................... Conveyance of the H. Res. 145 Open.................. N/A.
Fairport National
Fish Hatchery to
the State of Iowa.
[[Page H4546]]
H.R. 614....................... Conveyance of the H. Res. 146 Open.................. N/A.
New London
National Fish
Hatchery
Production
Facility.
H. Con. Res. 67................ Budget Resolution. H. Res. 149 Restrictive; Makes in 3D; 1R.
order 4 substitutes
under regular order;
Gephardt, Neumann/
Solomon, Payne/Owens,
President's Budget if
printed in Record on
5/17/95; waives all
points of order
against substitutes
and concurrent
resolution; suspends
application of Rule
XLIX with respect to
the resolution; self-
executes Agriculture
language; PQ.
H.R. 1561...................... American Overseas H. Res. 155 Restrictive; Requires N/A.
Interests Act of amendments to be
1995. printed in the Record
prior to their
consideration; 10 hr.
time cap; waives cl
2(1)(6) of rule XI
against the bill's
consideration; Also
waives sections
302(f), 303(a),
308(a) and 402(a)
against the bill's
consideration and the
committee amendment
in order as original
text; waives cl 5(a)
of rule XXI against
the amendment;
amendment
consideration is
closed at 2:30 p.m.
on May 25, 1995. Self-
executes provision
which removes section
2210 from the bill.
This was done at the
request of the Budget
Committee.
H.R. 1530...................... National Defense H. Res. 164 Restrictive; Makes in 36R; 18D; 2
Authorization order only the Bipartisan.
Act; FY 1996. amendments printed in
the report; waives
all points of order
against the bill,
substitute and
amendments printed in
the report. Gives the
Chairman en bloc
authority. Self-
executes a provision
which strikes section
807 of the bill;
provides for an
additional 30 min. of
debate on Nunn-Lugar
section; Allows Mr.
Clinger to offer a
modification of his
amendment with the
concurrence of Ms.
Collins; PQ.
H.R. 1817...................... Military H. Res. 167 Open; waives cl. 2 and N/A.
Construction cl. 6 of rule XXI
Appropriations; against the bill; 1
FY 1996. hr. general debate;
Uses House passed
budget numbers as
threshold for
spending amounts
pending passage of
Budget; PQ.
H.R. 1854...................... Legislative Branch H. Res. 169 Restrictive; Makes in 5R; 4D; 2
Appropriations. order only 11 Bipartisan.
amendments; waives
sections 302(f) and
308(a) of the Budget
Act against the bill
and cl. 2 and cl. 6
of rule XXI against
the bill. All points
of order are waived
against the
amendments; PQ.
H.R. 1868...................... Foreign Operations H. Res. 170 Open; waives cl. 2, N/A.
Appropriations. cl. 5(b), and cl. 6
of rule XXI against
the bill; makes in
order the Gilman
amendments as first
order of business;
waives all points of
order against the
amendments; if
adopted they will be
considered as
original text; waives
cl. 2 of rule XXI
against the
amendments printed in
the report. Pre-
printing gets
priority (Hall)
(Menendez) (Goss)
(Smith, NJ); PQ.
H.R. 1905...................... Energy & Water H. Res. 171 Open; waives cl. 2 and N/A.
Appropriations. cl. 6 of rule XXI
against the bill;
makes in order the
Shuster amendment as
the first order of
business; waives all
points of order
against the
amendment; if adopted
it will be considered
as original text. Pre-
printing gets
priority.
H.J. Res. 79................... Constitutional H. Res. 173 Closed; provides one N/A.
Amendment to hour of general
Permit Congress debate and one motion
and States to to recommit with or
Prohibit the without instructions;
Physical if there are
Desecration of instructions, the MO
the American Flag. is debatable for 1
hr; PQ.
H.R. 1944...................... Recissions Bill... H. Res. 175 Restrictive; Provides N/A.
for consideration of
the bill in the
House; Permits the
Chairman of the
Appropriations
Committee to offer
one amendment which
is unamendable;
waives all points of
order against the
amendment; PQ.
H.R. 1868 (2nd rule)........... Foreign Operations H. Res. 177 Restrictive; Provides N/A.
Appropriations. for further
consideration of the
bill; makes in order
only the four
amendments printed in
the rules report (20
min. each). Waives
all points of order
against the
amendments; Prohibits
intervening motions
in the Committee of
the Whole; Provides
for an automatic rise
and report following
the disposition of
the amendments; PQ.
H.R. 1977 *Rule Defeated*...... Interior H. Res. 185 Open; waives sections N/A.
Appropriations. 302(f) and 308(a) of
the Budget Act and cl
2 and cl 6 of rule
XXI; provides that
the bill be read by
title; waives all
points of order
against the Tauzin
amendment; self-
executes Budget
Committee amendment;
waives cl 2(e) of
rule XXI against
amendments to the
bill; Pre-printing
gets priority; PQ.
H.R. 1977...................... Interior H. Res. 187 Open; waives sections N/A.
Appropriations. 302(f), 306 and
308(a) of the Budget
Act; waives clauses 2
and 6 of rule XXI
against provisions in
the bill; waives all
points of order
against the Tauzin
amendment; provides
that the bill be read
by title; self-
executes Budget
Committee amendment
and makes NEA funding
subject to House
passed authorization;
waives cl 2(e) of
rule XXI against the
amendments to the
bill; Pre-printing
gets priority; PQ.
H.R. 1976...................... Agriculture H. Res. 188 Open; waives clauses 2 N/A.
Appropriations. and 6 of rule XXI
against provisions in
the bill; provides
that the bill be read
by title; Makes Skeen
amendment first order
of business, if
adopted the amendment
will be considered as
base text (10 min.);
Pre-printing gets
priority; PQ.
H.R. 1977 (3rd rule)........... Interior H. Res. 189 Restrictive; provides N/A.
Appropriations. for the further
consideration of the
bill; allows only
amendments pre-
printed before July
14th to be
considered; limits
motions to rise.
H.R. 2020...................... Treasury Postal H. Res. 190 Open; waives cl. 2 and N/A.
Appropriations. cl. 6 of rule XXI
against provisions in
the bill; provides
the bill be read by
title; Pre-printing
gets priority; PQ.
H.J. Res. 96................... Disapproving MFN H. Res. 193 Restrictive; provides N/A.
for China. for consideration in
the House of H.R.
2058 (90 min.) And
H.J. Res. 96 (1 hr).
Waives certain
provisions of the
Trade Act.
H.R. 2002...................... Transportation H. Res. 194 Open; waives cl. 3 0f N/A.
Appropriations. rule XIII and section
401 (a) of the CBA
against consideration
of the bill; waives
cl. 6 and cl. 2 of
rule XXI against
provisions in the
bill; Makes in order
the Clinger/Solomon
amendment waives all
points of order
against the amendment
(Line Item Veto);
provides the bill be
read by title; Pre-
printing gets
priority; PQ. *RULE
AMENDED*.
H.R. 70........................ Exports of Alaskan H. Res. 197 Open; Makes in order N/A.
North Slope Oil. the Resources
Committee amendment
in the nature of a
substitute as
original text; Pre-
printing gets
priority; Provides a
Senate hook-up with
S. 395.
H.R. 2076...................... Commerce, Justice H. Res. 198 Open; waives cl. 2 and N/A.
Appropriations. cl. 6 of rule XXI
against provisions in
the bill; Pre-
printing gets
priority; provides
the bill be read by
title..
H.R. 2099...................... VA/HUD H. Res. 201 Open; waives cl. 2 and N/A.
Appropriations. cl. 6 of rule XXI
against provisions in
the bill; Provides
that the amendment in
part 1 of the report
is the first
business, if adopted
it will be considered
as base text (30
min.); waives all
points of order
against the Klug and
Davis amendments; Pre-
printing gets
priority; Provides
that the bill be read
by title.
S. 21.......................... Termination of H. Res. 204 Restrictive; 3 hours ID.
U.S. Arms Embargo of general debate;
on Bosnia. Makes in order an
amendment to be
offered by the
Minority Leader or a
designee (1 hr); If
motion to recommit
has instructions it
can only be offered
by the Minority
Leader or a designee.
H.R. 2126...................... Defense H. Res. 205 Open; waives cl. N/A.
Appropriations. 2(l)(6) of rule XI
and section 306 of
the Congressional
Budget Act against
consideration of the
bill; waives cl. 2
and cl. 6 of rule XXI
against provisions in
the bill; self-
executes a strike of
sections 8021 and
8024 of the bill as
requested by the
Budget Committee; Pre-
printing gets
priority; Provides
the bill be read by
title.
H.R. 1555...................... Communications Act H. Res. 207 Restrictive; waives 2R/3D/3 Bi-
of 1995. sec. 302(f) of the partisan.
Budget Act against
consideration of the
bill; Makes in order
the Commerce
Committee amendment
as original text and
waives sec. 302(f) of
the Budget Act and
cl. 5(a) of rule XXI
against the
amendment; Makes in
order the Bliley
amendment (30 min.)
as the first order of
business, if adopted
it will be original
text; makes in order
only the amendments
printed in the report
and waives all points
of order against the
amendments; provides
a Senate hook-up with
S. 652.
H.R. 2127...................... Labor/HHS H. Res. 208 Open; Provides that N/A.
Appropriations the first order of
Act. business will be the
managers amendments
(10 min.), if adopted
they will be
considered as base
text; waives cl. 2
and cl. 6 of rule XXI
against provisions in
the bill; waives all
points of order
against certain
amendments printed in
the report; Pre-
printing gets
priority; Provides
the bill be read by
title; PQ.
H.R. 1594...................... Economically H. Res. 215 Open; 2 hr of gen. N/A.
Targeted debate. makes in
Investments. order the committee
substitute as
original text.
H.R. 1655...................... Intelligence H. Res. 216 Restrictive; waives N/A.
Authorization. sections 302(f),
308(a) and 401(b) of
the Budget Act. Makes
in order the
committee substitute
as modified by Govt.
Reform amend
(striking sec. 505)
and an amendment
striking title VII.
Cl 7 of rule XVI and
cl 5(a) of rule XXI
are waived against
the substitute.
Sections 302(f) and
401(b) of the CBA are
also waived against
the substitute.
Amendments must also
be pre-printed in the
Congressional record.
H.R. 1162...................... Deficit Reduction H. Res. 218 Open; waives cl 7 of N/A.
Lock Box. rule XVI against the
committee substitute
made in order as
original text; Pre-
printing gets
priority.
H.R. 1670...................... Federal H. Res. 219 Open; waives sections N/A.
Acquisition 302(f) and 308(a) of
Reform Act of the Budget Act
1995. against consideration
of the bill; bill
will be read by
title; waives cl 5(a)
of rule XXI and
section 302(f) of the
Budget Act against
the committee
substitute. Pre-
printing gets
priority.
H.R. 1617...................... To Consolidate and H. Res. 222 Open; waives sections N/A.
Reform Workforce 302(f) and 401(b) of
Development and the Budget Act
Literacy Programs against the
Act (CAREERS). substitute made in
order as original
text (H.R. 2332), cl.
5(a) of rule XXI is
also waived against
the substitute.
Provides for
consideration of the
managers amendment
(10 min.) If adopted,
it is considered as
base text.
H.R. 2274...................... National Highway H. Res. 224 Open; waives section N/A.
System 302(f) of the Budget
Designation Act Act against
of 1995. consideration of the
bill; Makes H.R. 2349
in order as original
text; waives section
302(f) of the Budget
Act against the
substitute as well as
cl. 5(a) of rule XXI
and cl. 1(q)(10) of
rule X against the
substitute; provides
for the consideration
of a managers
amendment (10 min).
If adopted, it is
considered as base
text; Pre-printing
gets priority; PQ.
[[Page H4547]]
H.R. 927....................... Cuban Liberty and H. Res. 225 Restrictive; waives cl 2R/2D
Democratic 2(l)(2)(B) of rule XI
Solidarity Act of against consideration
1995. of the bill; makes in
order H.R. 2347 as
base text; waives cl
7 of rule XVI against
the substitute; Makes
Hamilton amendment
the first amendment
to be considered (1
hr). Makes in order
only amendments
printed in the report.
H.R. 743....................... The Teamwork for H. Res. 226 Open; waives cl N/A.
Employees and 2(l)(2)(b) of rule XI
managers Act of against consideration
1995. of the bill; makes in
order the committee
amendment as original
text; Pre-printing
get priority.
H.R. 1170...................... 3-Judge Court for H. Res. 227 Open; makes in order a N/A.
Certain committee amendment
Injunctions. as original text; Pre-
printing gets
priority.
H.R. 1601...................... International H. Res. 228 Open; makes in order a N/A.
Space Station committee amendment
Authorization Act as original text; pre-
of 1995. printing gets
priority.
H.J. Res. 108.................. Making Continuing H. Res. 230 Closed; Provides for ..............
Appropriations the immediate
for FY 1996. consideration of the
CR; one motion to
recommit which may
have instructions
only if offered by
the Minority Leader
or a designee.
H.R. 2405...................... Omnibus Civilian H. Res. 234 Open; self-executes a N/A.
Science provision striking
Authorization Act section 304(b)(3) of
of 1995. the bill (Commerce
Committee request);
Pre-printing gets
priority.
H.R. 2259...................... To Disapprove H. Res. 237 Restrictive; waives cl 1D
Certain 2(l)(2)(B) of rule XI
Sentencing against the bill's
Guideline consideration; makes
Amendments. in order the text of
the Senate bill S.
1254 as original
text; Makes in order
only a Conyers
substitute; provides
a senate hook-up
after adoption.
H.R. 2425...................... Medicare H. Res. 238 Restrictive; waives 1D
Preservation Act. all points of order
against the bill's
consideration; makes
in order the text of
H.R. 2485 as original
text; waives all
points of order
against H.R. 2485;
makes in order only
an amendment offered
by the Minority
Leader or a designee;
waives all points of
order against the
amendment; waives cl
5(c) of rule XXI (\3/
5\ requirement on
votes raising taxes);
PQ.
H.R. 2492...................... Legislative Branch H. Res. 239 Restrictive; provides N/A.
Appropriations for consideration of
Bill. the bill in the House.
H.R. 2491...................... 7 Year Balanced H. Res. 245 Restrictive; makes in 1D
H. Con. Res. 109............... Budget order H.R. 2517 as
Reconciliation original text; waives
Social Security all pints of order
Earnings Test against the bill;
Reform. Makes in order only
H.R. 2530 as an
amendment only if
offered by the
Minority Leader or a
designee; waives all
points of order
against the
amendment; waives cl
5(c) of rule XXI (\3/
5\ requirement on
votes raising taxes);
PQ.
H.R. 1833...................... Partial Birth H. Res. 251 Closed................ N/A.
Abortion Ban Act
of 1995.
H.R. 2546...................... D.C. H. Res. 252 Restrictive; waives N/A
Appropriations FY all points of order
1996. against the bill's
consideration; Makes
in order the Walsh
amendment as the
first order of
business (10 min.);
if adopted it is
considered as base
text; waives cl 2 and
6 of rule XXI against
the bill; makes in
order the Bonilla,
Gunderson and
Hostettler amendments
(30 min.); waives all
points of order
against the
amendments; debate on
any further
amendments is limited
to 30 min. each.
H.J. Res. 115.................. Further Continuing H. Res. 257 Closed; Provides for N/A
Appropriations the immediate
for FY 1996. consideration of the
CR; one motion to
recommit which may
have instructions
only if offered by
the Minority Leader
or a designee.
H.R. 2586...................... Temporary Increase H. Res. 258 Restrictive; Provides 5R
in the Statutory for the immediate
Debt Limit. consideration of the
CR; one motion to
recommit which may
have instructions
only if offered by
the Minority Leader
or a designee; self-
executes 4 amendments
in the rule; Solomon,
Medicare Coverage of
Certain Anti-Cancer
Drug Treatments,
Habeas Corpus Reform,
Chrysler (MI); makes
in order the Walker
amend (40 min.) on
regulatory reform.
H.R. 2539...................... ICC Termination... H. Res. 259 Open; waives section ..............
302(f) and section
308(a).
H.J. Res. 115.................. Further Continuing H. Res. 261 Closed; provides for N/A.
Appropriations the immediate
for FY 1996. consideration of a
motion by the
Majority Leader or
his designees to
dispose of the Senate
amendments (1hr).
H.R. 2586...................... Temporary Increase H. Res. 262 Closed; provides for N/A.
in the Statutory the immediate
Limit on the consideration of a
Public Debt. motion by the
Majority Leader or
his designees to
dispose of the Senate
amendments (1hr).
H. Res. 250.................... House Gift Rule H. Res. 268 Closed; provides for 2R
Reform. consideration of the
bill in the House; 30
min. of debate; makes
in order the Burton
amendment and the
Gingrich en bloc
amendment (30 min.
each); waives all
points of order
against the
amendments; Gingrich
is only in order if
Burton fails or is
not offered.
H.R. 2564...................... Lobbying H. Res. 269 Open; waives cl. N/A.
Disclosure Act of 2(l)(6) of rule XI
1995. against the bill's
consideration; waives
all points of order
against the Istook
and McIntosh
amendments.
H.R. 2606...................... Prohibition on H. Res. 273 Restrictive; waives N/A.
Funds for Bosnia all points of order
Deployment. against the bill's
consideration;
provides one motion
to amend if offered
by the Minority
Leader or designee (1
hr non-amendable);
motion to recommit
which may have
instructions only if
offered by Minority
Leader or his
designee; if Minority
Leader motion is not
offered debate time
will be extended by 1
hr.
H.R. 1788...................... Amtrak Reform and H. Res. 289 Open; waives all N/A.
Privatization Act points of order
of 1995. against the bill's
consideration; makes
in order the
Transportation
substitute modified
by the amend in the
report; Bill read by
title; waives all
points of order
against the
substitute; makes in
order a managers
amend as the first
order of business, if
adopted it is
considered base text
(10 min.); waives all
points of order
against the
amendment; Pre-
printing gets
priority.
H.R. 1350...................... Maritime Security H. Res. 287 Open; makes in order N/A.
Act of 1995. the committee
substitute as
original text; makes
in order a managers
amendment which if
adopted is considered
as original text (20
min.) unamendable;
pre-printing gets
priority.
H.R. 2621...................... To Protect Federal H. Res. 293 Closed; provides for N/A.
Trust Funds. the adoption of the
Ways & Means
amendment printed in
the report. 1 hr. of
general debate; PQ.
H.R. 1745...................... Utah Public Lands H. Res. 303 Open; waives cl N/A.
Management Act of 2(l)(6) of rule XI
1995. and sections 302(f)
and 311(a) of the
Budget Act against
the bill's
consideration. Makes
in order the
Resources substitute
as base text and
waives cl 7 of rule
XVI and sections
302(f) and 308(a) of
the Budget Act; makes
in order a managers'
amend as the first
order of business, if
adopted it is
considered base text
(10 min).
H. Res. 304.................... Providing for N/A Closed; makes in order 1D; 2R
Debate and three resolutions;
Consideration of H.R. 2770 (Dornan),
Three Measures H. Res. 302 (Buyer),
Relating to U.S. and H. Res. 306
Troop Deployments (Gephardt); 1 hour of
in Bosnia. debate on each.
H. Res. 309.................... Revised Budget H. Res. 309 Closed; provides 2 N/A.
Resolution. hours of general
debate in the House;
PQ.
H.R. 558....................... Texas Low-Level H. Res. 313 Open; pre-printing N/A.
Radioactive Waste gets priority.
Disposal Compact
Consent Act.
H.R. 2677...................... The National Parks H. Res. 323 Closed; consideration N/A.
and National in the House; self-
Wildlife Refuge executes Young
Systems Freedom amendment.
Act of 1995.
PROCEDURE IN THE 104TH CONGRESS 2D SESSION
H.R. 1643...................... To authorize the H. Res. 334 Closed; provides to N/A.
extension of take the bill from
nondiscriminatory the Speaker's table
treatment (MFN) with the Senate
to the products amendment, and
of Bulgaria. consider in the House
the motion printed in
the Rules Committee
report; 1 hr. of
general debate;
previous question is
considered as
ordered. ** NR; PQ.
H.J. Res. 134.................. Making continuing H. Res. 336 Closed; provides to N/A.
H. Con. Res. 131............... appropriations/ take from the
establishing Speaker's table H.J.
procedures making Res. 134 with the
the transmission Senate amendment and
of the continuing concur with the
resolution H.J. Senate amendment with
Res. 134. an amendment (H. Con.
Res. 131) which is
self-executed in the
rule. The rule
provides further that
the bill shall not be
sent back to the
Senate until the
Senate agrees to the
provisions of H. Con.
Res. 131. ** NR; PQ.
H.R. 1358...................... Conveyance of H. Res. 338 Closed; provides to N/A.
National Marine take the bill from
Fisheries Service the Speaker's table
Laboratory at with the Senate
Gloucester, amendment, and
Massachusetts. consider in the House
the motion printed in
the Rules Committee
report; 1 hr. of
general debate;
previous question is
considered as
ordered. ** NR; PQ.
H.R. 2924...................... Social Security H. Res. 355 Closed; ** NR; PQ..... N/A.
Guarantee Act.
H.R. 2854...................... The Agricultural H. Res. 366 Restrictive; waives 5D; 9R; 2
Market Transition all points of order Bipartisan.
Program. against the bill; 2
hrs of general
debate; makes in
order a committee
substitute as
original text and
waives all points of
order against the
substitute; makes in
order only the 16
amends printed in the
report and waives all
points of order
against the
amendments;
circumvents unfunded
mandates law;
Chairman has en bloc
authority for amends
in report (20 min.)
on each en bloc; PQ.
H.R. 994....................... Regulatory Sunset H. Res. 368 Open rule; makes in N/A.
& Review Act of order the Hyde
1995. substitute printed in
the Record as
original text; waives
cl 7 of rule XVI
against the
substitute; Pre-
printing gets
priority; vacates the
House action on S.
219 and provides to
take the bill from
the Speaker's table
and consider the
Senate bill; allows
Chrmn. Clinger a
motion to strike all
after the enacting
clause of the Senate
bill and insert the
text of H.R. 994 as
passed by the House
(1 hr) debate; waives
germaneness against
the motion; provides
if the motion is
adopted that it is in
order for the House
to insist on its
amendments and
request a conference.
H.R. 3021...................... To Guarantee the H. Res. 371 Closed rule; gives one N/A.
Continuing Full motion to recommit,
Investment of which if it contains
Social security instructions, may
and Other Federal only if offered by
Funds in the Minority Leader
Obligations of or his designee. **
the United States. NR.
H.R. 3019...................... A Further H. Res. 372 Restrictive; self- 2D/2R.
Downpayment executes CBO language
Toward a Balanced regarding contingency
Budget. funds in section 2 of
the rule; makes in
order only the
amendments printed in
the report; Lowey (20
min), Istook (20
min), Crapo (20 min),
Obey (1 hr); waives
all points of order
against the
amendments; give one
motion to recommit,
which if contains
instructions, may
only if offered by
the Minority Leader
or his designee. **
NR.
H.R. 2703...................... The Effective H. Res. 380 Restrictive; makes in 6D; 7R; 4
Death Penalty and order only the Bipartisan.
Public Safety Act amendments printed in
of 1996. the report; waives
all points of order
against the
amendments; gives
Judiciary Chairman en
bloc authority (20
min.) on en blocs;
provides a Senate
hook-up with S. 735.
** NR.
[[Page H4548]]
H.R. 2202...................... The Immigration H. Res. 384 Restrictive; waives 12D; 19R; 1
and National all points of order Bipartisan.
Interest Act of against the bill and
1995. amendments in the
report except for
those arising under
sec. 425(a) of the
Budget Act (unfunded
mandates); 2 hrs. of
general debate on the
bill; makes in order
the committee
substitute as base
text; makes in order
only the amends in
the report; gives the
Judiciary Chairman en
bloc authority (20
min.) of debate on
the en blocs; self-
executes the Smith
(TX) amendment re:
employee verification
program; PQ.
H.J. Res. 165.................. Making further H. Res. 386 Closed; provides for N/A.
continuing the consideration of
appropriations the CR in the House
for FY 1996. and gives one motion
to recommit which may
contain instructions
only if offered by
the Minority Leader;
the rule also waives
cl 4(b) of rule XI
against the
following: an omnibus
appropriations bill,
another CR, a bill
extending the debt
limit. ** NR.
H.R. 125....................... The Gun Crime H. Res. 388 Closed; self-executes N/A
Enforcement and an amendment;
Second Amendment provides one motion
Restoration Act to recommit which may
of 1996. contain instructions
only if offered by
the Minority Leader
or his designee. **
NR.
H.R. 3136...................... The Contract With H. Res. 391 Closed; provides for N/A
America the consideration of
Advancement Act the bill in the
of 1996. House; self-executes
an amendment in the
Rules report; waives
all points of order,
except sec. 425(a)
(unfunded mandates)
of the CBA, against
the bill's
consideration; orders
the PQ except 1 hr.
of general debate
between the Chairman
and Ranking Member of
Ways and Means; one
Archer amendment (10
min.); one motion to
recommit which may
contain instructions
only if offered by
the Minority Leader
or his designee;
Provides a Senate
hookup if the Senate
passes S. 4 by March
30, 1996. **NR.
H.R. 3103...................... The Health H. Res. 392 Restrictive: 2 hrs. of N/A
Coverage general debate (45
Availability and min. split by Ways
Affordability Act and Means) (45 split
of 1996. by Commerce) (30
split by Economic and
Educational
Opportunities); self-
executes H.R. 3160 as
modified by the
amendment in the
Rules report as
original text; waives
all points of order,
except sec. 425(a)
(unfunded mandates)
of the CBA; makes in
order a Democratic
substitute (1 hr.)
waives all points of
order, except sec.
425(a) (unfunded
mandates) of the CBA,
against the
amendment; one motion
to recommit which may
contain instructions
only if offered by
the Minority Leader
or his designee;
waives cl 5(c) of
Rule XXI (requiring
\3/5\ vote on any tax
increase) on votes on
the bill, amendments
or conference reports.
H.J. Res. 159.................. Tax Limitation H. Res. 395 Restrictive; provides 1D
Constitutional for consideration of
Amendment. the bill in the
House; 3 hrs of
general debate; Makes
in order H.J. Res.
169 as original text;
allows for an
amendment to be
offered by the
Minority Leader or
his designee (1 hr)
** NR; PQ.
H.R. 842....................... Truth in Budgeting H. Res. 396 Open; 2 hrs. of N/A
Act. general debate; Pre-
printing gets
priority.
H.R. 2715...................... Paperwork H. Res. 409 Open; Preprinting get N/A
Elimination Act priority.
of 1996.
H.R. 1675...................... National Wildlife H. Res. 410 Open; Makes the Young N/A
Refuge amendment printed in
Improvement Act the 4/16/96 Record in
of 1995. order as original
text; waives cl 7 of
rule XVI against the
amendment;
Preprinting gets
priority; **NR.
H.J. Res. 175.................. Further Continuing H. Res. 411 Closed; provides for N/A
Appropriations consideration of the
for FY 1996. bill in the House;
one motion to
recommit which, if
containing
instructions, may be
offered by the
Minority Leader or
his designee. **NR.
H.R. 2641...................... United States H. Res. 418 Open; Pre-printing N/A
Marshals Service gets priority; Senate
Improvement Act hook-up. **PQ.
of 1996.
H.R. 2149...................... The Ocean Shipping H. Res. 419 Open; Makes in order a N/A
Reform Act. managers amendment as
the first order of
business (10 min.);
if adopted it is
considered as base
text; waives cl 7 of
rule XVI against the
managers amendment;
Pre-printing gets
priority; makes in
order an Obestar en
bloc amendment.
H.R. 2974...................... To amend the H. Res. 421 Open; waives cl 7 of N/A
Violent Crime rule XIII against
Control and Law consideration of the
Enforcement Act bill; makes in order
of 1994 to the Judiciary
provide enhanced substitute printed in
penalties for the bill as original
crimes against text; waives cl 7 of
elderly and child rule XVI against the
victims. substitute; Pre-
printing gets
priority.
H.R. 3120...................... To amend Title 18, H. Res. 422 Open; waives cl 7 of N/A
United States rule XIII against
Code, with consideration of the
respect to bill; makes in order
witness the Judiciary
retaliation, substitute printed in
witness tampering the bill as original
and jury text; waives cl 7 of
tampering. rule XVI against the
substitute; Pre-
printing gets
priority.
H.R. 2406...................... The United States H. Res. 426 Open; makes in order N/A
Housing Act of the committee
1996. substitute printed in
the bill as original
text; waives cl 5(a)
of rule XXI against
the substitute; makes
in order a managers
amendment as the
first order of
business (10 min); if
adopted it is
considered as base
text; Pre-printing
gets priority;
provides a Senate
hook-up.
H.R. 3322...................... Omnibus Civilian H. Res. 427 Open; waives cl N/A
Science 2(l)(2) of rule XI
Authorization Act against the bill's
of 1996. consideration; makes
in order a managers
amendment as the
first order of
business (10 min); if
adopted it is
considered as base
text; waives cl 5(a)
of rule XXI against
the bill; pre-
printing gets
priority.
H.R. 3286...................... The Adoption H. Res. 428 Restrictive; provides ..............
Promotion and consideration of the
Stability Act of bill in the House;
1996. makes in order the
Ways & Means
substitute printed in
the bill as original
text; makes in order
a Gibbons amendment
to title II (30 min)
and a Young amendment
(30 min); provides
one motion to
recommit which may
contain instructions
only if offered by
the Minority Leader
or his designee.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
* Contract Bills, 67% restrictive; 33% open. ** All legislation 1st Session, 53% restrictive; 47% open. *** All
legislation 2d Session, 86% restrictive; 14% open. **** All legislation 104th Congress, 57% restrictive; 43%
open. ***** NR indicates that the legislation being considered by the House for amendment has circumvented
standard procedure and was never reported from any House committee. ****** PQ Indicates that previous question
was ordered on the resolution. ******* Restrictive rules are those which limit the number of amendments which
can be offered, and include so-called modified open and modified closed rules as well as completely closed
rules and rules providing for consideration in the House as opposed to the Committee of the Whole. This
definition of restrictive rule is taken from the Republican chart of resolutions reported from the Rules
Committee in the 103d Congress. N/A means not available.
Legislation in the 104th Congress, 2d Session
To date 13 out of 23, or 57 percent of the bills considered
under rules in the 2d session of the 104th Congress have been
considered under an irregular procedure which circumvents the
standard committee procedure. They have been brought to the
floor without any committee reporting them. They are as
follows:
H.R. 1643, to authorize the extension of nondiscriminatory
treatment (MFN) to the products of Bulgaria.
H.J. Res. 134, making continuing appropriations for fiscal
year 1996.
H.R. 1358, conveyance of National Marine Fisheries Service
Laboratory at Gloucester, MA.
H.R. 2924, the Social Security Guarantee Act.
H.R. 3021, to guarantee the continuing full investment of
Social Security and other Federal funds in obligations of the
United States.
H.R. 3019, a further downpayment toward a balanced budget.
H.R. 2703, the Effective Death Penalty and Public Safety
Act of 1996.
H.J. Res. 165, making further continuing appropriations for
fiscal year 1996.
H.R. 125, the Crime Enforcement and Second Amendment
Restoration Act of 1996.
H.R. 3136, the Contract With America Advancement Act of
1996.
H.J. Res. 159, tax limitation constitutional amendment.
H.R. 1675, National Wildlife Refuge Improvement Act of
1995.
H.J. Res. 175, making further continuing appropriations for
fiscal year 1996.
Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I say to my colleagues, particularly on this side of the
aisle, look what I have in my hand. It is the United States Department
of State's April 1996, Patterns of Global Terrorism Report from 1 month
ago. Let me read what it says.
It says, ``Iran: Iran remains the premier state sponsor of
international terrorism and is deeply involved in the planning and
execution of terrorist acts, both by its own agents and by surrogate
groups.'' Surrogate groups that were placed in Bosnia to do their dirty
work.
The report goes on to say, ``Iran gives varying degrees of assistance
to an assortment of radical Islamic and secular groups. Iran continues
to view the United States of America as its principal foreign
adversary, supporting groups such as Hezbollah that pose a threat to
United States citizens.''
Mr. Speaker, that is what this is all about. To my colleagues who
will attempt to defeat the previous question in order to force the
Committee on International Relations to accomplish this same thing
without the addition of one additional subcommittee, I say we cannot do
that because on opening day a year and a half ago we cut one-third of
the employees of this Congress. We have cut them out by one-third. We
eliminated two subcommittees in the Committee on International
Relations. They cannot do it without this amendment, without this
report, without this resolution.
Mr. Speaker, I urge Members to please defeat the previous question
and let us get on with our business.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the
previous question on the resolution.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Hansen). The question is on ordering the
previous question.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the noes appeared to have it.
[[Page H4549]]
Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a
quorum is not present and make the point of order that a quorum is not
present.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Evidently a quorum is not present.
The Sergeant at Arms will notify absent Members.
Pursuant to the provisions of clause 5 of rule XV, the Chair
announces that he will reduce to a minimum of 5 minutes the period of
time within which a vote by electronic device, if ordered, will be
taken on the question of agreeing to the resolution.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 227,
nays 187, not voting 19, as follows:
[Roll No. 150]
YEAS--227
Allard
Archer
Armey
Bachus
Baker (CA)
Baker (LA)
Ballenger
Barr
Barrett (NE)
Bartlett
Barton
Bass
Bateman
Bereuter
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bliley
Blute
Boehlert
Boehner
Bonilla
Bono
Brownback
Bryant (TN)
Bunn
Bunning
Burr
Burton
Buyer
Callahan
Calvert
Camp
Campbell
Canady
Castle
Chabot
Chambliss
Chenoweth
Christensen
Chrysler
Clinger
Coble
Coburn
Collins (GA)
Combest
Cooley
Crane
Crapo
Cremeans
Cubin
Cunningham
Davis
Deal
DeLay
Diaz-Balart
Dickey
Doolittle
Dornan
Dreier
Duncan
Dunn
Ehlers
Ehrlich
Emerson
English
Ensign
Everett
Ewing
Fawell
Fields (TX)
Flanagan
Foley
Forbes
Fowler
Fox
Franks (CT)
Franks (NJ)
Frelinghuysen
Frisa
Funderburk
Gallegly
Ganske
Gekas
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gilman
Goodlatte
Goodling
Goss
Graham
Greenwood
Gunderson
Gutknecht
Hancock
Hansen
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayworth
Hefley
Heineman
Herger
Hilleary
Hobson
Hoekstra
Hoke
Horn
Houghton
Hunter
Hutchinson
Hyde
Inglis
Istook
Johnson (CT)
Johnson, Sam
Jones
Kasich
Kelly
Kim
King
Kingston
Klug
Knollenberg
Kolbe
LaHood
Largent
Latham
LaTourette
Laughlin
Lazio
Leach
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Lightfoot
Linder
Livingston
LoBiondo
Longley
Lucas
Manzullo
Martinez
Martini
McCollum
McCrery
McDade
McHugh
McInnis
McKeon
Metcalf
Meyers
Mica
Miller (FL)
Moorhead
Morella
Myers
Myrick
Nethercutt
Neumann
Ney
Norwood
Nussle
Oxley
Packard
Parker
Paxon
Petri
Pombo
Porter
Portman
Pryce
Quillen
Quinn
Radanovich
Ramstad
Regula
Roberts
Rogers
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roukema
Royce
Salmon
Sanford
Saxton
Scarborough
Schaefer
Schiff
Seastrand
Sensenbrenner
Shadegg
Shaw
Shays
Shuster
Skeen
Smith (MI)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Solomon
Souder
Spence
Stearns
Stockman
Stump
Talent
Tate
Taylor (NC)
Thomas
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Torkildsen
Upton
Vucanovich
Walker
Walsh
Wamp
Watts (OK)
Weldon (FL)
Weldon (PA)
Weller
White
Whitfield
Wicker
Wolf
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
Zeliff
Zimmer
NAYS--187
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Andrews
Baesler
Baldacci
Barcia
Barrett (WI)
Becerra
Beilenson
Bentsen
Berman
Bevill
Bishop
Bonior
Borski
Boucher
Brewster
Browder
Brown (CA)
Brown (FL)
Brown (OH)
Bryant (TX)
Cardin
Chapman
Clay
Clayton
Clement
Clyburn
Coleman
Collins (IL)
Collins (MI)
Condit
Conyers
Costello
Cramer
Cummings
Danner
DeFazio
DeLauro
Dellums
Deutsch
Dicks
Dingell
Dixon
Doggett
Dooley
Doyle
Durbin
Edwards
Engel
Eshoo
Evans
Farr
Fattah
Fazio
Fields (LA)
Filner
Flake
Foglietta
Frank (MA)
Frost
Furse
Gejdenson
Gephardt
Geren
Gibbons
Gonzalez
Gordon
Green (TX)
Gutierrez
Hall (OH)
Hall (TX)
Hamilton
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Hefner
Hilliard
Hinchey
Holden
Hoyer
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jacobs
Jefferson
Johnson (SD)
Johnson, E. B.
Johnston
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy (MA)
Kennedy (RI)
Kennelly
Kildee
Kleczka
Klink
LaFalce
Lantos
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lincoln
Lipinski
Lofgren
Lowey
Luther
Maloney
Manton
Markey
Mascara
Matsui
McCarthy
McDermott
McHale
McKinney
McNulty
Meehan
Meek
Menendez
Millender-McDonald
Miller (CA)
Minge
Mink
Moakley
Mollohan
Moran
Murtha
Nadler
Neal
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Orton
Pallone
Pastor
Payne (NJ)
Pelosi
Peterson (FL)
Peterson (MN)
Pickett
Pomeroy
Poshard
Rahall
Rangel
Reed
Richardson
Rivers
Rose
Roybal-Allard
Rush
Sabo
Sanders
Sawyer
Schroeder
Schumer
Scott
Serrano
Sisisky
Skaggs
Skelton
Slaughter
Spratt
Stark
Stenholm
Stokes
Studds
Stupak
Tanner
Taylor (MS)
Tejeda
Thompson
Thornton
Thurman
Torres
Torricelli
Towns
Traficant
Velazquez
Vento
Volkmer
Ward
Waters
Watt (NC)
Waxman
Williams
Wise
Wynn
Yates
NOT VOTING--19
Cox
Coyne
de la Garza
Ford
Greene (UT)
Hayes
Hostettler
McIntosh
Molinari
Montgomery
Owens
Payne (VA)
Riggs
Roemer
Roth
Tauzin
Visclosky
Wilson
Woolsey
{time} 1256
The Clerk announced the following pair:
On this vote:
Mr. McIntosh for, with Mr. Roemer against.
Mr. CRAMER changed his vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
So the previous question was ordered.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Hansen). The question is on the
resolution.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
recorded vote
Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. This is a 5-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 224,
noes 187, not voting 22, as follows:
[Roll No 151]
AYES--224
Allard
Archer
Armey
Bachus
Baker (CA)
Baker (LA)
Ballenger
Barr
Barrett (NE)
Bartlett
Barton
Bass
Bateman
Bereuter
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bliley
Blute
Boehlert
Boehner
Bonilla
Bono
Brownback
Bryant (TN)
Bunn
Bunning
Burr
Burton
Buyer
Callahan
Calvert
Camp
Campbell
Canady
Castle
Chabot
Chambliss
Chenoweth
Christensen
Chrysler
Clinger
Coble
Coburn
Collins (GA)
Combest
Cooley
Crane
Crapo
Cremeans
Cubin
Cunningham
Davis
Deal
DeLay
Diaz-Balart
Doolittle
Dornan
Dreier
Duncan
Dunn
Ehlers
Ehrlich
Emerson
English
Ensign
Everett
Ewing
Fawell
Fields (TX)
Flanagan
Foley
Forbes
Fowler
Fox
Franks (CT)
Franks (NJ)
Frelinghuysen
Frisa
Funderburk
Gallegly
Ganske
Gekas
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gilman
Goodlatte
Goodling
Goss
Graham
Greenwood
Gunderson
Gutknecht
Hall (TX)
Hancock
Hansen
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayworth
Hefley
Heineman
Herger
Hilleary
Hobson
Hoekstra
Hoke
Horn
Houghton
Hunter
Hutchinson
Hyde
Inglis
Istook
Johnson (CT)
Johnson, Sam
Jones
Kasich
Kelly
Kim
King
Kingston
Klug
Knollenberg
Kolbe
LaHood
Largent
Latham
LaTourette
Laughlin
Lazio
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Lightfoot
Linder
Livingston
LoBiondo
Longley
Lucas
Manzullo
Martinez
Martini
McCollum
McCrery
McDade
McHugh
McInnis
McIntosh
McKeon
Metcalf
Meyers
Mica
Miller (FL)
Moorhead
Morella
Myers
Myrick
Nethercutt
Neumann
Ney
Norwood
Nussle
Oxley
Packard
Parker
Paxon
Petri
Pombo
Porter
Portman
Quillen
Radanovich
Ramstad
Regula
Roberts
Rogers
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roukema
Royce
Salmon
Sanford
Saxton
Scarborough
Schaefer
Schiff
Seastrand
Sensenbrenner
Shadegg
Shaw
Shays
Shuster
Skeen
Smith (MI)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Solomon
Souder
Spence
Stearns
Stockman
Stump
Tate
Taylor (MS)
Taylor (NC)
Thomas
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Torkildsen
Upton
Vucanovich
Walker
Walsh
Wamp
Watts (OK)
Weldon (FL)
Weldon (PA)
Weller
White
Wicker
Wolf
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
Zeliff
Zimmer
NOES--187
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Andrews
Baesler
Baldacci
Barcia
Barrett (WI)
Becerra
Beilenson
[[Page H4550]]
Bentsen
Berman
Bevill
Bishop
Bonior
Borski
Boucher
Brewster
Browder
Brown (CA)
Brown (FL)
Brown (OH)
Bryant (TX)
Cardin
Chapman
Clay
Clayton
Clement
Clyburn
Coleman
Collins (IL)
Collins (MI)
Condit
Conyers
Costello
Cramer
Cummings
Danner
DeFazio
DeLauro
Dellums
Deutsch
Dicks
Dingell
Dixon
Doggett
Dooley
Doyle
Durbin
Edwards
Engel
Eshoo
Evans
Farr
Fattah
Fazio
Fields (LA)
Filner
Flake
Foglietta
Frank (MA)
Frost
Furse
Gejdenson
Gephardt
Geren
Gibbons
Gonzalez
Gordon
Green (TX)
Gutierrez
Hall (OH)
Hamilton
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Hefner
Hilliard
Hinchey
Holden
Hoyer
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jacobs
Jefferson
Johnson (SD)
Johnson, E. B.
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy (MA)
Kennedy (RI)
Kennelly
Kildee
Kleczka
Klink
LaFalce
Lantos
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lincoln
Lipinski
Lofgren
Lowey
Luther
Maloney
Manton
Markey
Mascara
Matsui
McCarthy
McDermott
McHale
McKinney
McNulty
Meehan
Meek
Menendez
Millender-McDonald
Miller (CA)
Minge
Mink
Moakley
Mollohan
Moran
Murtha
Nadler
Neal
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Orton
Pallone
Pastor
Payne (NJ)
Payne (VA)
Pelosi
Peterson (FL)
Peterson (MN)
Pickett
Pomeroy
Poshard
Rahall
Rangel
Reed
Richardson
Rivers
Roemer
Rose
Roybal-Allard
Rush
Sabo
Sanders
Sawyer
Schroeder
Schumer
Scott
Serrano
Sisisky
Skaggs
Skelton
Slaughter
Spratt
Stark
Stenholm
Stokes
Studds
Stupak
Tanner
Tejeda
Thompson
Thornton
Thurman
Torres
Torricelli
Towns
Traficant
Velazquez
Vento
Volkmer
Ward
Waters
Watt (NC)
Waxman
Williams
Wise
Woolsey
Wynn
Yates
NOT VOTING--22
Cox
Coyne
de la Garza
Dickey
Ford
Greene (UT)
Hayes
Hostettler
Johnston
Leach
Molinari
Montgomery
Owens
Pryce
Quinn
Riggs
Roth
Talent
Tauzin
Visclosky
Whitfield
Wilson
{time} 1305
Mr. NEUMANN changed his vote from ``no'' to ``aye.''
So the resolution was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
PERSONAL EXPLANATION
Mr. RIGGS. Mr. Speaker, on rollcall No. 150, the previous question on
House Resolution 416, and 151, adoption of House Resolution 416, I was
unavoidably absent from the Capitol on personal family matters--a
conference at my son's school. Had I been present, I would have voted
``yes'' on both issues.
____________________