[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 56 (Monday, April 29, 1996)]
[Senate]
[Pages S4272-S4276]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




   TEXT OF EULOGY TO DR. I. BEVERLY LAKE, SR., BY DR. NORMAN ADRIAN 
                                WIGGINS

  Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, a couple of Sunday afternoons ago, several 
hundred of us gathered at the Baptist Church on the campus of what, 
until mid-20th century, was Wake Forest College, the marvelous 
institution that I attended and of which I shall always be proud. (Wake 
Forest College moved to Winston-Salem in 1954 and is now one of the 
Nation's prominent universities.)
  The multitude came on April 14 to pay our last respects to a great 
American, Dr. I. Beverly Lake, Sr., who had passed away a couple of 
days earlier.
  At the April 14 services for Dr. Lake, a eulogy was delivered by one 
of North Carolina's most prominent present-day citizens, Dr. Norman 
Adrian Wiggins, who, to all of us who know him, is simple Ed Wiggins, 
our friend.
  Mr. President, as Ed Wiggins spoke that afternoon, I was both touched 
and inspired, yes, but I was also grateful for the blessings of having 
known both Dr. Lake and Ed Wiggins and for having them as treasured 
friends.
  Dr. Norman Adrian Wiggins is president and professor of law at the 
rapidly growing Baptist institution in North Carolina, Campbell 
University, of which years ago, I was honored to serve as trustee.
  But, Mr. President, my purpose today is to enter into the 
Congressional Record the beautiful, caring eulogy to Dr. Lake delivered 
by Ed Wiggins on Sunday, April 14. I ask unanimous consent that it be 
printed in the Record.
  There being no objection, the eulogy was ordered to be printed in the 
Record, as follows:

                   Eulogy to Dr. I. Beverly Lake, Sr.

                     (By Dr. Norman Adrian Wiggins)

       He is in His presence! He is in His presence! Dr. Isaac 
     Beverly Lake is in the presence of the Master he served 
     during life! All is well.

[[Page S4273]]

       This is the day the Lord hath made, let us rejoice and be 
     glad in it!
       The apostle Paul said, ``I have fought the good fight. I 
     have finished my course, I have kept the faith'' (II Timothy 
     4:7).
       This towering figure and one of North Carolina's most 
     outstanding sons whose life we honor today never made such a 
     claim. But we who have known him best can testify to the 
     appropriateness of this description. Few, if any, have fought 
     the fight, finished the course or kept the faith better than 
     the one we honor today. And today we come to celebrate his 
     victory and final graduation.
       I count it a great honor to participate in this service of 
     my teacher, mentor, colleagues and longtime friend. What a 
     wonderful gathering of family and friends. It is a splendid 
     testimony to the life of one who could talk with crowds and 
     not lose his virtue and walk with kings and not lose the 
     common touch.
       When asked by a mother what advice he could give her for 
     the rearing of her infant son, General Robert E. Lee, then 
     President of Washington and Lee, replied, ``Madam, teach him 
     to deny himself.''
       So it was with the life of the one we remember today. Few 
     were ever so dedicated to the principle of self denial and 
     duty.
       It accounts in part for his outstanding success as 
     practicing lawyer, brilliant legal scholar, both in the 
     classroom and on the Bench of the North Carolina Supreme 
     Court, outstanding Deputy (then Assistant) Attorney General 
     in a critical time in the life of our state and as a 
     dedicated Churchman.
       If time permitted, we could study, with profit, the many 
     facets of Dr. Lake's career. But these have been recalled 
     frequently in the news media in recent days. They are well 
     known. I shall not repeat them. Instead, I want to speak 
     about what I have observed of this man of Impeccable 
     character and invincible integrity.
       In addition to his devotion to duty and self denial, the 
     guiding light of the life of Dr. Issac Beverly Lake was his 
     belief in and devotion to the Gospel of Jesus Christ. 
     Whenever he spoke, he almost always used the occasion to 
     advance the Kingdom of God here on earth. Although 
     conservative in philosophy with a brilliant mind that could 
     cut through and define an issue with great clarity when 
     explaining ``truth,'' he would go back to that greatest 
     teacher in history who told his students, ``If you continue 
     in my word . . . ye shall know the truth, and the truth shall 
     make you free,'' and again he said, ``I am the way, the truth 
     and the life,''
       And then Dr. Lake would lead us to see that truth is a 
     seamless web, woven together by God, that there are no 
     inconsistent truths or portions of truth. And then he would 
     strongly declare: ``Jesus's definition stands alone, 
     uncontradicted and complete--``I am the truth.'' This was his 
     north star!
       In addition to his faith in God and his passion for truth, 
     Dr. Lake had an unshakeable faith in the importance of 
     Christian higher education. This personified his education at 
     ``Dear Ole Wake Forest'' where his father was a great teacher 
     of Physics and where he was surrounded by loving parents and 
     great Christian teachers. Always willing to acknowledge with 
     gratitude the education he received at two other great 
     universities, he reserved his greatest appreciation for that 
     school where students, without sacrificing the knowledge 
     of material things and values, were encouraged to learn 
     and appreciate the values of the spirit and character. It 
     was there where students were taught that as the poet 
     said, ``one must know, but to know is not enough. One must 
     will, but to will is not enough. One must act!'' (Goethe)
       In William Ellery Channing's charge on the ordination of 
     the Reverend J. S. Dwight, he urged the young minister to 
     remember that: ``The fewer the voices on the side of truth, 
     the more distinct and strong must be your own.'' Dr. Lake 
     always had a distinct and a strong voice for truth, even when 
     others chose to remain silent.
       Like John Ruskin, Dr. Lake believed that education was not 
     so much teaching the young to learn what they previously did 
     not know, but to teach them to behave in a way they did not 
     previously behave. In other words, academic achievement and 
     Christian commitment were expected to go hand in hand. And it 
     was the teaching of these principles that elevated him to the 
     class of the four or five greatest classroom teachers of his 
     day.
       It was bad for physics but good for law when Dr. Lake 
     decided to study law. He said, ``I had no higher ambition 
     than to be a member of the Wake Forest Law School faculty. In 
     speaking of the great ``faculty of Gulley, Timberlake and 
     White,'' he could say ``I was grandson of Gulley and son of 
     Timberlake and White.'' The faculty proved that you could 
     have a great law school notwithstanding modest facilities 
     (one room) and a weak library.
       In speaking of the Wake Forest College faculty he described 
     them as the finest collection of scholars, teachers and men 
     with whom he was ever associated.
       In traditional Christian fashion, the family came next to 
     Dr. Lake's devotion to God. His first wife and the mother of 
     his son, Associate Justice Beverly Lake Junior, was Gertrude 
     Bell. Some years after her death, he married Kathleen 
     Robinson Mackie, the widow of Dr. George Mackie. Dr. Mackie 
     was and still is known as Wake Forest's most famous college 
     physician. Mrs. Lake was and Mrs. Kathleen Lake is a complete 
     homemaker. Beautiful in appearance, highly capable 
     intellectually, the lives of both ladies have been 
     characterized by a sense of calling and duty. Without their 
     inspiration, daily encouragement and wise counsel, Dr. Lake 
     could not have accomplished so much. It is a great credit to 
     both ladies and to his devoted and distinguished son, Beverly 
     Junior, who followed his father as Associate Justice of the 
     North Carolina Supreme Court, that they sensed Dr. Lake was 
     called to perform a special service and were willing to help 
     him render it.
       As you know, Dr. Lake was tremendously proud of his son. 
     Early in Beverly Junior's life he and his father were in 
     Raleigh to view a political parade. Dr. Lake turned to 
     Beverly and said, ``I want you to promise me that you will 
     stay out of politics and I will promise you I will do the 
     same.''
       Later on I questioned Dr. Lake about this advice and asked 
     him how he came to get involved in politics. He replied, ``I 
     guess I just drifted into it.'' Notwithstanding the humorous 
     reply, I realized that like the late Justice Arthur 
     Vanderbilt, he came to see that the holding of political 
     office and service to country is the lawyer's most noble 
     service.
       Speaking of family, in characteristic humor, when 
     receiving the Medal of Honor from the National Society of 
     the Daughters of the American Revolution for leadership, 
     trustworthiness, service and patriotism, he stoutly 
     disclaimed his worthiness, but declared he would take it 
     so the ``grandchildren and great grandchildren might 
     possibly see that there were some good qualities about the 
     old man after all.'' This was typical of the good humor 
     and wit he exhibited all during his life.
       Dr. Lake's entire life was characterized by his love for 
     God, family and country. He often spoke about how his mother 
     taught him ``to love and honor his country and to learn about 
     his country and its heritage.''
       ``A person with no pride of heritage is a pathetic 
     individual,'' said Dr. Lake.
       Time and time again, as he expressed concern about the 
     political direction of our country, he made it clear that 
     ``Whatever may have been true of Tsarist Russia, this country 
     (the USA) needs no new foundation.'' He wanted everyone to 
     know the noble purposes upon which the government was 
     founded. While we have yet to attain them (the founding 
     purposes) he strongly contended that ``no nation on earth, 
     past or present, ever got closer to them.''
       Dr. Lake wanted the Supreme Court of the United States to 
     return to its original moorings--the Constitution. Twice Dr. 
     Lake sought the office of Governor without success. Of 
     course, he, the family, and all of us and especially ``his 
     boys'' who supported him were disappointed. Did it impair his 
     enthusiasm for his country? You be the judge.
       Speaking at one ODK meeting held at Campbell some years 
     after the unsuccessful campaigns and with a Supreme Court 
     that was continuing to move from the foundation upon which 
     the country had been founded, it could have been ``pay back 
     time.'' He could have weakened the faith of the young people 
     in their country. What did he tell them?
       ``So often I hear thoughtful people say `It's too late. We 
     have already lost our way. America has passed beyond the hope 
     of rescue.' ''
       ``I do not believe that,'' said Dr. Lake with that strength 
     of conviction for which he was famous.
       But then he went on to say, ``But if you are going to be a 
     leader and going to change things, you must be willing `to 
     speak to your contemporaries truths they do not perceive and 
     often do not want to hear.' ''
       Dr. Lake's life was characterized by enthusiasm, happiness, 
     optimism, courage and deep faith in a risen Lord. One of the 
     Nation's finest classroom teachers, he demanded much of his 
     students. But love them he did. He called them ``my boys.'' 
     He visited with them when he met us on campus. When time 
     permitted, he loved to join the students for a round of golf 
     or a ball game. He and Mrs. Lake went far beyond the call of 
     duty to make the students and other guests ``feel at home'' 
     when they came calling on a visit.
       If I had time to relate to you the stories that we remember 
     and something of the good times we had, you could better 
     appreciate why his students admired, respected, and yes, 
     loved their teacher. Until the very end, he constantly 
     dedicated his books, articles and lectures to ``my students'' 
     to whom I owe so much.
       When God sent angels to bring Dr. Lake home last Thursday, 
     I suspect they said: ``Come ye, Beverly, blessed of our 
     father, enter thou into the joys of the Lord.''
       It is hard to imagine anyone more deserving of such a 
     Divine invitation than Dr. I. Beverly Lake who spent his life 
     in service to the people of North Carolina and the Nation!

  Mr. CRAIG. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Frist). The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. GRAMS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. GRAMS. Mr. President, I also ask unanimous consent that I be 
allowed to speak as if in morning business for up to 20 minutes.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. GRAMS. Thank you very much.

[[Page S4274]]



    REMOVE THE BARRICADES, REOPEN PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE TO THE PEOPLE

  Mr. GRAMS. Mr. President, I don't know how or why it developed, but 
one trait most humans share is a deep interest in chronicling the 
passage of time. And so we attach a special significance to the 
observance of anniversaries--those anniversaries marking celebration 
and achievement, and those marking solemn events of remembrance and 
passage.
  On May 20, 3 weeks from today, we'll have an opportunity to observe 
both. We'll be celebrating the 88th birthday of actor Jimmy Stewart, 
the 64th anniversary of Amelia Earhart's solo flight across the 
Atlantic, the patenting of the fountain pen in 1830, and Levis' 
riveted-pocket blue jeans in 1873.
  But on May 20, we'll also be observing a much more troubling event, 
because unless the Government takes action in the next 3 weeks to stop 
it, we'll be marking the 1-year anniversary of the closing of 
Pennsylvania Avenue in front of the White House.
  Mr. President, we have an opportunity--an obligation--to prevent this 
anniversary from ever happening.
  The city has certainly grown up around it, but Pennsylvania Avenue 
has changed surprisingly little since 1791, when George Washington gave 
his approval to Pierre L'Enfant's innovative city plan. They envisioned 
the avenue as a bold, ceremonial stretch of boulevard physically 
linking the U.S. Capitol Building and the White House, and symbolically 
linking the legislative and executive branches of government.
  By the early 1800's, Pennsylvania Avenue had become a busy 
thoroughfare. The people of Washington went about their daily business 
in the shadow of the White House, which for much of the 19th century, 
wasn't set off from the street by as much as a fence. Believe it or 
not, folks used to pull their carriages up to the front door of the 
President's house to ask for directions.
  By 1995, carriages had been replaced by station wagons and tour 
buses, and Pennsylvania Avenue--America's main street--had grown up. 
Over 80 feet wide, the modern, six-lane boulevard was being used by 
more than 26,000 vehicles every day. Families on vacation would travel 
down Pennsylvania Avenue past the White House on the same route their 
ancestors might have taken, and it gave a lot of people goosebumps. 
When ordinary citizens could drive by the President's home or walk by 
his front gate, well, that said something important to them about 
living in a country where freedom is valued above all else.
  As the home to every President since John Adams, the White House had 
become one of Pennsylvania Avenue's crown jewels, a primary destination 
of visitors to the Nation's Capital. The People's House was hosting 
1\1/2\ million tourists annually. Given its prominent location on 
Pennsylvania Avenue and its proximity to the people, the White House 
was a powerful symbol of freedom, openness, and an individual's access 
to their Government.
  That is, until May 20 of last year, when the Treasury Department shut 
down two blocks of Pennsylvania Avenue. For the first time in its 195-
year history, all traffic in front of the White House came to a halt.
  The President ordered the avenue closed to vehicles in the wake of 
the tragic Oklahoma City bombing a month earlier, citing possible 
security risks from trucks carrying terrorist bombs. At the time, the 
President said the decision wouldn't change very much except the 
traffic patterns in Washington--but it has. By barricading a symbol of 
democracy and access which dates back to nearly the birth of this 
Nation, we've surrendered to fear. Without striking a single match in 
the vicinity of Washington, the terrorists have won.
  Have you been to the White House lately, Mr. President? You'll see 
what fear looks like. With all the guards, the guns, the cement 
barriers, the police cruisers, Pennsylvania Avenue now looks like what 
some are calling a war zone. Or a bunker. This is not the White House 
of leaders like John Adams and Thomas Jefferson and Abraham Lincoln, 
who defined freedom's essence and took deep pride in being its 
stewards.
  In fact, I don't know whose White House this is anymore. But I do 
know that it no longer seems to belong to the people.
  Mr. President, I hope my colleagues had an opportunity to read the 
editorials on the subject of Pennsylvania Avenue published in the 
Washington Post over the last several months. The newspaper has focused 
on fear, and what happens when that fear is allowed to take hold and 
fester until it dictates and clouds the decisions made every day here 
in Washington.
  ``This is a concession to terrorism that should not be made 
permanent,'' wrote the Post last December. ``Two world wars did not 
close Pennsylvania Avenue. Neither did the Civil War or past attempts 
on Presidents' lives, as the White House itself has noted. The avenue 
stayed open despite a British invasion, and despite street riots in the 
1960's. But now, because of the devastation in Oklahoma City, the 
history of Pennsylvania Avenue may be erased by bulldozers.''
  Mr. President, it would be a second tragedy if a capital city steeped 
in fear is among the lasting legacies of the Oklahoma City bombing. 
That is not how we should honor the explosion's innocent victims.
  In their rush to close Pennsylvania Avenue down, officials apparently 
gave little thought to the long-term consequences of their action. 
After all, Pennsylvania Avenue is far more than just a decorative patch 
of roadway, reserved for parades and official functions. It's a living, 
vital spoke of the city. For almost 200 years, Washington's workers and 
families have lived along Pennsylvania Avenue, shopped along it, dined 
along it, done their shopping at its corner markets, traveled on it to 
and from the office. The knee-jerk closing of such a major artery has 
had a devastating cost for the District of Columbia and its businesses, 
its commuters, its tourists, its residents.
  With the avenue closed for two blocks, and several surrounding 
streets blocked off as well, the people who live, work, and visit here 
and give life to this city are feeling choked off from it.
  Nearby businesses are no longer as accessible to employees and 
clients, now that daily traffic hassles tie up the downtown area. City 
officials are worried that commercial development will eventually 
suffer: with the city's east and west sides artificially separated, 
potential tenants may decide to skip the headaches of dealing with 
the closed avenue and opt to locate outside Washington.

  A great deal of parking space has been eliminated, too. Add up the 
lost parking revenue, the cost of changing street signs and signals, 
higher Metrobus subsidies, and police overtime, and just 6 weeks into 
the closing, the District estimated the cost of closing Pennsylvania 
Avenue had already reached nearly $750,000. I'm afraid the cost after 
an entire year will be staggering.
  And that doesn't begin to take into account the other indirect costs 
of the closing. Tour bus operators can no longer drive their 
customers--many of whom are strapped for time, or unable to walk the 
extra three or four blocks--past the White House.
  What about the public transportation system? In order to provide the 
same services it offered before the Pennsylvania Avenue shutdown, 
transit officials have estimated they'll need to spend up to $200,000 
more every year by adding new buses and drivers.
  And the increased bus traffic on streets not meant to bear such a 
heavy load is threatening historic buildings like Decatur House on H 
Street and St. John's Episcopal Church on Lafayette Square. Both have 
survived more than 175 years of political turbulence, but neither was 
built to endure the rumbling they've been subjected to over the last 12 
months. Buses now pass by at a rate of more than 1,000 trips a day--
experts are afraid the traffic will reduce the structures to rubble.
  What's most troubling about all of this is the fact that the Federal 
Government carried out the closing of Pennsylvania Avenue without any 
consultation with the District, without any direct public input from 
the people their decision would most disrupt.
  Mr. President, the people of this city who depend on open access to 
Pennsylvania Avenue say they've accepted the present closure, but 
they're not going along with the idea that the avenue must be blockaded 
forever. That

[[Page S4275]]

case has simply not been made, they say. And I agree.
  I was pleased to learn that the National Park Service recently 
scrapped what they called their interim beautification plan for the 
1,600-foot strip of the avenue between Lafayette Park and the White 
House. The plan involved replacing large sections of the asphalt with 
grass, but architects called it off when they realized that something 
as drastic as digging up the asphalt would be too hard to change in the 
future, once a final plan of action is decided upon.
  The Park Service is still going ahead with plans to bring in 115 
concrete barriers disguised as planters to ring the closed-off avenue. 
Most of these new roadblocks are almost 3 feet high; the largest is 7 
by 13 feet and weighs 36 tons. ``It will really dress the area up,'' 
said a Park Service official. Mr. President, I don't believe Martha 
Stewart herself could dress up a 36-ton, concrete traffic barricade.
  And the cost of these new measures? About half a million dollars--a 
great deal of taxpayers' money, especially considering it's only 
supposed to be temporary.
  Last December, 14 top architects, planners, and sculptors met to 
brainstorm about the future of Pennsylvania Avenue. They didn't 
publicly announce any final decisions--that won't happen until later 
this year. But they are expected to release five proposals later this 
month on how to proceed. Most of the plans are said to center around 
the idea of keeping the avenue closed and turning the area surrounding 
the White House into some sort of President's park, something they say 
could become a shrine of democracy. But a pretty name can't disguise a 
terrible idea.
  Mr. President, Washington doesn't need another ceremonial park, 
especially around the White House. Kings live in park enclaves, as they 
say, while Presidents live along streets. Washington doesn't need 
another shrine to democracy, either. This city itself is a shrine to 
democracy. I would suggest that returning Pennsylvania Avenue to the 
way it was before May 20, 1995, would be the greatest tribute to 
democracy we could offer.
  We all need to stop, catch our breath, and put aside the fear. If we 
don't, where will it stop? One year after Oklahoma City, the Government 
has already increased its national security force by more than 800 
guards, at a cost to the taxpayers of $32 million.
  New security equipment is being installed in Federal buildings to the 
tune of $77 million, and another $174 million is slated to be spent on 
additional security measures over the next 20 months.
  Then what? There are 8,100 Federal buildings in the United States--do 
we turn each and every one of them into a fortress? Already, the 
drastic security measures undertaken on Pennsylvania Avenue have set a 
precedent and have been mirrored on Capitol Hill. Access to streets on 
the Senate side of the Capitol have been shut off and parking has been 
eliminated or restricted in many places. Security at the Capitol itself 
has been tightened dramatically.
  How much of Washington, DC, are we going to have to rope off before 
the public begins thinking we simply don't want them here? As tragic as 
it sounds, that's the message we're sending.
  Mr. President, all Americans are deeply concerned about the safety of 
their President. The security measures used to protect him must be well 
reasoned, appropriate, and thorough. I don't question the desire to 
afford him every ounce of security available, but I do question whether 
we can satisfy that desire without sacrificing the people's freedom.
  The sad truth is that we can't protect the President--or any Federal 
worker, for that matter--by sealing them off from the world. A 
determined terrorist will not be stopped. But there will always be 
risks in a free and open society.
  I received a letter from a California man who wanted to share his 
thoughts as an occasional visitor to this city. ``I am in Washington 
about 10 times a year,'' he wrote, ``and I feel an oppression there 
that I feel in no other city, either in the United States or abroad. I 
really feel the oppression around the White House.'' He wrote that any 
black or white minivan parked in the vicinity will have a policeman in 
it. That's in addition to the policemen with dogs, and the vast number 
on foot and in Secret Service cars in the area, all behind those ugly, 
concrete barriers. ``Closing off Pennsylvania Avenue seems to be going 
a bit overboard,'' he concluded.
  In the year since the closure of Pennsylvania Avenue, the calls for 
its reopening have grown louder. There's a deep perception among many 
Americans that the closing was an emotional reaction--a judgment 
rendered too quickly, and initiated out of fear. It's time for 
President Clinton to reconsider a decision made amidst such emotion, 
and replace it with one of reasoned courage.

  And so I am sending today a letter to the President requesting the 
reopening of Pennsylvania Avenue no later than May 17, 1996. I ask 
unanimous consent that a copy of my letter be printed in the Record.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  (See exhibit 1.)
  Mr. GRAMS. Mr. President, on behalf of the American people who aren't 
here to stand up for themselves, I ask my colleagues to stand with me 
in taking back Pennsylvania Avenue from the fear to which it has been 
surrendered. It's time to halt these efforts to close off the people's 
house, on America's main street, from the people themselves. We don't 
need to wait for the reports and recommendations of another government 
commission to know that this is wrong.
  By ordering the immediate reopening of Pennsylvania Avenue, President 
Clinton has the power to return the avenue to the people. He has the 
power to undo a costly mistake. He has the power to ensure that the 
closure of Pennsylvania Avenue does not mark its first anniversary.
  We must not allow fear to claim the victory. Dismantle the 
barricades, Mr. President, and may the souls of the patriots who 
founded this Nation in freedom's name take pity on us if we don't.

                               Exhibit 1


                                                  U.S. Senate,

                                   Washington, DC, April 29, 1996.
     Hon. Bill Clinton, 
     The White House,
     Washington, DC.
       Dear Mr. President: As you are no doubt aware, May 20, 1996 
     will mark the passage of one year since the closing of 
     Pennsylvania Avenue in front of the White House. To eliminate 
     the need for observing this somber anniversary, I am writing 
     to respectfully request the reopening of Pennsylvania Avenue 
     by a date no later than May 17, 1996.
       Within the history of Pennsylvania Avenue can be traced the 
     history of this great nation. In 1791, President George 
     Washington commissioned Pierre Charles L'Enfant to draft a 
     blueprint for America's new capital city. They envisioned 
     Pennsylvania Avenue as a ceremonial boulevard physically 
     linking the U.S. Capitol and the White House, and 
     symbolically linking the Legislative and Executive branches 
     of government. As an integral element of the District of 
     Columbia, Pennsylvania Avenue stood for 195 years as a vital, 
     working, unbroken roadway, elevating it into a place of 
     national importance as ``America's Main Street.''
       As the home to every president since John Adams, the White 
     House has become one of Pennsylvania Avenue's ``crown 
     jewels'' and a primary destination of visitors to the 
     Nation's Capital; today, ``the People's House'' is host to 
     1.5 million tourists annually. Given its prominent location 
     on Pennsylvania Avenue and its proximity to the People, the 
     White House has become a powerful symbol of freedom, 
     openness, and an individual's access to their government.
       And so you can imagine the disappointment of many when your 
     order of May 20, 1995 closed Pennsylvania Avenue to vehicular 
     traffic for two blocks in front of the White House. By 
     impeding access and imposing hardships upon tourists, 
     residents of the District, commuters, and local business 
     owners and their customers, the closure of Pennsylvania 
     Avenue has drastically altered L'Enfant's historic city plan, 
     replacing the openness of the area surrounding the White 
     House with barricades, additional security checkpoints, and 
     an atmosphere of fear and distrust.
       The closure has come with not only an emotional cost, but a 
     financial cost as well--both to the taxpayers, who have been 
     asked to bear the burden of funding new security measures 
     along Pennsylvania Avenue near the White House, and for those 
     who are dependent upon access to the avenue for their 
     livelihood.
       I acknowledge that the security of the President of the 
     United States is paramount and a matter not to be taken 
     lightly, but I ask you to recognize that the need to ensure 
     the president's safety must be balanced with the expectation 
     of freedom inherent in a democracy. I believe the present 
     situation is tilted far to heavily toward security at 
     freedom's expense.
       In the year since the closure of Pennsylvania Avenue, the 
     calls for its reopening have grown louder. There is a deep 
     perception among many Americans that the closing was

[[Page S4276]]

     an emotional reaction--a decision rendered too quickly, 
     initiated out of fear fueled by the terrible disaster in 
     Oklahoma City. I ask you to reconsider a decision made amidst 
     such emotion, and replace it with one of reasoned courage.
       By ordering the reopening of Pennsylvania Avenue by May 17, 
     1996, you have the power to undo a costly mistake, return the 
     avenue to the people, and guarantee that its closure will not 
     mark its first anniversary.
           Sincerely,
                                                        Rod Grams,
                                                      U.S. Senate.

  Mrs. FEINSTEIN addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from California.
  Mrs. FEINSTEIN. I thank the Chair.
  Mr. President, I ask to speak in morning business for such time as I 
may consume.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.

                          ____________________