[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 56 (Monday, April 29, 1996)]
[Senate]
[Pages S4272-S4276]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
TEXT OF EULOGY TO DR. I. BEVERLY LAKE, SR., BY DR. NORMAN ADRIAN
WIGGINS
Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, a couple of Sunday afternoons ago, several
hundred of us gathered at the Baptist Church on the campus of what,
until mid-20th century, was Wake Forest College, the marvelous
institution that I attended and of which I shall always be proud. (Wake
Forest College moved to Winston-Salem in 1954 and is now one of the
Nation's prominent universities.)
The multitude came on April 14 to pay our last respects to a great
American, Dr. I. Beverly Lake, Sr., who had passed away a couple of
days earlier.
At the April 14 services for Dr. Lake, a eulogy was delivered by one
of North Carolina's most prominent present-day citizens, Dr. Norman
Adrian Wiggins, who, to all of us who know him, is simple Ed Wiggins,
our friend.
Mr. President, as Ed Wiggins spoke that afternoon, I was both touched
and inspired, yes, but I was also grateful for the blessings of having
known both Dr. Lake and Ed Wiggins and for having them as treasured
friends.
Dr. Norman Adrian Wiggins is president and professor of law at the
rapidly growing Baptist institution in North Carolina, Campbell
University, of which years ago, I was honored to serve as trustee.
But, Mr. President, my purpose today is to enter into the
Congressional Record the beautiful, caring eulogy to Dr. Lake delivered
by Ed Wiggins on Sunday, April 14. I ask unanimous consent that it be
printed in the Record.
There being no objection, the eulogy was ordered to be printed in the
Record, as follows:
Eulogy to Dr. I. Beverly Lake, Sr.
(By Dr. Norman Adrian Wiggins)
He is in His presence! He is in His presence! Dr. Isaac
Beverly Lake is in the presence of the Master he served
during life! All is well.
[[Page S4273]]
This is the day the Lord hath made, let us rejoice and be
glad in it!
The apostle Paul said, ``I have fought the good fight. I
have finished my course, I have kept the faith'' (II Timothy
4:7).
This towering figure and one of North Carolina's most
outstanding sons whose life we honor today never made such a
claim. But we who have known him best can testify to the
appropriateness of this description. Few, if any, have fought
the fight, finished the course or kept the faith better than
the one we honor today. And today we come to celebrate his
victory and final graduation.
I count it a great honor to participate in this service of
my teacher, mentor, colleagues and longtime friend. What a
wonderful gathering of family and friends. It is a splendid
testimony to the life of one who could talk with crowds and
not lose his virtue and walk with kings and not lose the
common touch.
When asked by a mother what advice he could give her for
the rearing of her infant son, General Robert E. Lee, then
President of Washington and Lee, replied, ``Madam, teach him
to deny himself.''
So it was with the life of the one we remember today. Few
were ever so dedicated to the principle of self denial and
duty.
It accounts in part for his outstanding success as
practicing lawyer, brilliant legal scholar, both in the
classroom and on the Bench of the North Carolina Supreme
Court, outstanding Deputy (then Assistant) Attorney General
in a critical time in the life of our state and as a
dedicated Churchman.
If time permitted, we could study, with profit, the many
facets of Dr. Lake's career. But these have been recalled
frequently in the news media in recent days. They are well
known. I shall not repeat them. Instead, I want to speak
about what I have observed of this man of Impeccable
character and invincible integrity.
In addition to his devotion to duty and self denial, the
guiding light of the life of Dr. Issac Beverly Lake was his
belief in and devotion to the Gospel of Jesus Christ.
Whenever he spoke, he almost always used the occasion to
advance the Kingdom of God here on earth. Although
conservative in philosophy with a brilliant mind that could
cut through and define an issue with great clarity when
explaining ``truth,'' he would go back to that greatest
teacher in history who told his students, ``If you continue
in my word . . . ye shall know the truth, and the truth shall
make you free,'' and again he said, ``I am the way, the truth
and the life,''
And then Dr. Lake would lead us to see that truth is a
seamless web, woven together by God, that there are no
inconsistent truths or portions of truth. And then he would
strongly declare: ``Jesus's definition stands alone,
uncontradicted and complete--``I am the truth.'' This was his
north star!
In addition to his faith in God and his passion for truth,
Dr. Lake had an unshakeable faith in the importance of
Christian higher education. This personified his education at
``Dear Ole Wake Forest'' where his father was a great teacher
of Physics and where he was surrounded by loving parents and
great Christian teachers. Always willing to acknowledge with
gratitude the education he received at two other great
universities, he reserved his greatest appreciation for that
school where students, without sacrificing the knowledge
of material things and values, were encouraged to learn
and appreciate the values of the spirit and character. It
was there where students were taught that as the poet
said, ``one must know, but to know is not enough. One must
will, but to will is not enough. One must act!'' (Goethe)
In William Ellery Channing's charge on the ordination of
the Reverend J. S. Dwight, he urged the young minister to
remember that: ``The fewer the voices on the side of truth,
the more distinct and strong must be your own.'' Dr. Lake
always had a distinct and a strong voice for truth, even when
others chose to remain silent.
Like John Ruskin, Dr. Lake believed that education was not
so much teaching the young to learn what they previously did
not know, but to teach them to behave in a way they did not
previously behave. In other words, academic achievement and
Christian commitment were expected to go hand in hand. And it
was the teaching of these principles that elevated him to the
class of the four or five greatest classroom teachers of his
day.
It was bad for physics but good for law when Dr. Lake
decided to study law. He said, ``I had no higher ambition
than to be a member of the Wake Forest Law School faculty. In
speaking of the great ``faculty of Gulley, Timberlake and
White,'' he could say ``I was grandson of Gulley and son of
Timberlake and White.'' The faculty proved that you could
have a great law school notwithstanding modest facilities
(one room) and a weak library.
In speaking of the Wake Forest College faculty he described
them as the finest collection of scholars, teachers and men
with whom he was ever associated.
In traditional Christian fashion, the family came next to
Dr. Lake's devotion to God. His first wife and the mother of
his son, Associate Justice Beverly Lake Junior, was Gertrude
Bell. Some years after her death, he married Kathleen
Robinson Mackie, the widow of Dr. George Mackie. Dr. Mackie
was and still is known as Wake Forest's most famous college
physician. Mrs. Lake was and Mrs. Kathleen Lake is a complete
homemaker. Beautiful in appearance, highly capable
intellectually, the lives of both ladies have been
characterized by a sense of calling and duty. Without their
inspiration, daily encouragement and wise counsel, Dr. Lake
could not have accomplished so much. It is a great credit to
both ladies and to his devoted and distinguished son, Beverly
Junior, who followed his father as Associate Justice of the
North Carolina Supreme Court, that they sensed Dr. Lake was
called to perform a special service and were willing to help
him render it.
As you know, Dr. Lake was tremendously proud of his son.
Early in Beverly Junior's life he and his father were in
Raleigh to view a political parade. Dr. Lake turned to
Beverly and said, ``I want you to promise me that you will
stay out of politics and I will promise you I will do the
same.''
Later on I questioned Dr. Lake about this advice and asked
him how he came to get involved in politics. He replied, ``I
guess I just drifted into it.'' Notwithstanding the humorous
reply, I realized that like the late Justice Arthur
Vanderbilt, he came to see that the holding of political
office and service to country is the lawyer's most noble
service.
Speaking of family, in characteristic humor, when
receiving the Medal of Honor from the National Society of
the Daughters of the American Revolution for leadership,
trustworthiness, service and patriotism, he stoutly
disclaimed his worthiness, but declared he would take it
so the ``grandchildren and great grandchildren might
possibly see that there were some good qualities about the
old man after all.'' This was typical of the good humor
and wit he exhibited all during his life.
Dr. Lake's entire life was characterized by his love for
God, family and country. He often spoke about how his mother
taught him ``to love and honor his country and to learn about
his country and its heritage.''
``A person with no pride of heritage is a pathetic
individual,'' said Dr. Lake.
Time and time again, as he expressed concern about the
political direction of our country, he made it clear that
``Whatever may have been true of Tsarist Russia, this country
(the USA) needs no new foundation.'' He wanted everyone to
know the noble purposes upon which the government was
founded. While we have yet to attain them (the founding
purposes) he strongly contended that ``no nation on earth,
past or present, ever got closer to them.''
Dr. Lake wanted the Supreme Court of the United States to
return to its original moorings--the Constitution. Twice Dr.
Lake sought the office of Governor without success. Of
course, he, the family, and all of us and especially ``his
boys'' who supported him were disappointed. Did it impair his
enthusiasm for his country? You be the judge.
Speaking at one ODK meeting held at Campbell some years
after the unsuccessful campaigns and with a Supreme Court
that was continuing to move from the foundation upon which
the country had been founded, it could have been ``pay back
time.'' He could have weakened the faith of the young people
in their country. What did he tell them?
``So often I hear thoughtful people say `It's too late. We
have already lost our way. America has passed beyond the hope
of rescue.' ''
``I do not believe that,'' said Dr. Lake with that strength
of conviction for which he was famous.
But then he went on to say, ``But if you are going to be a
leader and going to change things, you must be willing `to
speak to your contemporaries truths they do not perceive and
often do not want to hear.' ''
Dr. Lake's life was characterized by enthusiasm, happiness,
optimism, courage and deep faith in a risen Lord. One of the
Nation's finest classroom teachers, he demanded much of his
students. But love them he did. He called them ``my boys.''
He visited with them when he met us on campus. When time
permitted, he loved to join the students for a round of golf
or a ball game. He and Mrs. Lake went far beyond the call of
duty to make the students and other guests ``feel at home''
when they came calling on a visit.
If I had time to relate to you the stories that we remember
and something of the good times we had, you could better
appreciate why his students admired, respected, and yes,
loved their teacher. Until the very end, he constantly
dedicated his books, articles and lectures to ``my students''
to whom I owe so much.
When God sent angels to bring Dr. Lake home last Thursday,
I suspect they said: ``Come ye, Beverly, blessed of our
father, enter thou into the joys of the Lord.''
It is hard to imagine anyone more deserving of such a
Divine invitation than Dr. I. Beverly Lake who spent his life
in service to the people of North Carolina and the Nation!
Mr. CRAIG. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Frist). The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. GRAMS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. GRAMS. Mr. President, I also ask unanimous consent that I be
allowed to speak as if in morning business for up to 20 minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. GRAMS. Thank you very much.
[[Page S4274]]
REMOVE THE BARRICADES, REOPEN PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE TO THE PEOPLE
Mr. GRAMS. Mr. President, I don't know how or why it developed, but
one trait most humans share is a deep interest in chronicling the
passage of time. And so we attach a special significance to the
observance of anniversaries--those anniversaries marking celebration
and achievement, and those marking solemn events of remembrance and
passage.
On May 20, 3 weeks from today, we'll have an opportunity to observe
both. We'll be celebrating the 88th birthday of actor Jimmy Stewart,
the 64th anniversary of Amelia Earhart's solo flight across the
Atlantic, the patenting of the fountain pen in 1830, and Levis'
riveted-pocket blue jeans in 1873.
But on May 20, we'll also be observing a much more troubling event,
because unless the Government takes action in the next 3 weeks to stop
it, we'll be marking the 1-year anniversary of the closing of
Pennsylvania Avenue in front of the White House.
Mr. President, we have an opportunity--an obligation--to prevent this
anniversary from ever happening.
The city has certainly grown up around it, but Pennsylvania Avenue
has changed surprisingly little since 1791, when George Washington gave
his approval to Pierre L'Enfant's innovative city plan. They envisioned
the avenue as a bold, ceremonial stretch of boulevard physically
linking the U.S. Capitol Building and the White House, and symbolically
linking the legislative and executive branches of government.
By the early 1800's, Pennsylvania Avenue had become a busy
thoroughfare. The people of Washington went about their daily business
in the shadow of the White House, which for much of the 19th century,
wasn't set off from the street by as much as a fence. Believe it or
not, folks used to pull their carriages up to the front door of the
President's house to ask for directions.
By 1995, carriages had been replaced by station wagons and tour
buses, and Pennsylvania Avenue--America's main street--had grown up.
Over 80 feet wide, the modern, six-lane boulevard was being used by
more than 26,000 vehicles every day. Families on vacation would travel
down Pennsylvania Avenue past the White House on the same route their
ancestors might have taken, and it gave a lot of people goosebumps.
When ordinary citizens could drive by the President's home or walk by
his front gate, well, that said something important to them about
living in a country where freedom is valued above all else.
As the home to every President since John Adams, the White House had
become one of Pennsylvania Avenue's crown jewels, a primary destination
of visitors to the Nation's Capital. The People's House was hosting
1\1/2\ million tourists annually. Given its prominent location on
Pennsylvania Avenue and its proximity to the people, the White House
was a powerful symbol of freedom, openness, and an individual's access
to their Government.
That is, until May 20 of last year, when the Treasury Department shut
down two blocks of Pennsylvania Avenue. For the first time in its 195-
year history, all traffic in front of the White House came to a halt.
The President ordered the avenue closed to vehicles in the wake of
the tragic Oklahoma City bombing a month earlier, citing possible
security risks from trucks carrying terrorist bombs. At the time, the
President said the decision wouldn't change very much except the
traffic patterns in Washington--but it has. By barricading a symbol of
democracy and access which dates back to nearly the birth of this
Nation, we've surrendered to fear. Without striking a single match in
the vicinity of Washington, the terrorists have won.
Have you been to the White House lately, Mr. President? You'll see
what fear looks like. With all the guards, the guns, the cement
barriers, the police cruisers, Pennsylvania Avenue now looks like what
some are calling a war zone. Or a bunker. This is not the White House
of leaders like John Adams and Thomas Jefferson and Abraham Lincoln,
who defined freedom's essence and took deep pride in being its
stewards.
In fact, I don't know whose White House this is anymore. But I do
know that it no longer seems to belong to the people.
Mr. President, I hope my colleagues had an opportunity to read the
editorials on the subject of Pennsylvania Avenue published in the
Washington Post over the last several months. The newspaper has focused
on fear, and what happens when that fear is allowed to take hold and
fester until it dictates and clouds the decisions made every day here
in Washington.
``This is a concession to terrorism that should not be made
permanent,'' wrote the Post last December. ``Two world wars did not
close Pennsylvania Avenue. Neither did the Civil War or past attempts
on Presidents' lives, as the White House itself has noted. The avenue
stayed open despite a British invasion, and despite street riots in the
1960's. But now, because of the devastation in Oklahoma City, the
history of Pennsylvania Avenue may be erased by bulldozers.''
Mr. President, it would be a second tragedy if a capital city steeped
in fear is among the lasting legacies of the Oklahoma City bombing.
That is not how we should honor the explosion's innocent victims.
In their rush to close Pennsylvania Avenue down, officials apparently
gave little thought to the long-term consequences of their action.
After all, Pennsylvania Avenue is far more than just a decorative patch
of roadway, reserved for parades and official functions. It's a living,
vital spoke of the city. For almost 200 years, Washington's workers and
families have lived along Pennsylvania Avenue, shopped along it, dined
along it, done their shopping at its corner markets, traveled on it to
and from the office. The knee-jerk closing of such a major artery has
had a devastating cost for the District of Columbia and its businesses,
its commuters, its tourists, its residents.
With the avenue closed for two blocks, and several surrounding
streets blocked off as well, the people who live, work, and visit here
and give life to this city are feeling choked off from it.
Nearby businesses are no longer as accessible to employees and
clients, now that daily traffic hassles tie up the downtown area. City
officials are worried that commercial development will eventually
suffer: with the city's east and west sides artificially separated,
potential tenants may decide to skip the headaches of dealing with
the closed avenue and opt to locate outside Washington.
A great deal of parking space has been eliminated, too. Add up the
lost parking revenue, the cost of changing street signs and signals,
higher Metrobus subsidies, and police overtime, and just 6 weeks into
the closing, the District estimated the cost of closing Pennsylvania
Avenue had already reached nearly $750,000. I'm afraid the cost after
an entire year will be staggering.
And that doesn't begin to take into account the other indirect costs
of the closing. Tour bus operators can no longer drive their
customers--many of whom are strapped for time, or unable to walk the
extra three or four blocks--past the White House.
What about the public transportation system? In order to provide the
same services it offered before the Pennsylvania Avenue shutdown,
transit officials have estimated they'll need to spend up to $200,000
more every year by adding new buses and drivers.
And the increased bus traffic on streets not meant to bear such a
heavy load is threatening historic buildings like Decatur House on H
Street and St. John's Episcopal Church on Lafayette Square. Both have
survived more than 175 years of political turbulence, but neither was
built to endure the rumbling they've been subjected to over the last 12
months. Buses now pass by at a rate of more than 1,000 trips a day--
experts are afraid the traffic will reduce the structures to rubble.
What's most troubling about all of this is the fact that the Federal
Government carried out the closing of Pennsylvania Avenue without any
consultation with the District, without any direct public input from
the people their decision would most disrupt.
Mr. President, the people of this city who depend on open access to
Pennsylvania Avenue say they've accepted the present closure, but
they're not going along with the idea that the avenue must be blockaded
forever. That
[[Page S4275]]
case has simply not been made, they say. And I agree.
I was pleased to learn that the National Park Service recently
scrapped what they called their interim beautification plan for the
1,600-foot strip of the avenue between Lafayette Park and the White
House. The plan involved replacing large sections of the asphalt with
grass, but architects called it off when they realized that something
as drastic as digging up the asphalt would be too hard to change in the
future, once a final plan of action is decided upon.
The Park Service is still going ahead with plans to bring in 115
concrete barriers disguised as planters to ring the closed-off avenue.
Most of these new roadblocks are almost 3 feet high; the largest is 7
by 13 feet and weighs 36 tons. ``It will really dress the area up,''
said a Park Service official. Mr. President, I don't believe Martha
Stewart herself could dress up a 36-ton, concrete traffic barricade.
And the cost of these new measures? About half a million dollars--a
great deal of taxpayers' money, especially considering it's only
supposed to be temporary.
Last December, 14 top architects, planners, and sculptors met to
brainstorm about the future of Pennsylvania Avenue. They didn't
publicly announce any final decisions--that won't happen until later
this year. But they are expected to release five proposals later this
month on how to proceed. Most of the plans are said to center around
the idea of keeping the avenue closed and turning the area surrounding
the White House into some sort of President's park, something they say
could become a shrine of democracy. But a pretty name can't disguise a
terrible idea.
Mr. President, Washington doesn't need another ceremonial park,
especially around the White House. Kings live in park enclaves, as they
say, while Presidents live along streets. Washington doesn't need
another shrine to democracy, either. This city itself is a shrine to
democracy. I would suggest that returning Pennsylvania Avenue to the
way it was before May 20, 1995, would be the greatest tribute to
democracy we could offer.
We all need to stop, catch our breath, and put aside the fear. If we
don't, where will it stop? One year after Oklahoma City, the Government
has already increased its national security force by more than 800
guards, at a cost to the taxpayers of $32 million.
New security equipment is being installed in Federal buildings to the
tune of $77 million, and another $174 million is slated to be spent on
additional security measures over the next 20 months.
Then what? There are 8,100 Federal buildings in the United States--do
we turn each and every one of them into a fortress? Already, the
drastic security measures undertaken on Pennsylvania Avenue have set a
precedent and have been mirrored on Capitol Hill. Access to streets on
the Senate side of the Capitol have been shut off and parking has been
eliminated or restricted in many places. Security at the Capitol itself
has been tightened dramatically.
How much of Washington, DC, are we going to have to rope off before
the public begins thinking we simply don't want them here? As tragic as
it sounds, that's the message we're sending.
Mr. President, all Americans are deeply concerned about the safety of
their President. The security measures used to protect him must be well
reasoned, appropriate, and thorough. I don't question the desire to
afford him every ounce of security available, but I do question whether
we can satisfy that desire without sacrificing the people's freedom.
The sad truth is that we can't protect the President--or any Federal
worker, for that matter--by sealing them off from the world. A
determined terrorist will not be stopped. But there will always be
risks in a free and open society.
I received a letter from a California man who wanted to share his
thoughts as an occasional visitor to this city. ``I am in Washington
about 10 times a year,'' he wrote, ``and I feel an oppression there
that I feel in no other city, either in the United States or abroad. I
really feel the oppression around the White House.'' He wrote that any
black or white minivan parked in the vicinity will have a policeman in
it. That's in addition to the policemen with dogs, and the vast number
on foot and in Secret Service cars in the area, all behind those ugly,
concrete barriers. ``Closing off Pennsylvania Avenue seems to be going
a bit overboard,'' he concluded.
In the year since the closure of Pennsylvania Avenue, the calls for
its reopening have grown louder. There's a deep perception among many
Americans that the closing was an emotional reaction--a judgment
rendered too quickly, and initiated out of fear. It's time for
President Clinton to reconsider a decision made amidst such emotion,
and replace it with one of reasoned courage.
And so I am sending today a letter to the President requesting the
reopening of Pennsylvania Avenue no later than May 17, 1996. I ask
unanimous consent that a copy of my letter be printed in the Record.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
(See exhibit 1.)
Mr. GRAMS. Mr. President, on behalf of the American people who aren't
here to stand up for themselves, I ask my colleagues to stand with me
in taking back Pennsylvania Avenue from the fear to which it has been
surrendered. It's time to halt these efforts to close off the people's
house, on America's main street, from the people themselves. We don't
need to wait for the reports and recommendations of another government
commission to know that this is wrong.
By ordering the immediate reopening of Pennsylvania Avenue, President
Clinton has the power to return the avenue to the people. He has the
power to undo a costly mistake. He has the power to ensure that the
closure of Pennsylvania Avenue does not mark its first anniversary.
We must not allow fear to claim the victory. Dismantle the
barricades, Mr. President, and may the souls of the patriots who
founded this Nation in freedom's name take pity on us if we don't.
Exhibit 1
U.S. Senate,
Washington, DC, April 29, 1996.
Hon. Bill Clinton,
The White House,
Washington, DC.
Dear Mr. President: As you are no doubt aware, May 20, 1996
will mark the passage of one year since the closing of
Pennsylvania Avenue in front of the White House. To eliminate
the need for observing this somber anniversary, I am writing
to respectfully request the reopening of Pennsylvania Avenue
by a date no later than May 17, 1996.
Within the history of Pennsylvania Avenue can be traced the
history of this great nation. In 1791, President George
Washington commissioned Pierre Charles L'Enfant to draft a
blueprint for America's new capital city. They envisioned
Pennsylvania Avenue as a ceremonial boulevard physically
linking the U.S. Capitol and the White House, and
symbolically linking the Legislative and Executive branches
of government. As an integral element of the District of
Columbia, Pennsylvania Avenue stood for 195 years as a vital,
working, unbroken roadway, elevating it into a place of
national importance as ``America's Main Street.''
As the home to every president since John Adams, the White
House has become one of Pennsylvania Avenue's ``crown
jewels'' and a primary destination of visitors to the
Nation's Capital; today, ``the People's House'' is host to
1.5 million tourists annually. Given its prominent location
on Pennsylvania Avenue and its proximity to the People, the
White House has become a powerful symbol of freedom,
openness, and an individual's access to their government.
And so you can imagine the disappointment of many when your
order of May 20, 1995 closed Pennsylvania Avenue to vehicular
traffic for two blocks in front of the White House. By
impeding access and imposing hardships upon tourists,
residents of the District, commuters, and local business
owners and their customers, the closure of Pennsylvania
Avenue has drastically altered L'Enfant's historic city plan,
replacing the openness of the area surrounding the White
House with barricades, additional security checkpoints, and
an atmosphere of fear and distrust.
The closure has come with not only an emotional cost, but a
financial cost as well--both to the taxpayers, who have been
asked to bear the burden of funding new security measures
along Pennsylvania Avenue near the White House, and for those
who are dependent upon access to the avenue for their
livelihood.
I acknowledge that the security of the President of the
United States is paramount and a matter not to be taken
lightly, but I ask you to recognize that the need to ensure
the president's safety must be balanced with the expectation
of freedom inherent in a democracy. I believe the present
situation is tilted far to heavily toward security at
freedom's expense.
In the year since the closure of Pennsylvania Avenue, the
calls for its reopening have grown louder. There is a deep
perception among many Americans that the closing was
[[Page S4276]]
an emotional reaction--a decision rendered too quickly,
initiated out of fear fueled by the terrible disaster in
Oklahoma City. I ask you to reconsider a decision made amidst
such emotion, and replace it with one of reasoned courage.
By ordering the reopening of Pennsylvania Avenue by May 17,
1996, you have the power to undo a costly mistake, return the
avenue to the people, and guarantee that its closure will not
mark its first anniversary.
Sincerely,
Rod Grams,
U.S. Senate.
Mrs. FEINSTEIN addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from California.
Mrs. FEINSTEIN. I thank the Chair.
Mr. President, I ask to speak in morning business for such time as I
may consume.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
____________________