[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 49 (Wednesday, April 17, 1996)]
[Senate]
[Page S3445]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                        IRANIAN ARMS FOR BOSNIA

  Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, since the report surfaced in the Los Angeles 
Times that President Clinton decided to allow Iran to provide arms to 
the Bosnians, there has been little, if any, response from the other 
side of the aisle.
  Had there been a Republican in the White House, no doubt, the 
Democrats would have been all over the President. But, that is not the 
real issue. I am not here to be all over the President. This is not 
about the conduct of partisan politics, but the conduct of our foreign 
policy. This is about American leadership, American credibility, and 
Congressional oversight. That is why I met today with the chairmen of 
the Foreign Relations, Intelligence, Armed Services, and Judiciary 
Committees to discuss this serious foreign policy matter. For nearly 3 
years, this administration opposed congressional efforts to lift the 
unjust and illegal arms embargo on Bosnia and Herzegovina. We were 
told, and the American people were told, that the United States was 
bound by the U.N. embargo on the former Yugoslavia. We were told that 
if America violated this embargo, we would lose support from our allies 
for other embargoes, such as the one against Iraq. Finally, we were 
told that lifting the embargo and allowing the Bosnians to have arms 
while U.N. forces were deployed in Bosnia, would endanger the troops of 
our allies.
  Some people are saying, well, you knew that Iran was providing arms 
to the Bosnians. I would like to respond to that. While we read and 
heard reports that Iran was smuggling arms to the Bosnians, we did not 
know the President and his advisers made a conscious decision to give a 
green light for Iran to provide arms. Indeed, those of us who advocated 
lifting the arms embargo--Republicans and Democrats--argued that if 
America did not provide Bosnia with assistance, Iran would be Bosnia's 
only option. In my view, the role of the President and administration 
officials in this matter need to be examined--even if we do not receive 
cooperation from the White House and the Intelligence Oversight Board--
which has been the case to date.

  In the meeting I held with the four committee chairmen today, we 
decided on the approach we would take. The Intelligence Committee will 
investigate the matter of whether any administration officials were 
engaged in covert action. The Foreign Relations Committee will review 
administration policy as stated and as executed, as well as the 
ramifications of these revelations. Let me tell you why I believe this 
examination is important.
  In short, this duplicitous policy has seriously damaged our 
credibility with our allies. It has also produced one of the most 
serious threats to our military forces in Bosnia and, according to the 
administration, the main obstacle to the arm and train program for the 
Bosnians--I am talking about the presence of Iranian military forces 
and intelligence officials in Bosnia.
  As I have said many, many times on this floor, along with many of my 
colleagues on the other side, had we lifted the arms embargo and had we 
provided the weapons, the Bosnians could have defended themselves and 
chances are there would not have been any American troops there now, 
and we would have had a peace agreement sooner and on better terms for 
the Bosnians. And most likely, as I said, we would not have 20,000 
Americans in Bosnia at this moment. And finally, had we lifted the arms 
embargo on Bosnia, the United States would have done the right thing 
for the right reason. We would have done it openly, and we would have 
done it honestly.
  That is what this examination and these hearings will be about, 
because I think we owe it to the American people and we owe it to 
Members of Congress. As far as I know, no one knew about what was 
happening. We were told we just could not lift the arms embargo because 
of all the problems that would create with our allies and our 
credibility at the same time. Apparently some knew it was happening 
through the back door.
  I yield back the remainder of my leader time.
  Mr. HOLLINGS addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Who yields time?
  Mr. HATCH. Did the Senator want to comment on the Moynihan amendment?
  Mr. HOLLINGS. I ask unanimous consent that I be given 10 minutes as 
if in morning business to respond to the majority leader on the issue 
of broadcast spectrum auctions.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? Without objection, it is 
so ordered. The Senator from South Carolina is recognized.
  Mr. HOLLINGS. I thank the distinguished leaders of this measure.

                          ____________________