[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 46 (Friday, March 29, 1996)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Page E512]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
TRIBUTE TO STOKELY CARMICHAEL
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HON. WILLIAM (BILL) CLAY
of missouri
in the house of representatives
Friday, March 29, 1996
Mr. CLAY. Mr. Speaker, I rise to pay tribute to a civil rights icon,
Stokely Carmichael--also known as Kwame Ture. I had the pleasure of
developing a close personal relationship with Stokely during the civil
rights movement and have for years admired his strength and fortitude.
He is a national hero who might have antagonized whites but rallied
blacks when a large dose of both was badly needed. His powerful words
unified blacks and helped to instill pride in our race.
Although Stokely is now battling cancer, he has not retired from the
battle. He continues to be an active and forceful voice in the eternal
struggle for civil rights and equality. I submit his story as recorded
by columnist Lee Payne in a commentary entitled ``Ready for the
Revolution'' in the March 21, 1996, edition of the St. Louis American.
It is my hope that my colleagues will join me in wishing Stokely well.
Ready For The Revolution
With the familiar flame burning in his dark eyes. Stokely
Carmichael still holds forth in the mellifluous voice that
once put dread in white America and high resolve in black
youth.
His old comrades are trekking to a Harlem apartment more to
console him than to reminisce. ``Now that I have cancer, I
get to see friends I haven't seen in years,'' he said
Thursday with an impervious smile. Under the eyes of his
doctor and his mother, he is coping with prostate cancer,
gathering strength to head off next month to Cuba and then
back home to Guinea, where years ago President Sekou Toure
renamed him Kwame Ture.
As Stokely Carmichael, he was the most eloquent and
incendiary of the street speakers of the civil rights
movement. As chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating
Committee, he helped wage a dangerous struggle to get Negroes
the vote in the Black Belt states of Alabama, Georgia and
Mississippi. At the end of a speech in May 1966, he issued a
clarion call for black liberation with a phrase explosive for
the times: ``Black power!''
These two simple words rocked the foundation of race
relations in the republic. Carmichael didn't invent ``black
power'' Richard Wright in 1954 had written a book by that
title and Harlem's Rep. Adam Clayton Powell, with some
justification, later claimed that he coined the expression a
generation earlier.
Carmichael had polished the phrase among black focus groups
before springing it on the media. ``It's time we stand up and
take over,'' Carmichael warned both older Negro leaders and
the whites he decided as ``honkies,'' ``Move on over or we'll
move on over you.''
``Dr. (Martin Luther) King told me that he wouldn't use the
term. He even tried to get me to use ``black consciousness,''
which came out later in South Africa.'' But, adds Carmichael,
``he never denounced it.''
An unyielding J. Edgar Hoover unleashed the monstrous
powers of the state against the proponents of black power,
using the FBI's counter intelligence program, known as
COINTELPRO.
Carmichael, along with H. Rap Brown and countless other
civil rights participants, was jailed and beaten dozens of
times. In one of his closer brushes with death, the sheriff
of Liberty, Miss., held a pistol to Carmichael's head. ``The
enraged old man was shaking the gun, shaking, shaking. I was
thinking that he might shoot me by accident, so I'd decided
to go for the gun.'' But Carmichael hesitated, and the
incident was defused without violence. ``I've forgotten the
sheriff's name,'' he said. ``So many of them have whupped on
my head that I can't remember their names.''
After King's assassination in 1968, Carmichael, with
Hoover's COINTELPRO working full-blast, moved to Guinea.
There, Kwame Nkrumah, the deposed as president of Ghana,
invited him to help organize the Pan-African movement.
Ture, who considers himself a ``Pan-Africanist
revolutionary,'' acknowledges that the civil rights struggle
won the black vote in the South, which led to the
proliferation of black elected officials. However, he admits
to no fundamental change in American racism.
``Racism is a question of power,'' he said. ``If I sit next
to a white man on a bus and he doesn't like it, that's his
problem. If he has the power to remove me, that's my problem.
You have to have (state) power to impose racism. Since whites
still have the power (and) we don't have the power, nothing
has changed. There's some little cosmetic changes: `Let them
have a mayor here, a mayor there; let them have whatever
(rank) in the army to confuse them.' ''
``There are some changes in attitude, but racism is not a
question of attitude. It's a question of power.''
At the end of our chat, a hoarse Ture limped painfully to
the door and uttered his patented greeting and salutation:
``Ready for the revolution.''
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