[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 40 (Thursday, March 21, 1996)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2622-S2627]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




    EXPRESSING THE SENSE OF THE CONGRESS THAT THE UNITED STATES IS 
            COMMITTED TO MILITARY STABILITY IN TAIWAN STRAIT

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report the concurrent 
resolution.
  The assistant legislative clerk read as follows:

       A concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 148) expressing the 
     sense of the Congress that the United States is committed to 
     military stability in Taiwan Strait and the United States 
     should assist in defending the Republic of China (also known 
     as Taiwan) in the event of invasion, missile attack, or 
     blockade by the People's Republic of China.

  The Senate proceeded to consider the concurrent resolution.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Wyoming is recognized.


                           Amendment No. 3562

                   (Purpose: To amend the resolution)

  Mr. THOMAS. Mr. President, I send to the desk an amendment.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
  The legislative clerk read as follows:

       The Senator from Wyoming [Mr. Thomas] for himself, Mr. 
     Helms, Mr. Dole, Mr. Murkowski, Mr. Pell, Mr. Simon, Mr. 
     Mack, Mr. Grams, Mr. Pressler, Mr. Brown, Mr. Lugar, Mr. 
     D'Amato, Mr. Warner, Mr. Ford, Mr. Lieberman, Mr. Roth, Mr. 
     Nickles, Mr. Hatch, Mr. Gorton, Mr. Craig, Mr. Santorum, Mr. 
     Dorgan, Mr. Robb, Mr. Rockefeller, Mr. Bryan, and Ms. 
     Moseley-Braun proposes an amendment numbered 3562.

  Mr. THOMAS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that further 
reading of the amendment be dispensed with.
  The amendment is as follows:

       Strike out all after the resolving clause and insert in 
     lieu thereof the following:
     ``That it is the sense of the Congress--
       ``(1) to deplore the missile tests and military exercises 
     that the People's Republic of China is conducting from March 
     8 through March 25, 1996, and view such tests and exercises 
     as potentially serious threats to the peace, security, and 
     stability of Taiwan and not in the spirit of the three United 
     States-China Joint Communiques;
       ``(2) to urge the Government of the People's Republic of 
     China to cease its bellicose actions directed at Taiwan and 
     enter instead into meaningful dialogue with the Government of 
     Taiwan at the highest levels, such as through the Straits 
     Exchange Foundation in Taiwan and the Association for 
     Relations Across the Taiwan Strait in Beijing, with an eye 
     towards decreasing tensions and resolving the issue of the 
     future of Taiwan;
       ``(3) that the President should, consistent with section 
     3(c) of the Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 (22 U.S.C. 3302(c)), 
     immediately consult with Congress on an appropriate United 
     States response to the tests and exercises should the tests 
     or exercises pose an actual threat to the peace, security, 
     and stability of Taiwan;
       ``(4) that the President should, consistent with the Taiwan 
     Relations Act of 1979 (22 U.S.C. 3301 et seq.), reexamine the 
     nature and quantity of defense articles and services that may 
     be necessary to enable Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self-
     defense capability in light of the heightened military 
     threat; and
       ``(5) that the Government of Taiwan should remain committed 
     to the peaceful resolution of its future relations with the 
     People's Republic of China by mutual decision.''
       Amend the preamble to read as follows:

       ``Whereas the People's Republic of China, in a clear 
     attempt to intimidate the people and Government of Taiwan, 
     has over the past 9 months conducted a series of military 
     exercises, including missile tests, within alarmingly close 
     proximity to Taiwan;
       ``Whereas from March 8 through March 15, 1996, the People's 
     Republic of China conducted a series of missile tests within 
     25 to 35 miles of the 2 principal northern and southern ports 
     of Taiwan, Kaohsiung and Keelung;
       ``Whereas on March 12, 1996, the People's Republic of China 
     began an 8-day, live-ammunition, joint sea-and-air military 
     exercise in a 2,390 square mile area in the southern Taiwan 
     Strait;
       ``Whereas on March 18, 1996, the People's Republic of China 
     began a 7-day, live-ammunition, joint sea-and-air military 
     exercise between Taiwan's islands of Matsu and Wuchu

[[Page S2623]]

       ``Whereas these tests and exercises are a clear escalation 
     of the attempts by the People's Republic of China to 
     intimidate Taiwan and influence the outcome of the upcoming 
     democratic presidential election in Taiwan;
       ``Whereas through the administrations of Presidents Nixon, 
     Ford, Carter, Reagan, and Bush, the United States has adhered 
     to a ``One China'' policy and, during the administration of 
     President Clinton, the United States continues to adhere to 
     the ``One China'' policy based on the Shanghai Communique of 
     February 27, 1972, the Joint Communique on the Establishment 
     of Diplomatic Relations Between the United States of America 
     and the People's Republic of China of January 1, 1979, and 
     the United States-China Joint Communique of August 17, 1982;
       ``Whereas through the administrations of Presidents Carter, 
     Reagan, and Bush, the United States has adhered to the 
     provisions of the Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 (22 U.S.C. 
     3301 et seq.) as the basis of continuing commercial cultural, 
     and other relations between the people of the United States 
     and the people of Taiwan and, during the administration of 
     President Clinton, the United States continues to adhere to 
     the provisions of the Taiwan Relations Act of 1979;
       ``Whereas relations between the United States and the 
     People's Republic of China rest upon the expectation that the 
     future of Taiwan will be settled solely by peaceful means;
       ``Whereas the strong interest of the United States in the 
     peaceful settlement of the Taiwan question is one of the 
     central premises of the three United States-China Joint 
     Communiques and was codified in the Taiwan Relations Act of 
     1979;
       ``Whereas the Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 states that 
     peace and stability in the Western Pacific ``are in the 
     political, security, and economic interests of the United 
     States, and are matters of international concern'';
       ``Whereas the Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 states that the 
     United States considers ``any effort to determine the future 
     of Taiwan by other than peaceful means, including by 
     boycotts, or embargoes, a threat to the peace and security of 
     the western Pacific area and of grave concern to the United 
     States'';
       ``Whereas the Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 directs the 
     President to ``inform Congress promptly of any threat to the 
     security or the social or economic system of the people on 
     Taiwan and any danger to the interests of the United States 
     arising therefrom'';
       ``Whereas the Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 further directs 
     that ``the President and the Congress shall determine, in 
     accordance with constitutional process, appropriate action by 
     the United States in response to any such danger'';
       ``Whereas the United States, the People's Republic of 
     China, and the Government of Taiwan have each previously 
     expressed their commitment to the resolution of the Taiwan 
     question through peaceful means; and
       ``Whereas these missile tests and military exercises, and 
     the accompanying statements made by the Government of the 
     People's Republic of China, call into serious question the 
     commitment of China to the peaceful resolution of the Taiwan 
     question: Now, therefore, be it.''
       Amend the title so as to read: ``Expressing the sense of 
     Congress regarding missile tests and military exercises by 
     the People's Republic of China.''.

  Mr. THOMAS. Mr. President, under the order I believe we are to vote. 
I ask unanimous consent for 2 minutes--1 minute for the Senator from 
Alaska, 1 minute for the Senator from Louisiana.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? Without objection, it is 
so ordered.
  Mr. MURKOWSKI addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Alaska.
  Mr. MURKOWSKI. I thank the Chair.
  Mr. President, I am pleased the Senate will vote on this timely issue 
regarding the current situation in the Taiwan Strait. I am referring, 
of course, to the military action by the People's Liberation Army to 
intimidate the people of Taiwan on the eve of the first Democratic, 
direct election of their President.
  The executive branch has criticized, correctly, the military 
exercises. The administration has backed up its words by sending a 
naval presence to monitor the exercises in the Taiwan Strait. The House 
has passed its own resolution. It is time for the U.S. Senate to also 
go on record deploring the military threat of the People's Republic of 
China, and recommitting the United States to the terms and conditions 
of the Taiwan Relations Act.
  Senator Thomas, the majority leader, Senator Helms, and I, along with 
our staffs, have been in close consultation with the administration and 
with our colleagues on the other side of the aisle to address their 
concerns, and am pleased that we have crafted a compromise that will 
have broad bipartisan support. I think it is important for the leaders 
of the People's Republic of China to understand that America is united 
in maintaining the historical commitments we have made to Taiwan.
  The Taiwan Relations Act clearly states that peace and stability in 
the Western Pacific are in the political, security, and economic 
interests of the United States, and makes clear that U.S. policy is to 
resist any resort to force or other forms of coercion that would 
jeopardize the security, or the social or economic interests of the 
United States.
  The amendment we have offered makes five important points. First, the 
amendment directs the President to consult with the Congress, as 
required by the Taiwan Relations Act, when it is determined that there 
is a threat to the security or the social or economic system of the 
people of Taiwan.
  I do not believe this threshold has been met, both because the 
People's Republic of China ended the missile tests as scheduled on 
March 15 and one of its naval exercises on March 20 and because the 
People's Republic of China has indicated that it does not plan to 
attack Taiwan. We will have to wait and see if their actions match 
their words.
  Second, the amendment directs the President and Congress, as required 
by the Taiwan Relations Act, to reexamine the nature and quantity of 
defense articles and services that may be necessary to enable Taiwan to 
maintain a sufficient self-defense capability in light of the 
heightened threat. The purpose of this commitment, of course, is to 
deter China from considering any type of attack.

  I am pleased that United States officials and officials from the 
Republic of China met this week to discuss additional sales of 
necessary defensive weapons. I hope the approved list is sufficient to 
maintain their self-defensive capability. I wonder, for example, 
whether the Patriot system that is scheduled for delivery in late 1997 
is timely or adequate given the recent missile tests?
  Third, the amendment deplores the missile tests and other military 
exercises that have the potential to disrupt air and shipping routes. 
The missile tests resulted in four unarmed warheads falling in waters 
near Taiwan's northern and southern ports. The naval exercises using 
live ammunition encroach upon international shipping lanes. These 
actions call into question the commitment of the People's Republic of 
China to the peaceful resolution of the future of Taiwan.
  Fourth, the amendment calls on the People's Republic of China to 
cease its threats, and instead enter into a constructive dialog with 
the Government of the Republic of China on Taiwan, perhaps through 
their informal organizations, the Straits Exchange Foundation in Taiwan 
and the Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits in Beijing. 
In the past, these two organizations have dealt with many other issues 
between the two countries, from fishing to highjackers, and have helped 
fuel the enormous investment in mainland China by Taiwanese investors, 
estimated at some $20 billion.
  Finally, the amendment notes that the Government of the Republic of 
China should remain committed to the peaceful resolution of its future 
relations with the People's Republic of China by mutual decision, 
consistent with government policy.
  Mr. President. I do not believe that China is on the verge of 
attacking Taiwan. I also do not believe that China's scare tactics will 
have their intended affect on Taiwan. When the roar of the military 
tests have subsided, and the last vote is counted in Taiwan, I hope the 
two sides will pursue a course of constructive dialog. Until the time, 
the United States must maintain its vigilance and monitor events in the 
Taiwan Strait.
  Before I conclude, Mr. President, I want to comment on one issue that 
is related to the debate surrounding this resolution, an that is 
Congress' role in the visit of President Lee Teng-hui to his alma 
mater. There are some who have blamed that visit, and Congress' role in 
bringing about that visit, for the current crisis. Mr. President, that 
is simply not the case. I would refer my friends to a recent op-ed in 
the New York Times by Christopher Sigur that points out that it was not 
that visit, but the prospect of democracy in Taiwan, that has so upset 
the leaders in Beijing.
  As Mr. Sigur notes, until recently, both China and Taiwan had 
implicitly recognized the island's de facto independence and dealt with 
it peacefully.

[[Page S2624]]

 They negotiated Taiwan's participation in numerous international 
institutions, from the Asian Development Bank and the Asia Pacific 
Economic Cooperation forum to the Olympics by sidestepping the 
independence question.
  But as Taiwan moved closer to a full fledged democracy with the 
December parliamentary elections and the March Presidential elections, 
Beijing's leaders saw the island moving toward a less predictable 
future, because, of course, in a democracy, there will be many 
different voices that the leadership must accommodate.
  All of this came at a time when Beijing is preparing to take over 
Hong Kong and thus test Chairman Deng's ``One Country, Two Systems'' 
proposition. In addition, the leadership in Beijing is still in 
transition as Chairman Deng fades from the scene.
  Finally, Mr. President, I would argue that our own administration 
contributed to hardening the Peoples Republic of China's reaction to a 
private visit by Lee Teng-hui by not issuing the visa initially and 
assuring Beijing that this private visit did not constitute a departure 
from the ``One China'' policy. Instead, Secretary of State Christopher 
told President Jiang Zemin that such a visit would not occur, and 
therefore caused the President to lose face when the decision was 
reversed.
  The United States was right to allow President Lee to return to his 
alma mater. The United States is right to continue to sell defensive 
weapons to Taiwan. And the United States is right to go on record 
deploring the recent missile tests and military exercises. Although 
these actions are condemned by the People's Republic of China they are 
consistent with United States policy under the four joint communiques 
with the Peoples Republic of China and the Taiwan Relations Act, the 
law of the land.
  Mr. President, China must understand that missile diplomacy does not 
work. This amendment sends that message, and I ask my colleagues for 
their support.
  Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the New York Times 
article, as well as a recent op-ed I authored in the Wall Street 
Journal entitled ``What We Owe Taiwan'' be printed in the Record.
  There being no objection, the articles were ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

                        Why Taiwan Scares China

                       (By Christopher J. Sigur)

       In the debate over China's military exercises in the Taiwan 
     Strait, few have discussed a fundamental reason for its 
     actions: Taiwan's emerging democracy. China's main concern is 
     not any movement toward independence but rather the effects 
     of Taiwanese democracy on the island's foreign policy.
       Until recently, both China and Taiwan had implicitly 
     recognized the island's de facto independence and dealt with 
     it peacefully. They negotiated Taiwan's participation in 
     numerous international institutions, from the International 
     Monetary Fund to the Olympics, by sidestepping the 
     independence question. China tolerated Taiwan's efforts to 
     open embassies abroad. But the military exercises in the 
     strait show that this implicit understanding is in tatters.
       What has changed? With its first-ever direct presidential 
     elections on Saturday, Taiwan will become a full-fledged 
     democracy.
       President Lee Teng-hui's controversial visit to Cornell 
     University last summer was a symptom of Taiwanese democracy. 
     To stay in power in a democracy, of course, one must respond 
     to the opposition's views. The opposition in Taiwan does not 
     want reunification with the mainland and has increasingly 
     demanded international recognition of the island. Hence, 
     President Lee's campaign to rejoin the United Nations, his 
     trips to Asia, Latin America and Europe (which have been 
     termed ``vacation diplomacy'') and the push to have Congress 
     grant him a United States visa.
       It is naive to think that if only Mr. Lee had chosen not to 
     go to Cornell, if only he had not offered the United Nations 
     a $1 billion gift in an apparent attempt to gain a seat, 
     China would not be acting so belligerently.
       Beijing's leaders recognize that Mr. Lee's actions are 
     prodded by democracy and it horrifies them. China's state 
     newspapers often refer to Taiwan's ``demands for independence 
     in the guise of democratization,'' clearly linking one with 
     the other.
       What the People's Republic sees across the strait is a 
     China whose people are ready to choose their own leaders, 
     with all the demands that makes on a political system: 
     regularly scheduled elections, a free press and political 
     parties that must take their opponents' ideas seriously, 
     because you never know who will be in power tomorrow. Beijing 
     is not prepared to accept this model in Taiwan or on the 
     mainland.
       Thus, even if Mr. Lee renounced Taiwan's United Nations 
     bid, canceled all his overseas trips and closed his country's 
     few embassies, both he and Beijing would recognize that the 
     moves are meaningless. Democracy institutionalizes 
     uncertainty, and neither Beijing nor Taiwan could predict how 
     the voters would react. China may not have liked seeing 
     Taiwan under the firm grip of the Nationalists for the last 
     four decades, but at least they were predictable.
       The United States must recognize that it has a fundamental 
     interest in promoting Chinese democracy, and in protecting 
     its sole example in Taiwan. Thus, we must warn China in no 
     uncertain terms that we will not sit idly by if Taiwanese 
     democracy is threatened, encouraged our allies to make 
     similar declarations and continue to back up our words with a 
     show of American naval power.
       Democracy's uncertainties will only increase the threats to 
     the security and economic stability of the entire region. The 
     United States is vital to any long-term solution. The Chinese 
     on both sides of the strait are unlikely to reach a solution 
     unless Washington keeps them talking.
                                                                    ____


                           What We Owe Taiwan

                          (By Frank Murkowski)

       President Nixon must be spinning in his grave.
       When he first opened relations with Beijing some 20 years 
     ago, Nixon believed that Asia could not progress if China 
     remained isolated. His actions promised to help that country 
     enter into a new and constructive relationship with the rest 
     of the modern world. But Beijing's recent self-defeating 
     actions can only turn back the pages of history and cripple 
     China's economic progress.
       Beijing's decision to start missile tests near Taiwan--and 
     it is to be hoped nothing worse--effectively imposes a 
     miniblockade of Taiwan's two major ports prior to Taiwan's 
     first free presidential elections on March 23. The tests, 
     while probably intended to affect the election, have 
     ramifications beyond the Taiwan Strait.
       For that reason, Sen. Craig Thomas (R., Wyo.) and I have 
     introduced in the Senate a resolution recommitting us to the 
     Taiwan Relations Act of 1979, which clearly states that 
     America believes that peace and stability in the area are in 
     the ``political, security and economic interests of the 
     United States.''
       The Taiwan Relations Act, which is the law of the land, 
     commits the U.S. to ``resist any resort to force or other 
     forms of coercion that would jeopardize the security, or the 
     social or economic system, of the people of Taiwan.''
       We must remind Beijing that the decision of the U.S. to 
     establish diplomatic relations with China was ``based upon 
     the expectation that the future of Taiwan will be determined 
     be peaceful means.''
       Some China-watchers are inclined to rationalize Beijing's 
     behavior. Apologists have blamed China's belligerence on the 
     firm stands taken by Congress. But today it is clear that 
     China, not Congress, is to blame for the current state of 
     U.S.-China relations. Time and again, before and after the 
     1989 Tiananmen Square attack on student protesters, China's 
     rulers have shown themselves to be almost oblivious to the 
     fact that a larger world--one that is sensitive to human 
     rights concerns, capable of helping improve China's quality 
     of life, and with a firm belief in religious and political 
     freedom--exists beyond the borders of the People's Republic 
     of China.
       President Jiang Zemin and his lieutenants must understand 
     that this is why the U.S. finds China's missile diplomacy 
     unacceptable. We support the peaceful settlement of 
     differences between China and Taiwan, and cannot idly watch a 
     peaceful, democratic ally be threatened--and certainly not 
     attacked militarily.
       We must, furthermore, continue selling Taiwan defense 
     weapons to help counter any thoughts China might have of 
     using military force against the island. Along with these 
     weapons, we must let the leaders in Beijing know that threats 
     are useless as tools of foreign policy and are the rusted 
     relics of diplomacy from a bygone and dangerous era.
       China's leaders must know that economic gains will 
     evaporate if continued military threats (or worse) create 
     havoc in East Asia. Beijing's officials must understand they 
     cannot conduct business as usual with the world if missiles 
     start falling. They also need to know that fear of war is 
     every bit as chilling to investment as the real thing.
       Congress should congratulate the people of Taiwan for their 
     continued steps toward democracy. Congress should also state 
     its support for the people of Taiwan to become involved in 
     international organizations. Taiwan has emerged as a force 
     for democracy and stability in Asia, and its people should be 
     represented. The U.S. must continue at the same time to 
     encourage a true dialogue between Beijing and Taipei that 
     will lead to understanding and conciliation, rather than 
     threats and confrontation.
       With this latest round of threats against Taiwan--and the 
     U.S.--it is time to step back and gather forces to support 
     reason and dialogue, rather than the rumblings of hostility 
     and war.
       President Nixon was correct in seeing the vast potential 
     importance of China as a world economic power. But more than 
     20 years later, the world still waits for Beijing to abandon 
     its totalitarian ways and to behave consistently as a 
     civilized nation.


[[Page S2625]]


  Mr. MURKOWSKI. I thank the Chair and commend the Senator from Wyoming 
for his effort in this regard.
  Mr. JOHNSTON addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Louisiana.
  Mr. JOHNSTON. Mr. President, when the matter originally came up, I 
strongly opposed the resolution because it seemed to be a shift of 
ground away from the Shanghai Communique which has been the basis for 
almost a quarter of a century of our relationship to China.
  Mr. President, we are deeply grateful, Senator Nunn, Senator 
Feinstein, and I, and others, who had serious objection to the 
resolution in its original form.
  With Senator Thomas, Senator Murkowski, and others, we are now 
working this out in a balanced way that makes clear that this Nation 
continues to adhere to the one-China policy, as enunciated in the 
Shanghai Communique and the communiques since that time under five 
American presidents. I believe it is not a perfect resolution, but it 
is a balanced resolution. On that basis, I can vote for it. I thank the 
Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question in on agreeing to the amendment.
  The amendment (No. 3562) was agreed to.
  Mr. NUNN. Mr. President, the current tension in the Taiwan Strait 
creates a very dangerous situation. While I do not believe that China 
intends to invade Taiwan, there is always the risk that accident or 
miscalculation could lead to conflict. China's actions have been 
precipitated by its perception that Taiwan is unilaterally seeking 
independence. While I regret that it is necessary, I applaud the 
decision by President Clinton to send two carrier battle groups to the 
region.
  I would have preferred that no legislation or concurrent resolutions 
be passed by Congress in the current tense situation but I am opposed 
to the resolution passed by the other body and believe that it is 
necessary for the Senate to go on record on this important matter.
  Mr. President, the concurrent resolution we are considering this 
afternoon is reasoned and responsible and is designed to make a 
constructive contribution to the situation. It is important because it 
recognizes that the one China policy that is based upon the three 
United States-China joint communiques has been and is being adhered to 
by the United States. It is important because it deplores the People's 
Republic of China's recent military actions and urges China to cease 
its action and to enter into a meaningful dialogue with Taiwan. It is 
important because it reminds everyone of the provisions of the Taiwan's 
Relations Act. And finally it is important because it states that the 
Government of Taiwan should remain committed to the peaceful resolution 
of its future relations with China by mutual decision.
  Mr. President, as I noted in my floor speech on United States-China 
relations last month, the framework of the three communiques and the 
Taiwan Relations Act has served both sides of the Taiwan Strait as well 
as the United States well for almost 16 years. That framework made 
possible the relaxation of tensions in the Strait; has encouraged 
Taiwan to abolish martial law and become a prosperous democracy; made 
available to the Chinese on the mainland that talent and capital of the 
people on Taiwan; it played a major role in China's drive for 
modernization; and it produced a sense of security for China, for 
Taiwan, and the region. The thrust of this concurrent resolution is to 
remind both sides of the Taiwan Strait of these facts and to encourage 
them to maintain that framework--both its letter and its spirit.
  Mr. President, I would like to repeat what I said at the end of last 
month's floor speech because it continues to sum up my thinking on this 
subject and is, I believe, totally consistent with this concurrent 
resolution.

       Americans feel close to the people of Taiwan and are proud 
     of their accomplishments. The people of Taiwan have made 
     enormous strides economically and politically. They are an 
     example to much of the developing world.
       It is important for the United States, as a friend, to be 
     clear with the Taiwanese that they must not misjudge China on 
     the question of Taiwan independence.
       It is important that the people of Taiwan understand that a 
     unilateral declaration of Taiwan's independence would be 
     inconsistent with United States foreign policy as set forth 
     and followed by President Nixon, President Ford, President 
     Carter, President Reagan, President Bush, and President 
     Clinton.
       It is also important for the Chinese to understand that the 
     United States values its friendship and relationship with the 
     people on Taiwan. It is crucial that the Chinese understand 
     that if China uses force to resolve the Taiwan issue, the 
     United States will not stand idly by but will surely respond.
       For our part, the U.S. should make it very clear that we 
     will oppose either side's attempt to change the status quo 
     either by the use of force by Beijing or by unilateral 
     declaration of independence by Taiwan. The United States 
     position should be clear that we are prepared to live with 
     any outcome negotiated in good faith between China and 
     Taiwan. The future of Taiwan must be settled by mutual 
     agreement between the parties, not by the unilateral actions 
     of either. For that to happen, Taipei must stop its political 
     provocations and Beijing must stop its military provocations.
       The people of China and the people of Taiwan should resume 
     a high-level dialogue to foster clear understandings and 
     increased cooperation. Enormous progress has been made in 
     economic cooperation and people-to-people contacts and visits 
     on both sides of the Strait. While economic development and 
     people-to-people cooperation are emphasized, political 
     questions are complicated and emotional and their resolution 
     will require a long-term effort. This will involve a trait 
     for which the Chinese people are famous--patience.

  Mr. President, I support this concurrent resolution.
  Mr. KEMPTHORNE. Mr. President, I strongly support the resolution 
currently before the Senate reiterating this Nation's support for the 
people of Taiwan. I rise to speak about the recent escalation in 
military operations by the People's Republic of China--Mainland China--
in the Taiwan Strait which is intended to intimidate the Republic of 
China--Taiwan. Mainland China announced on March 5, 1996, that it would 
test fire surface-to-surface missiles off the coast of Taiwan from 
March 8 through 15. China has made good on its threat and began missile 
firing and conducting amphibious live ammunition exercises on the 
southern tip of the Taiwan Strait on March 12. China plans to continue 
these exercises through March 24. The missile tests have forced the 
rerouting of commercial flights out of the Chiang kai-shek 
International Airport and have also impacted the shipping operations of 
the southern seaport of Kaohsioung. It has become painfully obvious 
that China's sole purpose in conducting these exercises is to attempt 
to demoralize the people and destabilize the government of Taiwan.
  I am deeply concerned, as are other Members of Congress, with the 
rise in military activities in the Taiwan Strait meant to influence the 
first-ever Taiwanese presidential election on March 23, 1996. The 
importance of this election cannot be understated. It is the first 
election of president by popular vote in the 5,000-year history of 
China. The actions taken by mainland China have further hindered United 
States-China relations already convulsed by China's human rights 
violations, its failure to adequately deter the pirating of United 
States products in violation of copyright laws and suspected 
exportation and proliferation of nuclear equipment and technologies.
  The primary reason for the renewed China-Taiwan tension is an ongoing 
power struggle within the Chinese government. The hardliners are using 
the Taiwan issue to exploit and capitalize on a vacuum in leadership 
caused by the continued failing health of Deng Xiaoping. These same 
hardliners will do whatever necessary to boost their own stock while 
simultaneously devaluing the stock of rivals.
  The 1979 Taiwan Relations Act proclaims American support for the 
peaceful reunification of Taiwan and the mainland, and commits the 
United States to help Taiwan defend itself in case of Chinese 
aggression. The recent activity by the Clinton administration which 
includes the deployment of the carrier battle group U.S.S. Independence 
to the region to be joined later in the month by the U.S.S. Nimitz and 
its support ships, although a step in the right direction, does not 
clearly define our commitment to democracy in the region. The 
possibility of miscalculation leading to war cannot be ruled out as the 
Beijing government has refused to renounce the use of force against 
Taiwan.

[[Page S2626]]

  With a population of more than 21 million people, Taiwan has much to 
contribute to the world. Its robust and vibrant economy ranks among the 
20 largest in the world. Taiwan has one of the largest foreign exchange 
reserves of any nation with assets of approximately $100 billion. 
Taiwan has improved its record on human rights and routinely holds free 
and fair elections in a multiparty system. Taiwan has over the years 
demonstrated its continued support for humanitarian efforts through its 
contributions and response to international disasters, environmental 
destruction and famine relief operations. Additionally, Taiwan is a 
member of the Asian Development Bank and Asia-Pacific Economic 
Cooperation group.
  In the face of psychological intimidation and outward aggression, the 
Taiwanese people stand firm in their commitment to full democracy. As 
stated by President Lee and Premier Lien, the Taiwanese presidential 
election will be held as scheduled. The Taipei government has 
repeatedly and adamantly expressed its pursuit of national 
reunification and strong opposition to Taiwan independence. Taiwan 
would like nothing more than to strengthen the cross-Taiwan Strait 
relation and further the security and prosperity of the Asia-Pacific 
region.
  It must be made clear and in very specific terms that China's actions 
endanger the peace and security in the region and therefore merit 
condemnation by all peace-loving countries of the world. I am sure I 
speak for a number of my colleagues when I urge the Administration to 
make a more definitive commitment to Taiwan's sovereignty. I ask that 
the President take every measure necessary to ensure that the pursuit 
of democracy and democratic practices are not fettered by Chinese 
intimidation and aggression.
  Mr. GRAMS. Mr. President, I rise in strong support for the Senate 
amendment to H. Con. Res. 148, a resolution which expresses strong 
House opposition to the Chinese military exercises in the Taiwan 
Strait. The Senate amendment contains the language of S. Con. Res. 43, 
which I have cosponsored.
  The Senate amendment, drafted by the chairman of the East Asia and 
Pacific Subcommittee of the Foreign Relations Committee, Mr. Thomas, 
and cosponsored by Senators Dole, Helms, Murkowski, myself and others, 
is similar to the House resolution yet sends an equally strong message 
to China that the United States views the missile tests as a threat to 
Taiwan, contrary to the spirit of the Taiwan Relations Act as well as 
the three United States-China Joint Communiques.
  Mr. President, we are all painfully aware of the sensitivity 
portrayed by China to any effort by Taiwan to cultivate relationships 
with other nations. These actions have been wrongfully perceived to be 
efforts to pursue independence. The Taiwanese Government denies the 
allegations.
  I am disappointed that China has gone to this extreme to counter what 
it believes is a growing interest in independence among the Taiwanese 
people. Even though the Democratic Progressive Party, which supports 
independence, has picked up a few seats in the Taiwan Parliament, it 
appears to be far from a threat in the presidential election of March 
23. The major party, the National Party, has supported future 
unification.
  While the administration has recently sent elements of the United 
States 7th Fleet to provide support for Taiwan, these Chinese exercises 
have been conducted for over 8 months. There has been a very weak 
response by the administration until this time. I feel compelled to ask 
the question of why these exercises occurred in the first place. Why 
have we let our relationship with China deteriorate to the point where 
military exercises that threaten Taiwan, where sales of nuclear 
materials continue, and where many other disputes and differences have 
worsened with China.
  It should be an important United States foreign policy objective to 
set our relationship with China back on track. The administration must 
place this as a very high priority before the situation worsens. 
Constant, high-level communication with Chinese leaders may have 
enabled us to avoid these harmful disputes.
  We must work toward ensuring that, after the March 23 election, both 
China and Taiwan begin a high-level dialog to decrease tensions and to 
resolve the issue of the future of Taiwan. This must be done in a 
peaceful manner, consistent with the Taiwan Relations Act and the Three 
Communiques.
  The harm done by the military exercises will not make this an easy 
task.
  I urge support for the Senate amendment to the House resolution.
  Mr. SANTORUM. Mr. President, the People's Republic of China has 
conducted a series of missile tests in the last few weeks in a clear 
attempt to intimidate the people of Taiwan as they prepare for the 
first direct democratic election of President. These military exercises 
are not in the spirit of the three United States China Joint 
Communiques and serve as a threat to the peace, security, and stability 
of Taiwan.
  I join my other colleagues who have cosponsored H. Con. Res. 148 in 
condemning the recent actions of the Chinese Government. This action 
severely tests the assumption that was set when we normalized relations 
with the People's Republic of China in 1979. We did so on the 
expectation that the future of Taiwan would be settled solely by 
peaceful means. We codified this commitment and understanding in the 
Taiwan Relations Act. In this legislation, we state clearly that 
America believes that peace and stability in the area are in the 
political, security and economy interests of the United States. This 
Act also commits the United States to reset any resort to force or 
other coercion that would jeopardize the security of Taiwan's people.
  I urge the Chinese Government to honor the intent of the Joint 
Communiques and the Taiwan Relations Act by seeking a peaceful solution 
to this situation through dialog with Taiwan, and by ceasing their 
military actions.
  Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, I am pleased to cosponsor the amendment 
to the resolution, H. Con. Res. 168, condemning the missile tests and 
military exercises being conducted by the Peoples Republic of China 
near Taiwan.
  Last week I suggested that China's missile tests and military 
exercises have been dangerous and provocative. Unfortunately, tensions 
between China and Taiwan have not subsided. In fact, with Taiwan's 
first democratic Presidential election just around the corner, China's 
rhetoric continues loud and unabated.
  The Clinton administration has gone to great lengths to warn China 
about the potential consequences of its actions and to underscore 
United States policy that the future of Taiwan must be resolved by 
peaceful means. I am pleased the Senate has joined in sending a strong 
signal to China.
  With one clear voice, the Senate is now on record deploring the 
missile tests China has been conducting near Taiwan and recognizing 
that such tests are a potentially serious threat to peace and stability 
in the region. As I mentioned last week, China's missile tests and 
military exercises are dangerous in and of themselves, and they 
increase the chances of an accident that could cause tensions to spiral 
out of control.
  It is important to emphasize that this resolution also supports the 
commitment of the United States, China, and Taiwan to resolve the 
future of Taiwan through peaceful means. United States policy clearly 
stipulates that the future of Taiwan should be determined peacefully. 
Taiwan has made similar overtures. China must also begin conducting 
itself in a way that reaffirms its commitment to that goal.
  China can do just that by ceasing its attempts to intimidate the 
people of Taiwan and influence their upcoming Presidential election. 
This resolution urges China to cease missile tests and military 
exercises and enter into ``meaningful dialog'' with Taiwan. I 
completely agree, and it seems to me that Beijing should begin to 
communicate with Taiwan in a nonthreatening and peaceful way rather 
than carrying out reckless missile tests and military exercises.
  I hope the resolution adopted by the Senate today will encourage 
China to resolve its differences with Taiwan peacefully.
  Mr. PELL. Mr. President, this resolution is a thoughtful, appropriate 
response to recent developments in the Taiwan Strait. With this 
resolution, the Senate deplores the People's Republic of China's recent 
missile tests

[[Page S2627]]

and military exercises in the Taiwan Strait as an unwarranted and 
dangerous attempt to intimidate Taiwan as it prepares to hold direct 
presidential elections this Saturday. It calls on China to return to 
negotiations at the highest levels between the two governments, 
negotiations which have successfully resolved a number of issues in the 
past. The resolution also reiterates our long-standing policy that 
maintaining peace and stability in the region is in the interest of the 
United States and that we expect Taiwan's future to be resolved 
peacefully and in a way that satisfies the Chinese on both sides of the 
Taiwan Strait.
  As a sponsor of this resolution, I urge all parties involved to move 
away from provocative measures and to find new ways to de-escalate 
tensions. It is incumbent upon all parties to avoid taking steps which 
could lead unexpectedly, through mistake or miscalculation, to a 
conflict that no one wants. Now is the time for calmer voices to 
prevail and I hope that all governments will listen for them.
  I think this is a thoughtful and appropriate response, worked in a 
bipartisan way. It is a resolution we can support with pride.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question on agreeing to House Concurrent 
Resolution 148, as amended. The yeas and nays are ordered. The clerk 
will call the roll. The legislative clerk called the roll.
  Mr. LOTT. I announce that the Senator from New Hampshire [Mr. Gregg] 
is necessarily absent.
  Mr. FORD. I announce that the Senator from Nebraska [Mr. Kerrey] and 
the Senator from New Jersey [Mr. Bradley] are necessarily absent.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Are there any other Senators in the Chamber 
desiring to vote?
  The result was announced--yeas 97, nays 0, as follows:

                      [Rollcall Vote No. 51 Leg.]

                                YEAS--97

     Abraham
     Akaka
     Ashcroft
     Baucus
     Bennett
     Biden
     Bingaman
     Bond
     Boxer
     Breaux
     Brown
     Bryan
     Bumpers
     Burns
     Byrd
     Campbell
     Chafee
     Coats
     Cochran
     Cohen
     Conrad
     Coverdell
     Craig
     D'Amato
     Daschle
     DeWine
     Dodd
     Dole
     Domenici
     Dorgan
     Exon
     Faircloth
     Feingold
     Feinstein
     Ford
     Frist
     Glenn
     Gorton
     Graham
     Gramm
     Grams
     Grassley
     Harkin
     Hatch
     Hatfield
     Heflin
     Helms
     Hollings
     Hutchison
     Inhofe
     Inouye
     Jeffords
     Johnston
     Kassebaum
     Kempthorne
     Kennedy
     Kerry
     Kohl
     Kyl
     Lautenberg
     Leahy
     Levin
     Lieberman
     Lott
     Lugar
     Mack
     McCain
     McConnell
     Mikulski
     Moseley-Braun
     Moynihan
     Murkowski
     Murray
     Nickles
     Nunn
     Pell
     Pressler
     Pryor
     Reid
     Robb
     Rockefeller
     Roth
     Santorum
     Sarbanes
     Shelby
     Simon
     Simpson
     Smith
     Snowe
     Specter
     Stevens
     Thomas
     Thompson
     Thurmond
     Warner
     Wellstone
     Wyden

                             NOT VOTING--3

     Bradley
     Gregg
     Kerrey
  So, the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 148) was agreed to.
  Mr. CHAFEE addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Rhode Island.
  Mr. CHAFEE. I ask unanimous consent that I may proceed as in morning 
business for 30 seconds.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. CHAFEE. Mr. President, I come to the floor today to join Senator 
Smith, the distinguished chairman of the subcommittee of the 
Environment and Public Works which deals with Superfund. Let me take a 
moment to describe our progress and plans for Superfund reform.
  The Superfund Program is our most troubled environmental statute. No 
one could disagree that the Congress should enact Superfund reform this 
year. No one is happy with the status quo--not industry, not 
environmentalists, not insurers, not State and local governments, not 
even the EPA and other Federal agencies.
  Superfund reform is No. 1 priority of my committee in 1996.
  Senator Smith introduced S. 1285, the Accelerated Cleanup and 
Environmental Restoration Act, last September 29. This reform package 
represents a remarkable improvement over the status quo, and it is 
deserving of widespread support. I am a cosponsor.
  Since introduction, Senator Smith and I have met with the minority 
members of the subcommittee and administration for countless hours to 
explain the bill, make technical changes, and clarify its intent where 
needed. We have solicited the views of interested outsiders. As a 
result of these discussions, we have incorporated numerous changes, 
large and small, into the bill.
  These negotiations, which are still continuing, have been productive, 
and I hope and expect that they will lead to a bill that garners 
widespread bipartisan support in the Senate, a bill that satisfies the 
President's often-stated desire to fix this program, a bill that he can 
and should sign.
  At this point in our process, as our negotiations move into some of 
the more difficult issues, Senator Smith and I agreed that it is 
important to give members of this body, as well as those outside 
parties interested in Superfund reform, an opportunity to look at, and 
comment upon, the results of our negotiations to date. The document, a 
staff draft that will be printed in today's Congressional Record, 
represents a snapshot of the current status of our negotiations. In a 
few moments, Senator Smith will offer more detailed comments on this 
new draft of the Superfund bill.
  All sides in our negotiations have justifiably reserved final 
judgment until negotiations are complete and important constituencies 
have had the chance to analyze and comment on the final product.
  As we move forward, we want to provide opportunities to receive 
formal comments on the bill. In the next few days we will schedule 
hearings on the bill to occur as soon as possible after the Easter 
recess. We hope that we can reach substantive agreement on a bipartisan 
bill by that time, or else use the hearings to further explore the 
remaining areas of difference. We plan to move on to a markup and 
prepare the bill for floor action as soon as we can this spring.

  I want to express my appreciation the ranking member of the 
committee, Senator Baucus, and the Superfund Subcommittee, Senator 
Lautenberg, for their contributions to the process. I also want to 
thank the administration for their efforts in these negotiations.
  Most of all I would like to thank Senator Smith for the many hours he 
and his staff have devoted to keeping Superfund reform on-track and 
moving forward. This is no easy task. Superfund is a complex and 
controversial program, and progress is always difficult in the best of 
circumstances, not to mention in a Presidential election year. We have 
a very good chance to enact Superfund reform this year, and if we do, a 
great deal of the credit should go to Senator Smith.

                          ____________________