[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 40 (Thursday, March 21, 1996)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2622-S2627]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
EXPRESSING THE SENSE OF THE CONGRESS THAT THE UNITED STATES IS
COMMITTED TO MILITARY STABILITY IN TAIWAN STRAIT
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report the concurrent
resolution.
The assistant legislative clerk read as follows:
A concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 148) expressing the
sense of the Congress that the United States is committed to
military stability in Taiwan Strait and the United States
should assist in defending the Republic of China (also known
as Taiwan) in the event of invasion, missile attack, or
blockade by the People's Republic of China.
The Senate proceeded to consider the concurrent resolution.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Wyoming is recognized.
Amendment No. 3562
(Purpose: To amend the resolution)
Mr. THOMAS. Mr. President, I send to the desk an amendment.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
The legislative clerk read as follows:
The Senator from Wyoming [Mr. Thomas] for himself, Mr.
Helms, Mr. Dole, Mr. Murkowski, Mr. Pell, Mr. Simon, Mr.
Mack, Mr. Grams, Mr. Pressler, Mr. Brown, Mr. Lugar, Mr.
D'Amato, Mr. Warner, Mr. Ford, Mr. Lieberman, Mr. Roth, Mr.
Nickles, Mr. Hatch, Mr. Gorton, Mr. Craig, Mr. Santorum, Mr.
Dorgan, Mr. Robb, Mr. Rockefeller, Mr. Bryan, and Ms.
Moseley-Braun proposes an amendment numbered 3562.
Mr. THOMAS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that further
reading of the amendment be dispensed with.
The amendment is as follows:
Strike out all after the resolving clause and insert in
lieu thereof the following:
``That it is the sense of the Congress--
``(1) to deplore the missile tests and military exercises
that the People's Republic of China is conducting from March
8 through March 25, 1996, and view such tests and exercises
as potentially serious threats to the peace, security, and
stability of Taiwan and not in the spirit of the three United
States-China Joint Communiques;
``(2) to urge the Government of the People's Republic of
China to cease its bellicose actions directed at Taiwan and
enter instead into meaningful dialogue with the Government of
Taiwan at the highest levels, such as through the Straits
Exchange Foundation in Taiwan and the Association for
Relations Across the Taiwan Strait in Beijing, with an eye
towards decreasing tensions and resolving the issue of the
future of Taiwan;
``(3) that the President should, consistent with section
3(c) of the Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 (22 U.S.C. 3302(c)),
immediately consult with Congress on an appropriate United
States response to the tests and exercises should the tests
or exercises pose an actual threat to the peace, security,
and stability of Taiwan;
``(4) that the President should, consistent with the Taiwan
Relations Act of 1979 (22 U.S.C. 3301 et seq.), reexamine the
nature and quantity of defense articles and services that may
be necessary to enable Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self-
defense capability in light of the heightened military
threat; and
``(5) that the Government of Taiwan should remain committed
to the peaceful resolution of its future relations with the
People's Republic of China by mutual decision.''
Amend the preamble to read as follows:
``Whereas the People's Republic of China, in a clear
attempt to intimidate the people and Government of Taiwan,
has over the past 9 months conducted a series of military
exercises, including missile tests, within alarmingly close
proximity to Taiwan;
``Whereas from March 8 through March 15, 1996, the People's
Republic of China conducted a series of missile tests within
25 to 35 miles of the 2 principal northern and southern ports
of Taiwan, Kaohsiung and Keelung;
``Whereas on March 12, 1996, the People's Republic of China
began an 8-day, live-ammunition, joint sea-and-air military
exercise in a 2,390 square mile area in the southern Taiwan
Strait;
``Whereas on March 18, 1996, the People's Republic of China
began a 7-day, live-ammunition, joint sea-and-air military
exercise between Taiwan's islands of Matsu and Wuchu
[[Page S2623]]
``Whereas these tests and exercises are a clear escalation
of the attempts by the People's Republic of China to
intimidate Taiwan and influence the outcome of the upcoming
democratic presidential election in Taiwan;
``Whereas through the administrations of Presidents Nixon,
Ford, Carter, Reagan, and Bush, the United States has adhered
to a ``One China'' policy and, during the administration of
President Clinton, the United States continues to adhere to
the ``One China'' policy based on the Shanghai Communique of
February 27, 1972, the Joint Communique on the Establishment
of Diplomatic Relations Between the United States of America
and the People's Republic of China of January 1, 1979, and
the United States-China Joint Communique of August 17, 1982;
``Whereas through the administrations of Presidents Carter,
Reagan, and Bush, the United States has adhered to the
provisions of the Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 (22 U.S.C.
3301 et seq.) as the basis of continuing commercial cultural,
and other relations between the people of the United States
and the people of Taiwan and, during the administration of
President Clinton, the United States continues to adhere to
the provisions of the Taiwan Relations Act of 1979;
``Whereas relations between the United States and the
People's Republic of China rest upon the expectation that the
future of Taiwan will be settled solely by peaceful means;
``Whereas the strong interest of the United States in the
peaceful settlement of the Taiwan question is one of the
central premises of the three United States-China Joint
Communiques and was codified in the Taiwan Relations Act of
1979;
``Whereas the Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 states that
peace and stability in the Western Pacific ``are in the
political, security, and economic interests of the United
States, and are matters of international concern'';
``Whereas the Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 states that the
United States considers ``any effort to determine the future
of Taiwan by other than peaceful means, including by
boycotts, or embargoes, a threat to the peace and security of
the western Pacific area and of grave concern to the United
States'';
``Whereas the Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 directs the
President to ``inform Congress promptly of any threat to the
security or the social or economic system of the people on
Taiwan and any danger to the interests of the United States
arising therefrom'';
``Whereas the Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 further directs
that ``the President and the Congress shall determine, in
accordance with constitutional process, appropriate action by
the United States in response to any such danger'';
``Whereas the United States, the People's Republic of
China, and the Government of Taiwan have each previously
expressed their commitment to the resolution of the Taiwan
question through peaceful means; and
``Whereas these missile tests and military exercises, and
the accompanying statements made by the Government of the
People's Republic of China, call into serious question the
commitment of China to the peaceful resolution of the Taiwan
question: Now, therefore, be it.''
Amend the title so as to read: ``Expressing the sense of
Congress regarding missile tests and military exercises by
the People's Republic of China.''.
Mr. THOMAS. Mr. President, under the order I believe we are to vote.
I ask unanimous consent for 2 minutes--1 minute for the Senator from
Alaska, 1 minute for the Senator from Louisiana.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? Without objection, it is
so ordered.
Mr. MURKOWSKI addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Alaska.
Mr. MURKOWSKI. I thank the Chair.
Mr. President, I am pleased the Senate will vote on this timely issue
regarding the current situation in the Taiwan Strait. I am referring,
of course, to the military action by the People's Liberation Army to
intimidate the people of Taiwan on the eve of the first Democratic,
direct election of their President.
The executive branch has criticized, correctly, the military
exercises. The administration has backed up its words by sending a
naval presence to monitor the exercises in the Taiwan Strait. The House
has passed its own resolution. It is time for the U.S. Senate to also
go on record deploring the military threat of the People's Republic of
China, and recommitting the United States to the terms and conditions
of the Taiwan Relations Act.
Senator Thomas, the majority leader, Senator Helms, and I, along with
our staffs, have been in close consultation with the administration and
with our colleagues on the other side of the aisle to address their
concerns, and am pleased that we have crafted a compromise that will
have broad bipartisan support. I think it is important for the leaders
of the People's Republic of China to understand that America is united
in maintaining the historical commitments we have made to Taiwan.
The Taiwan Relations Act clearly states that peace and stability in
the Western Pacific are in the political, security, and economic
interests of the United States, and makes clear that U.S. policy is to
resist any resort to force or other forms of coercion that would
jeopardize the security, or the social or economic interests of the
United States.
The amendment we have offered makes five important points. First, the
amendment directs the President to consult with the Congress, as
required by the Taiwan Relations Act, when it is determined that there
is a threat to the security or the social or economic system of the
people of Taiwan.
I do not believe this threshold has been met, both because the
People's Republic of China ended the missile tests as scheduled on
March 15 and one of its naval exercises on March 20 and because the
People's Republic of China has indicated that it does not plan to
attack Taiwan. We will have to wait and see if their actions match
their words.
Second, the amendment directs the President and Congress, as required
by the Taiwan Relations Act, to reexamine the nature and quantity of
defense articles and services that may be necessary to enable Taiwan to
maintain a sufficient self-defense capability in light of the
heightened threat. The purpose of this commitment, of course, is to
deter China from considering any type of attack.
I am pleased that United States officials and officials from the
Republic of China met this week to discuss additional sales of
necessary defensive weapons. I hope the approved list is sufficient to
maintain their self-defensive capability. I wonder, for example,
whether the Patriot system that is scheduled for delivery in late 1997
is timely or adequate given the recent missile tests?
Third, the amendment deplores the missile tests and other military
exercises that have the potential to disrupt air and shipping routes.
The missile tests resulted in four unarmed warheads falling in waters
near Taiwan's northern and southern ports. The naval exercises using
live ammunition encroach upon international shipping lanes. These
actions call into question the commitment of the People's Republic of
China to the peaceful resolution of the future of Taiwan.
Fourth, the amendment calls on the People's Republic of China to
cease its threats, and instead enter into a constructive dialog with
the Government of the Republic of China on Taiwan, perhaps through
their informal organizations, the Straits Exchange Foundation in Taiwan
and the Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits in Beijing.
In the past, these two organizations have dealt with many other issues
between the two countries, from fishing to highjackers, and have helped
fuel the enormous investment in mainland China by Taiwanese investors,
estimated at some $20 billion.
Finally, the amendment notes that the Government of the Republic of
China should remain committed to the peaceful resolution of its future
relations with the People's Republic of China by mutual decision,
consistent with government policy.
Mr. President. I do not believe that China is on the verge of
attacking Taiwan. I also do not believe that China's scare tactics will
have their intended affect on Taiwan. When the roar of the military
tests have subsided, and the last vote is counted in Taiwan, I hope the
two sides will pursue a course of constructive dialog. Until the time,
the United States must maintain its vigilance and monitor events in the
Taiwan Strait.
Before I conclude, Mr. President, I want to comment on one issue that
is related to the debate surrounding this resolution, an that is
Congress' role in the visit of President Lee Teng-hui to his alma
mater. There are some who have blamed that visit, and Congress' role in
bringing about that visit, for the current crisis. Mr. President, that
is simply not the case. I would refer my friends to a recent op-ed in
the New York Times by Christopher Sigur that points out that it was not
that visit, but the prospect of democracy in Taiwan, that has so upset
the leaders in Beijing.
As Mr. Sigur notes, until recently, both China and Taiwan had
implicitly recognized the island's de facto independence and dealt with
it peacefully.
[[Page S2624]]
They negotiated Taiwan's participation in numerous international
institutions, from the Asian Development Bank and the Asia Pacific
Economic Cooperation forum to the Olympics by sidestepping the
independence question.
But as Taiwan moved closer to a full fledged democracy with the
December parliamentary elections and the March Presidential elections,
Beijing's leaders saw the island moving toward a less predictable
future, because, of course, in a democracy, there will be many
different voices that the leadership must accommodate.
All of this came at a time when Beijing is preparing to take over
Hong Kong and thus test Chairman Deng's ``One Country, Two Systems''
proposition. In addition, the leadership in Beijing is still in
transition as Chairman Deng fades from the scene.
Finally, Mr. President, I would argue that our own administration
contributed to hardening the Peoples Republic of China's reaction to a
private visit by Lee Teng-hui by not issuing the visa initially and
assuring Beijing that this private visit did not constitute a departure
from the ``One China'' policy. Instead, Secretary of State Christopher
told President Jiang Zemin that such a visit would not occur, and
therefore caused the President to lose face when the decision was
reversed.
The United States was right to allow President Lee to return to his
alma mater. The United States is right to continue to sell defensive
weapons to Taiwan. And the United States is right to go on record
deploring the recent missile tests and military exercises. Although
these actions are condemned by the People's Republic of China they are
consistent with United States policy under the four joint communiques
with the Peoples Republic of China and the Taiwan Relations Act, the
law of the land.
Mr. President, China must understand that missile diplomacy does not
work. This amendment sends that message, and I ask my colleagues for
their support.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the New York Times
article, as well as a recent op-ed I authored in the Wall Street
Journal entitled ``What We Owe Taiwan'' be printed in the Record.
There being no objection, the articles were ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
Why Taiwan Scares China
(By Christopher J. Sigur)
In the debate over China's military exercises in the Taiwan
Strait, few have discussed a fundamental reason for its
actions: Taiwan's emerging democracy. China's main concern is
not any movement toward independence but rather the effects
of Taiwanese democracy on the island's foreign policy.
Until recently, both China and Taiwan had implicitly
recognized the island's de facto independence and dealt with
it peacefully. They negotiated Taiwan's participation in
numerous international institutions, from the International
Monetary Fund to the Olympics, by sidestepping the
independence question. China tolerated Taiwan's efforts to
open embassies abroad. But the military exercises in the
strait show that this implicit understanding is in tatters.
What has changed? With its first-ever direct presidential
elections on Saturday, Taiwan will become a full-fledged
democracy.
President Lee Teng-hui's controversial visit to Cornell
University last summer was a symptom of Taiwanese democracy.
To stay in power in a democracy, of course, one must respond
to the opposition's views. The opposition in Taiwan does not
want reunification with the mainland and has increasingly
demanded international recognition of the island. Hence,
President Lee's campaign to rejoin the United Nations, his
trips to Asia, Latin America and Europe (which have been
termed ``vacation diplomacy'') and the push to have Congress
grant him a United States visa.
It is naive to think that if only Mr. Lee had chosen not to
go to Cornell, if only he had not offered the United Nations
a $1 billion gift in an apparent attempt to gain a seat,
China would not be acting so belligerently.
Beijing's leaders recognize that Mr. Lee's actions are
prodded by democracy and it horrifies them. China's state
newspapers often refer to Taiwan's ``demands for independence
in the guise of democratization,'' clearly linking one with
the other.
What the People's Republic sees across the strait is a
China whose people are ready to choose their own leaders,
with all the demands that makes on a political system:
regularly scheduled elections, a free press and political
parties that must take their opponents' ideas seriously,
because you never know who will be in power tomorrow. Beijing
is not prepared to accept this model in Taiwan or on the
mainland.
Thus, even if Mr. Lee renounced Taiwan's United Nations
bid, canceled all his overseas trips and closed his country's
few embassies, both he and Beijing would recognize that the
moves are meaningless. Democracy institutionalizes
uncertainty, and neither Beijing nor Taiwan could predict how
the voters would react. China may not have liked seeing
Taiwan under the firm grip of the Nationalists for the last
four decades, but at least they were predictable.
The United States must recognize that it has a fundamental
interest in promoting Chinese democracy, and in protecting
its sole example in Taiwan. Thus, we must warn China in no
uncertain terms that we will not sit idly by if Taiwanese
democracy is threatened, encouraged our allies to make
similar declarations and continue to back up our words with a
show of American naval power.
Democracy's uncertainties will only increase the threats to
the security and economic stability of the entire region. The
United States is vital to any long-term solution. The Chinese
on both sides of the strait are unlikely to reach a solution
unless Washington keeps them talking.
____
What We Owe Taiwan
(By Frank Murkowski)
President Nixon must be spinning in his grave.
When he first opened relations with Beijing some 20 years
ago, Nixon believed that Asia could not progress if China
remained isolated. His actions promised to help that country
enter into a new and constructive relationship with the rest
of the modern world. But Beijing's recent self-defeating
actions can only turn back the pages of history and cripple
China's economic progress.
Beijing's decision to start missile tests near Taiwan--and
it is to be hoped nothing worse--effectively imposes a
miniblockade of Taiwan's two major ports prior to Taiwan's
first free presidential elections on March 23. The tests,
while probably intended to affect the election, have
ramifications beyond the Taiwan Strait.
For that reason, Sen. Craig Thomas (R., Wyo.) and I have
introduced in the Senate a resolution recommitting us to the
Taiwan Relations Act of 1979, which clearly states that
America believes that peace and stability in the area are in
the ``political, security and economic interests of the
United States.''
The Taiwan Relations Act, which is the law of the land,
commits the U.S. to ``resist any resort to force or other
forms of coercion that would jeopardize the security, or the
social or economic system, of the people of Taiwan.''
We must remind Beijing that the decision of the U.S. to
establish diplomatic relations with China was ``based upon
the expectation that the future of Taiwan will be determined
be peaceful means.''
Some China-watchers are inclined to rationalize Beijing's
behavior. Apologists have blamed China's belligerence on the
firm stands taken by Congress. But today it is clear that
China, not Congress, is to blame for the current state of
U.S.-China relations. Time and again, before and after the
1989 Tiananmen Square attack on student protesters, China's
rulers have shown themselves to be almost oblivious to the
fact that a larger world--one that is sensitive to human
rights concerns, capable of helping improve China's quality
of life, and with a firm belief in religious and political
freedom--exists beyond the borders of the People's Republic
of China.
President Jiang Zemin and his lieutenants must understand
that this is why the U.S. finds China's missile diplomacy
unacceptable. We support the peaceful settlement of
differences between China and Taiwan, and cannot idly watch a
peaceful, democratic ally be threatened--and certainly not
attacked militarily.
We must, furthermore, continue selling Taiwan defense
weapons to help counter any thoughts China might have of
using military force against the island. Along with these
weapons, we must let the leaders in Beijing know that threats
are useless as tools of foreign policy and are the rusted
relics of diplomacy from a bygone and dangerous era.
China's leaders must know that economic gains will
evaporate if continued military threats (or worse) create
havoc in East Asia. Beijing's officials must understand they
cannot conduct business as usual with the world if missiles
start falling. They also need to know that fear of war is
every bit as chilling to investment as the real thing.
Congress should congratulate the people of Taiwan for their
continued steps toward democracy. Congress should also state
its support for the people of Taiwan to become involved in
international organizations. Taiwan has emerged as a force
for democracy and stability in Asia, and its people should be
represented. The U.S. must continue at the same time to
encourage a true dialogue between Beijing and Taipei that
will lead to understanding and conciliation, rather than
threats and confrontation.
With this latest round of threats against Taiwan--and the
U.S.--it is time to step back and gather forces to support
reason and dialogue, rather than the rumblings of hostility
and war.
President Nixon was correct in seeing the vast potential
importance of China as a world economic power. But more than
20 years later, the world still waits for Beijing to abandon
its totalitarian ways and to behave consistently as a
civilized nation.
[[Page S2625]]
Mr. MURKOWSKI. I thank the Chair and commend the Senator from Wyoming
for his effort in this regard.
Mr. JOHNSTON addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Louisiana.
Mr. JOHNSTON. Mr. President, when the matter originally came up, I
strongly opposed the resolution because it seemed to be a shift of
ground away from the Shanghai Communique which has been the basis for
almost a quarter of a century of our relationship to China.
Mr. President, we are deeply grateful, Senator Nunn, Senator
Feinstein, and I, and others, who had serious objection to the
resolution in its original form.
With Senator Thomas, Senator Murkowski, and others, we are now
working this out in a balanced way that makes clear that this Nation
continues to adhere to the one-China policy, as enunciated in the
Shanghai Communique and the communiques since that time under five
American presidents. I believe it is not a perfect resolution, but it
is a balanced resolution. On that basis, I can vote for it. I thank the
Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question in on agreeing to the amendment.
The amendment (No. 3562) was agreed to.
Mr. NUNN. Mr. President, the current tension in the Taiwan Strait
creates a very dangerous situation. While I do not believe that China
intends to invade Taiwan, there is always the risk that accident or
miscalculation could lead to conflict. China's actions have been
precipitated by its perception that Taiwan is unilaterally seeking
independence. While I regret that it is necessary, I applaud the
decision by President Clinton to send two carrier battle groups to the
region.
I would have preferred that no legislation or concurrent resolutions
be passed by Congress in the current tense situation but I am opposed
to the resolution passed by the other body and believe that it is
necessary for the Senate to go on record on this important matter.
Mr. President, the concurrent resolution we are considering this
afternoon is reasoned and responsible and is designed to make a
constructive contribution to the situation. It is important because it
recognizes that the one China policy that is based upon the three
United States-China joint communiques has been and is being adhered to
by the United States. It is important because it deplores the People's
Republic of China's recent military actions and urges China to cease
its action and to enter into a meaningful dialogue with Taiwan. It is
important because it reminds everyone of the provisions of the Taiwan's
Relations Act. And finally it is important because it states that the
Government of Taiwan should remain committed to the peaceful resolution
of its future relations with China by mutual decision.
Mr. President, as I noted in my floor speech on United States-China
relations last month, the framework of the three communiques and the
Taiwan Relations Act has served both sides of the Taiwan Strait as well
as the United States well for almost 16 years. That framework made
possible the relaxation of tensions in the Strait; has encouraged
Taiwan to abolish martial law and become a prosperous democracy; made
available to the Chinese on the mainland that talent and capital of the
people on Taiwan; it played a major role in China's drive for
modernization; and it produced a sense of security for China, for
Taiwan, and the region. The thrust of this concurrent resolution is to
remind both sides of the Taiwan Strait of these facts and to encourage
them to maintain that framework--both its letter and its spirit.
Mr. President, I would like to repeat what I said at the end of last
month's floor speech because it continues to sum up my thinking on this
subject and is, I believe, totally consistent with this concurrent
resolution.
Americans feel close to the people of Taiwan and are proud
of their accomplishments. The people of Taiwan have made
enormous strides economically and politically. They are an
example to much of the developing world.
It is important for the United States, as a friend, to be
clear with the Taiwanese that they must not misjudge China on
the question of Taiwan independence.
It is important that the people of Taiwan understand that a
unilateral declaration of Taiwan's independence would be
inconsistent with United States foreign policy as set forth
and followed by President Nixon, President Ford, President
Carter, President Reagan, President Bush, and President
Clinton.
It is also important for the Chinese to understand that the
United States values its friendship and relationship with the
people on Taiwan. It is crucial that the Chinese understand
that if China uses force to resolve the Taiwan issue, the
United States will not stand idly by but will surely respond.
For our part, the U.S. should make it very clear that we
will oppose either side's attempt to change the status quo
either by the use of force by Beijing or by unilateral
declaration of independence by Taiwan. The United States
position should be clear that we are prepared to live with
any outcome negotiated in good faith between China and
Taiwan. The future of Taiwan must be settled by mutual
agreement between the parties, not by the unilateral actions
of either. For that to happen, Taipei must stop its political
provocations and Beijing must stop its military provocations.
The people of China and the people of Taiwan should resume
a high-level dialogue to foster clear understandings and
increased cooperation. Enormous progress has been made in
economic cooperation and people-to-people contacts and visits
on both sides of the Strait. While economic development and
people-to-people cooperation are emphasized, political
questions are complicated and emotional and their resolution
will require a long-term effort. This will involve a trait
for which the Chinese people are famous--patience.
Mr. President, I support this concurrent resolution.
Mr. KEMPTHORNE. Mr. President, I strongly support the resolution
currently before the Senate reiterating this Nation's support for the
people of Taiwan. I rise to speak about the recent escalation in
military operations by the People's Republic of China--Mainland China--
in the Taiwan Strait which is intended to intimidate the Republic of
China--Taiwan. Mainland China announced on March 5, 1996, that it would
test fire surface-to-surface missiles off the coast of Taiwan from
March 8 through 15. China has made good on its threat and began missile
firing and conducting amphibious live ammunition exercises on the
southern tip of the Taiwan Strait on March 12. China plans to continue
these exercises through March 24. The missile tests have forced the
rerouting of commercial flights out of the Chiang kai-shek
International Airport and have also impacted the shipping operations of
the southern seaport of Kaohsioung. It has become painfully obvious
that China's sole purpose in conducting these exercises is to attempt
to demoralize the people and destabilize the government of Taiwan.
I am deeply concerned, as are other Members of Congress, with the
rise in military activities in the Taiwan Strait meant to influence the
first-ever Taiwanese presidential election on March 23, 1996. The
importance of this election cannot be understated. It is the first
election of president by popular vote in the 5,000-year history of
China. The actions taken by mainland China have further hindered United
States-China relations already convulsed by China's human rights
violations, its failure to adequately deter the pirating of United
States products in violation of copyright laws and suspected
exportation and proliferation of nuclear equipment and technologies.
The primary reason for the renewed China-Taiwan tension is an ongoing
power struggle within the Chinese government. The hardliners are using
the Taiwan issue to exploit and capitalize on a vacuum in leadership
caused by the continued failing health of Deng Xiaoping. These same
hardliners will do whatever necessary to boost their own stock while
simultaneously devaluing the stock of rivals.
The 1979 Taiwan Relations Act proclaims American support for the
peaceful reunification of Taiwan and the mainland, and commits the
United States to help Taiwan defend itself in case of Chinese
aggression. The recent activity by the Clinton administration which
includes the deployment of the carrier battle group U.S.S. Independence
to the region to be joined later in the month by the U.S.S. Nimitz and
its support ships, although a step in the right direction, does not
clearly define our commitment to democracy in the region. The
possibility of miscalculation leading to war cannot be ruled out as the
Beijing government has refused to renounce the use of force against
Taiwan.
[[Page S2626]]
With a population of more than 21 million people, Taiwan has much to
contribute to the world. Its robust and vibrant economy ranks among the
20 largest in the world. Taiwan has one of the largest foreign exchange
reserves of any nation with assets of approximately $100 billion.
Taiwan has improved its record on human rights and routinely holds free
and fair elections in a multiparty system. Taiwan has over the years
demonstrated its continued support for humanitarian efforts through its
contributions and response to international disasters, environmental
destruction and famine relief operations. Additionally, Taiwan is a
member of the Asian Development Bank and Asia-Pacific Economic
Cooperation group.
In the face of psychological intimidation and outward aggression, the
Taiwanese people stand firm in their commitment to full democracy. As
stated by President Lee and Premier Lien, the Taiwanese presidential
election will be held as scheduled. The Taipei government has
repeatedly and adamantly expressed its pursuit of national
reunification and strong opposition to Taiwan independence. Taiwan
would like nothing more than to strengthen the cross-Taiwan Strait
relation and further the security and prosperity of the Asia-Pacific
region.
It must be made clear and in very specific terms that China's actions
endanger the peace and security in the region and therefore merit
condemnation by all peace-loving countries of the world. I am sure I
speak for a number of my colleagues when I urge the Administration to
make a more definitive commitment to Taiwan's sovereignty. I ask that
the President take every measure necessary to ensure that the pursuit
of democracy and democratic practices are not fettered by Chinese
intimidation and aggression.
Mr. GRAMS. Mr. President, I rise in strong support for the Senate
amendment to H. Con. Res. 148, a resolution which expresses strong
House opposition to the Chinese military exercises in the Taiwan
Strait. The Senate amendment contains the language of S. Con. Res. 43,
which I have cosponsored.
The Senate amendment, drafted by the chairman of the East Asia and
Pacific Subcommittee of the Foreign Relations Committee, Mr. Thomas,
and cosponsored by Senators Dole, Helms, Murkowski, myself and others,
is similar to the House resolution yet sends an equally strong message
to China that the United States views the missile tests as a threat to
Taiwan, contrary to the spirit of the Taiwan Relations Act as well as
the three United States-China Joint Communiques.
Mr. President, we are all painfully aware of the sensitivity
portrayed by China to any effort by Taiwan to cultivate relationships
with other nations. These actions have been wrongfully perceived to be
efforts to pursue independence. The Taiwanese Government denies the
allegations.
I am disappointed that China has gone to this extreme to counter what
it believes is a growing interest in independence among the Taiwanese
people. Even though the Democratic Progressive Party, which supports
independence, has picked up a few seats in the Taiwan Parliament, it
appears to be far from a threat in the presidential election of March
23. The major party, the National Party, has supported future
unification.
While the administration has recently sent elements of the United
States 7th Fleet to provide support for Taiwan, these Chinese exercises
have been conducted for over 8 months. There has been a very weak
response by the administration until this time. I feel compelled to ask
the question of why these exercises occurred in the first place. Why
have we let our relationship with China deteriorate to the point where
military exercises that threaten Taiwan, where sales of nuclear
materials continue, and where many other disputes and differences have
worsened with China.
It should be an important United States foreign policy objective to
set our relationship with China back on track. The administration must
place this as a very high priority before the situation worsens.
Constant, high-level communication with Chinese leaders may have
enabled us to avoid these harmful disputes.
We must work toward ensuring that, after the March 23 election, both
China and Taiwan begin a high-level dialog to decrease tensions and to
resolve the issue of the future of Taiwan. This must be done in a
peaceful manner, consistent with the Taiwan Relations Act and the Three
Communiques.
The harm done by the military exercises will not make this an easy
task.
I urge support for the Senate amendment to the House resolution.
Mr. SANTORUM. Mr. President, the People's Republic of China has
conducted a series of missile tests in the last few weeks in a clear
attempt to intimidate the people of Taiwan as they prepare for the
first direct democratic election of President. These military exercises
are not in the spirit of the three United States China Joint
Communiques and serve as a threat to the peace, security, and stability
of Taiwan.
I join my other colleagues who have cosponsored H. Con. Res. 148 in
condemning the recent actions of the Chinese Government. This action
severely tests the assumption that was set when we normalized relations
with the People's Republic of China in 1979. We did so on the
expectation that the future of Taiwan would be settled solely by
peaceful means. We codified this commitment and understanding in the
Taiwan Relations Act. In this legislation, we state clearly that
America believes that peace and stability in the area are in the
political, security and economy interests of the United States. This
Act also commits the United States to reset any resort to force or
other coercion that would jeopardize the security of Taiwan's people.
I urge the Chinese Government to honor the intent of the Joint
Communiques and the Taiwan Relations Act by seeking a peaceful solution
to this situation through dialog with Taiwan, and by ceasing their
military actions.
Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, I am pleased to cosponsor the amendment
to the resolution, H. Con. Res. 168, condemning the missile tests and
military exercises being conducted by the Peoples Republic of China
near Taiwan.
Last week I suggested that China's missile tests and military
exercises have been dangerous and provocative. Unfortunately, tensions
between China and Taiwan have not subsided. In fact, with Taiwan's
first democratic Presidential election just around the corner, China's
rhetoric continues loud and unabated.
The Clinton administration has gone to great lengths to warn China
about the potential consequences of its actions and to underscore
United States policy that the future of Taiwan must be resolved by
peaceful means. I am pleased the Senate has joined in sending a strong
signal to China.
With one clear voice, the Senate is now on record deploring the
missile tests China has been conducting near Taiwan and recognizing
that such tests are a potentially serious threat to peace and stability
in the region. As I mentioned last week, China's missile tests and
military exercises are dangerous in and of themselves, and they
increase the chances of an accident that could cause tensions to spiral
out of control.
It is important to emphasize that this resolution also supports the
commitment of the United States, China, and Taiwan to resolve the
future of Taiwan through peaceful means. United States policy clearly
stipulates that the future of Taiwan should be determined peacefully.
Taiwan has made similar overtures. China must also begin conducting
itself in a way that reaffirms its commitment to that goal.
China can do just that by ceasing its attempts to intimidate the
people of Taiwan and influence their upcoming Presidential election.
This resolution urges China to cease missile tests and military
exercises and enter into ``meaningful dialog'' with Taiwan. I
completely agree, and it seems to me that Beijing should begin to
communicate with Taiwan in a nonthreatening and peaceful way rather
than carrying out reckless missile tests and military exercises.
I hope the resolution adopted by the Senate today will encourage
China to resolve its differences with Taiwan peacefully.
Mr. PELL. Mr. President, this resolution is a thoughtful, appropriate
response to recent developments in the Taiwan Strait. With this
resolution, the Senate deplores the People's Republic of China's recent
missile tests
[[Page S2627]]
and military exercises in the Taiwan Strait as an unwarranted and
dangerous attempt to intimidate Taiwan as it prepares to hold direct
presidential elections this Saturday. It calls on China to return to
negotiations at the highest levels between the two governments,
negotiations which have successfully resolved a number of issues in the
past. The resolution also reiterates our long-standing policy that
maintaining peace and stability in the region is in the interest of the
United States and that we expect Taiwan's future to be resolved
peacefully and in a way that satisfies the Chinese on both sides of the
Taiwan Strait.
As a sponsor of this resolution, I urge all parties involved to move
away from provocative measures and to find new ways to de-escalate
tensions. It is incumbent upon all parties to avoid taking steps which
could lead unexpectedly, through mistake or miscalculation, to a
conflict that no one wants. Now is the time for calmer voices to
prevail and I hope that all governments will listen for them.
I think this is a thoughtful and appropriate response, worked in a
bipartisan way. It is a resolution we can support with pride.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question on agreeing to House Concurrent
Resolution 148, as amended. The yeas and nays are ordered. The clerk
will call the roll. The legislative clerk called the roll.
Mr. LOTT. I announce that the Senator from New Hampshire [Mr. Gregg]
is necessarily absent.
Mr. FORD. I announce that the Senator from Nebraska [Mr. Kerrey] and
the Senator from New Jersey [Mr. Bradley] are necessarily absent.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Are there any other Senators in the Chamber
desiring to vote?
The result was announced--yeas 97, nays 0, as follows:
[Rollcall Vote No. 51 Leg.]
YEAS--97
Abraham
Akaka
Ashcroft
Baucus
Bennett
Biden
Bingaman
Bond
Boxer
Breaux
Brown
Bryan
Bumpers
Burns
Byrd
Campbell
Chafee
Coats
Cochran
Cohen
Conrad
Coverdell
Craig
D'Amato
Daschle
DeWine
Dodd
Dole
Domenici
Dorgan
Exon
Faircloth
Feingold
Feinstein
Ford
Frist
Glenn
Gorton
Graham
Gramm
Grams
Grassley
Harkin
Hatch
Hatfield
Heflin
Helms
Hollings
Hutchison
Inhofe
Inouye
Jeffords
Johnston
Kassebaum
Kempthorne
Kennedy
Kerry
Kohl
Kyl
Lautenberg
Leahy
Levin
Lieberman
Lott
Lugar
Mack
McCain
McConnell
Mikulski
Moseley-Braun
Moynihan
Murkowski
Murray
Nickles
Nunn
Pell
Pressler
Pryor
Reid
Robb
Rockefeller
Roth
Santorum
Sarbanes
Shelby
Simon
Simpson
Smith
Snowe
Specter
Stevens
Thomas
Thompson
Thurmond
Warner
Wellstone
Wyden
NOT VOTING--3
Bradley
Gregg
Kerrey
So, the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 148) was agreed to.
Mr. CHAFEE addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Rhode Island.
Mr. CHAFEE. I ask unanimous consent that I may proceed as in morning
business for 30 seconds.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. CHAFEE. Mr. President, I come to the floor today to join Senator
Smith, the distinguished chairman of the subcommittee of the
Environment and Public Works which deals with Superfund. Let me take a
moment to describe our progress and plans for Superfund reform.
The Superfund Program is our most troubled environmental statute. No
one could disagree that the Congress should enact Superfund reform this
year. No one is happy with the status quo--not industry, not
environmentalists, not insurers, not State and local governments, not
even the EPA and other Federal agencies.
Superfund reform is No. 1 priority of my committee in 1996.
Senator Smith introduced S. 1285, the Accelerated Cleanup and
Environmental Restoration Act, last September 29. This reform package
represents a remarkable improvement over the status quo, and it is
deserving of widespread support. I am a cosponsor.
Since introduction, Senator Smith and I have met with the minority
members of the subcommittee and administration for countless hours to
explain the bill, make technical changes, and clarify its intent where
needed. We have solicited the views of interested outsiders. As a
result of these discussions, we have incorporated numerous changes,
large and small, into the bill.
These negotiations, which are still continuing, have been productive,
and I hope and expect that they will lead to a bill that garners
widespread bipartisan support in the Senate, a bill that satisfies the
President's often-stated desire to fix this program, a bill that he can
and should sign.
At this point in our process, as our negotiations move into some of
the more difficult issues, Senator Smith and I agreed that it is
important to give members of this body, as well as those outside
parties interested in Superfund reform, an opportunity to look at, and
comment upon, the results of our negotiations to date. The document, a
staff draft that will be printed in today's Congressional Record,
represents a snapshot of the current status of our negotiations. In a
few moments, Senator Smith will offer more detailed comments on this
new draft of the Superfund bill.
All sides in our negotiations have justifiably reserved final
judgment until negotiations are complete and important constituencies
have had the chance to analyze and comment on the final product.
As we move forward, we want to provide opportunities to receive
formal comments on the bill. In the next few days we will schedule
hearings on the bill to occur as soon as possible after the Easter
recess. We hope that we can reach substantive agreement on a bipartisan
bill by that time, or else use the hearings to further explore the
remaining areas of difference. We plan to move on to a markup and
prepare the bill for floor action as soon as we can this spring.
I want to express my appreciation the ranking member of the
committee, Senator Baucus, and the Superfund Subcommittee, Senator
Lautenberg, for their contributions to the process. I also want to
thank the administration for their efforts in these negotiations.
Most of all I would like to thank Senator Smith for the many hours he
and his staff have devoted to keeping Superfund reform on-track and
moving forward. This is no easy task. Superfund is a complex and
controversial program, and progress is always difficult in the best of
circumstances, not to mention in a Presidential election year. We have
a very good chance to enact Superfund reform this year, and if we do, a
great deal of the credit should go to Senator Smith.
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