[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 38 (Tuesday, March 19, 1996)]
[Senate]
[Page S2322]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
THE VOID IN MORAL LEADERSHIP
Mr. GRASSLEY. Mr. President, last week, a new book hit the stands
titled ``Blood Sport.'' It is written by Mr. James B. Stewart.
The book is an account of the Whitewater issue. Many of us have had
trouble understanding the issue. Reading this book helps. It makes a
complicated financial scandal read more like a story.
Mr. Stewart was given access to sources by the White House. In part,
it was because he is ideologically compatible with the Clintons. Those
are Mr. Stewart's bona fides for the book he writes about the President
and the First Lady.
In his own words, Mr. Stewart paints the character of the first
couple this way:
[T]he Clintons themselves proved no different from their
recent predecessors in the White House, deeply enmeshed in a
Washington culture so accustomed to partisan distortion and
``spin'' that truth is the most frightening prospect of all.
Let me repeat that last phrase, Mr. President: `` * * * that truth is
the most frightening prospect of all.''
Mr. Stewart's observation seems to substantiate those of columnist
Charles Krauthammer. On January 12, Mr. Krauthammer's column appeared
in the Washington Post under the title, ``Why Whitewater Now?'' In it,
he calls Whitewater ``a scandal that appears to be all coverup and no
crime.'' He then asks the logical question: Why would there be a
coverup if there's no crime? He asks the question of both Whitewater
and Travelgate.
Here is his conclusion: ``Because the vanity of the Clintons is not
that they are merely law abiding * * * but that they are morally
superior.''
In Whitewater, the Clintons certainly are vulnerable. In October
1991, bill Clinton said: ``Let's not forget that the most irresponsible
people of all in the 1980s were * * * those who sold out our savings
and loans with bogus deals.''
Meanwhile, we now find that Mrs. Clinton drafted the option papers
for Castle Grande on behalf of Madison Guaranty Savings & Loan. Federal
regulators have called Castle Grande a sham operation. Isn't it fair,
then, to lump the Clintons into the same category of, using Clinton's
words, ``the most irresponsible people of all in the 1980s?''
In Travelgate, the Clintons are once again vulnerable. Using Mr.
Krauthammer's words, the ``morally superior'' Clintons, had an interest
in covering up their nonillegal actions. After all, just how morally
superior can one be when sacking seven innocent employees for a
relative and a rich Hollywood crony, who, both, by the way, advised the
action and stood to profit from it?
And finally, there's Cattlegate. During the 1992 campaign, the
Clintons railed against Wall Street's high rollers. We later learn that
the First Lady's luck had turned $1,000 into $100,000. Once again, the
target of the Clintons' railing might well have included the Clintons
themselves.
Mr. Krauthammer sums this all up in a phrase: ``Political
duplicity.'' He says: ``[T]he offense is hypocrisy of a high order.
Having posed as our moral betters, they had to cover up. At stake is
their image * * * ''
Mr. President, it is my view that there's a serious lack of moral
leadership in the White House. By moral, I mean basic values such as
honesty, trust, forthrightness. It is the quality most needed in the
Presidency--in a President. The governed expect that their elected
officials, their leaders, will be role models.
Franklin Roosevelt is a more credible source than I on this point. He
once said: ``The Presidency is not merely an administrative office * *
* It is more than an engineering job * * * It is pre-eminently a place
of moral leadership.''
Clearly, FDR understood the importance of the First Family setting an
exemplary standard for the governed.
I feel obliged to share these observations, Mr. President. Having
long been a student of politics and history, I adopted a view held by
another Roosevelt--Teddy Roosevelt. He commented on how important it is
to criticize the President when warranted:
[I]t is absolutely necessary that there should be full
liberty to tell the truth about his acts * * * Any other
attitude in an American citizen is both base and servile. To
announce that there must be no criticism of the President * *
* is not only unpatriotic and servile, but is morally
treasonable to the American public * * * It is even more
important to tell the truth, pleasant or unpleasant, about
him than about any one else.
Mr. President, I feel the same obligation felt by Teddy Roosevelt--to
tell the truth about the President. Pleasant or unpleasant. And the
crucial issue is the same one proclaimed by Franklin Roosevelt--moral
leadership.
In my view, there is a void in this White House of moral leadership.
As we approach a new era, a new millenium, and a new world, this is not
desirable. How can we be leaders of the free world without strong
leadership at home?
I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. GRAMS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
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