[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 38 (Tuesday, March 19, 1996)]
[House]
[Pages H2347-H2350]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                              {time}  1545

  Mr. HAMILTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished 
gentleman from Florida [Mr. Deutsch].
  Mr. DEUTSCH. Mr. Speaker, for the last 2 weeks the Taiwanese people 
have been under siege by Beijing's repeated acts of military 
intimidation. Beijing has harassed, tormented, and bullied Taiwan in an 
attempt to break the spirit of the Taiwanese people. These immoral and 
reckless acts are part of Beijing's carefully crafted strategy designed 
to suffocate democracy in Taiwan, to intimidate the Taiwanese 
government, and to influence American foreign policy.
  Mr. Speaker, Beijing has failed. They have failed to disrupt the 
presidential elections, they have failed to browbeat Taiwan into 
submission. They have only lifted the masses in Taiwan to fight harder 
for democracy and independence.
  As the deployment of the two aircraft carriers shows, United States 
resolve on this issue is unwavering. The American people will not 
tolerate such a grave threat to our own national security. The 
resolution before us today, written in accordance with the Taiwan 
Relation Act, will send a clear message to Beijing about our interests 
in a secure and stable Taiwan. This resolution will affirm the American 
commitment to the people of Taiwan.
  I urge Members to vote in favor of this bipartisan resolution which 
is a continuation of American policy that we cannot, nor can we, accept 
Taiwan passing the straits, the Chinese passing the Straits of China in 
an attempt of any type of invasion.
  (Mr. HAMILTON asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. HAMILTON. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I 
yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the 
gentleman from Washington [Mr. Nethercutt].
  (Mr. NETHERCUTT asked and was given permission to revise and extend 
his remarks.)
  Mr. NETHERCUTT. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of House Concurrent 
Resolution 148.
  Mr. Speaker, I would like to express my support for House Concurrent 
Resolution 148, a resolution concerning the defense of Taiwan. This 
resolution is an important step in our relationship with the People's 
Republic of China because it unambiguously proclaims our interest in 
the security of Taiwan and condemns China's heavy-handed efforts to 
intimidate the people of Taiwan as they enjoy their first direct 
presidential election.
  Mr. Speaker, this resolution is necessary because the Clinton 
administration has invited continued and escalating Chinese aggression 
by pursuing an inconsistent and unclear policy toward China and Taiwan. 
Only by making our priorities and interests crystal clear can we 
prevent future conflict with the People's Republic of China and assure 
the continued security and prosperity of the United States and our 
Pacific allies.
  Our national interests in Taiwan and the Pacific should be crystal 
clear. Taiwan possesses the thirteenth-largest developed economy and is 
an important trading partner for my district, Washington State, and 
America. Furthermore, if China is allowed to intimidate or attack 
Taiwan, our relationship with Japan, South Korea, and other important 
security and trade allies is likely to suffer.
  Instead of attempting to bully Taiwan, Chinese leaders should try to 
learn from Taiwan's example. Taiwan has achieved economic success by 
fostering an economy that is virtually as free as America's. Taiwan is 
now prepared to enter the ranks of truly democratic governments where 
the people elect their own president, an achievement China may someday 
replicate. It is right for America to defend Taiwan's progress and 
prevent an autocratic and militaristic Chinese regime from threatening 
Taiwan and our Pacific allies, and it is important for this body to 
make that statement by passing House Concurrent Resolution 148.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, this resolution is a firm statement of support for our 
democratic friends on Taiwan. We need to stand together to let Beijing 
know that any military move against our friends on Taiwan will end in a 
hostile situation which none of us desire or want.
  Accordingly, I urge our colleagues to support House Concurrent 
Resolution 148 to spell out our Nation's commitment to Taiwan.
  Mr. SPENCE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the resolution. For 
beyond the immediate threats China poses to Taiwan, I am concerned 
about the emerging pattern of aggressive Chinese behavior.
  The Chinese provocation in the Taiwan Strait is but a single, short 
act in what promises to be a longer drama as China forces its way onto 
the global stage. At this point, we do not yet know whether China will 
play a starring role--although the pace of Chinese economic development 
indicates that it will. Or whether

[[Page H2348]]

China will ultimately play the villain--as its internal repression, 
ambitious military modernization and confrontational foreign policy 
would indicate.
  The United States needs to unambiguously articulate its national 
security interests in Asia and reinforce them to the point where the 
Chinese understand that there will be consequences for their actions. 
In this context, the administration's policy of strategic ambiguity may 
have been counterproductive. And the administration's new-found 
acceptance of strategic clarity strikes me as a late conversion in 
reaction to congressional pressure on behalf of Taiwan.
  I am convinced that China will be one of the country's primary 
security challenges as we head into the 21st century. While China does 
not yet pose the kind of threat that the Soviets did--and talk of 
containment is premature--like the Chinese we need to take the long 
view. We need to continue to be a force for security, stability, 
prosperity and democracy throughout the region. Many in the region are 
looking for U.S. leadership which is entirely consistent with the 
protection and promotion of our own security and economic interests.
  If regional stability is to be maintained, the United States must 
recognize the primacy of our security interests in the region. Without 
security, there can be neither economic prosperity nor political 
liberty. Without the United States' military guarantee there is 
unlikely to be security.
  Therefore, Mr. Speaker, I urge the adoption of this resolution to 
reaffirm our commitment to Taiwanese democracy, as signal of our 
concern with a disturbing pattern in Chinese behavior and in 
recognition of our critical role in the region.
  Mr. TORRICELLI. Mr. Speaker, I would like to commend my colleagues on 
both sides of the aisle who have worked so hard to bring this important 
and timely resolution so quickly to the floor of the House of 
Representatives.
  The recent missile maneuvers, including the use of live-fire 
ammunition, by the People's Republic of China off the coast of Taiwan 
has called for an immediate and unequivocal American response. This 
resolution, developed with strong bipartisan support and input, 
represent that response.
  It is said that in history, great conflicts begin more often from 
miscalculation than purposeful design. Even in our own time, it is said 
that the Korean war may have begun by the unfortunate statement of Mr. 
Avenuees that the defense perimeter of the United States began in the 
Sea of Japan, and not the 38th parallel.
  A few years ago the United States Ambassador to Iraq suggested to 
Saddam Hussein that in a dispute between Kuwait and Iraq, the United 
States would regard the matter as an internal problem in the Arab 
world.
  Today in the straits of Taiwan a foundation may be being laid for a 
similar misunderstanding. That is why this resolution is so important. 
This strong declaration of congressional policy, coupled with the 
recent decision by President Clinton to send naval wargroups into the 
region of the Taiwan Straits will send a clear message about our policy 
to the Chinese.
  House Concurrent Resolution 148 condemns the recent military 
exercises off the coast of Taiwan and reiterates that the future 
relationship of Taiwan and the mainland must be decided by peaceful 
means. Finally it states that the United States, in accordance with the 
Taiwan Relations Act and the constitutional process of the United 
States, should assist in the defense of Taiwan in the event of 
invasion, missile attack, or blockade by the People's Republic of 
China.
  This resolution is in accordance with American policy as laid out in 
the Taiwan Relations Act and is supportive of actions already taken by 
the Clinton administration.
  As one of the principal authors of this resolution, I would again 
like to thank all my colleagues on both sides of the aisle who made 
this resolution possible.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of the 
resolution we are considering today--House Concurrent Resolution 148--
which was introduced by my friend and colleague from California, Mr. 
Cox. I am pleased to be the first Democratic cosponsor of this bill. I 
want to emphasize, Mr. Speaker, that our resolution is a profoundly 
bipartisan resolution. It reflects the concerns and interests of the 
vast majority of the Members of this body of both political parties.
  I would like to put this move on our part into perspective. We do not 
all agree on all aspects of United States-China policy, but we all 
agree that this saber-rattling by the ``Bullies of Beijing'' is 
preposterous, uncalled for, and profoundly destabilizing for the whole 
Pacific area. It is uncalled for, it is unjustified, and it is in 
response to only one act which should be sacred to all Americans--the 
upcoming free and open and democratic elections that will take place in 
Taiwan in a couple of days.
  Mr. Speaker, this sabre-rattling is a deliberate and boldfaced 
attempt to intimidate the people and the leadership of Taiwan in the 
crudest possible way--by firing missiles and by holding military 
maneuvers near Taiwan. The purpose is to intimidate Taiwan from taking 
this history-making step of holding an open and free and democratic 
election.
  That is what this saber-rattling is all about. It exposes nakedly the 
contrast between the free and open and democratic elections that will 
take place in Taiwan in just a few days and the dictatorial and 
oppressive police state that rules the mainland of China.
  Mr. Speaker, I think it is important to realize that there are 
reasons why we got to where we are today in the strained relationship 
with the People's Republic of China--to the point that China is 
engaging in bullying tactics against Taiwan and the United States is 
sending a second aircraft carrier task force to that part of the world.
  In my judgment one of the principal reasons was the de-linking of 
human rights from most-favored-nation treatment of the People's 
Republic. I was one of the leaders and continue to be one of the 
leaders in the House of the group that feels that most-favored-nation 
treatment should not be extended to the People's Republic of China, 
which violates the human rights of its own people and the people of 
Tibet.
  Not all of my colleagues will vote to deny MFN to China when the 
President sends up the official waiver as is required in the next few 
months. But I predict that a majority of us in the Congress will. And 
for the first time in a long time MFN will be denied by the House of 
Representatives to China.
  The human rights considerations alone justify revoking MFN status 
from China. But, unfortunately, Mr. Speaker, there are numerous 
additional reasons for not granting China favored trading conditions. 
We should not extend MFN trade status to countries--like the People's 
Republic of China--which sell to rogue regimes--like Iran--technology 
which can contribute to the development of weapons of mass destruction 
or which sells missiles or the technology to develop missiles which can 
deliver weapons of mass destruction. We should not extend MFN status to 
a country which routinely takes advantage of our intellectual property 
rights and pirates the work of American citizens and American firms.

  I also think it is important to realize that this bullying sabre-
rattling against Taiwan and its free elections is just the most recent 
manifestation of official Chinese disregard of rational and civilized 
acts that ought to govern relations between countries. I am thinking in 
particular of the gracious invitation by a great American university. 
Cornell University, to one of its most distinguished alumni, President 
Lee Teng-hui to visit his own alma mater.
  You may recall there was a great deal of concern on the part of the 
administration when I introduced a resolution simply expressing the 
sense of the Congress that President Lee should be granted a visa to 
visit the United States in order to visit Cornell University. That 
resolution, which I introduced, passed the House unanimously and passed 
the Senate almost unanimously. The administration recognized the 
strength of the views of the Members of Congress and of the American 
people and President Lee made a most successful visit to Cornell.
  It is outrageous that the Chinese Government has taken this visit of 
President Lee to the United States as a reason for recalling its 
ambassador to the United States and carrying out policies of 
belligerence against Taiwan and the United States.
  Finally, let me just say, Mr. Speaker, that the appalling behavior of 
the Chinese Government that we are witnessing in the Taiwan Strait 
today is the precise reason why 2 years ago I introduced a resolution 
expressing the sense of the House that the Olympic games should not be 
held in Beijing in the year 2000. It was the well-grounded concern that 
China was capable of precisely this pattern of irresponsible and 
reprehensible international action. Just imagine holding the Olympics 
games in a country which is intimidating its neighbor by firing 
missiles near its borders. That action completely violates the spirit 
and meaning of the Olympic games, and I am delighted that the vast 
majority of my colleagues in the House agreed with that resolution. The 
International Olympic Committee responsibly decided that Beijing should 
not be the venue of the Olympics in the year 2000.
  Mr. Speaker, we all earnestly hope that sanity will prevail in 
Beijing, that this saber-rattling will stop. But I think it is very 
important to eliminate all ambiguity. It is simply unacceptable on the 
basis of our agreements with both China and Taiwan to have any change 
in their relationship attempted or produced by military force. We are 
ready to accept anything that the people of Taiwan and China freely and 
democratically agree to, but we are not prepared to accept decisions 
that are forced by the firing of missiles from China against Taiwan.
  The resolution we are considering here today makes this point. Our 
resolution places the Congress on record to reaffirm our commitment 
that international relations with Taiwan should be conducted only by 
peaceful

[[Page H2349]]

means and that the threat of military or economic coercion should not 
be the basis for international decisions. The resolution calls upon the 
People's Republic of China to live up to its commitment to work for the 
peaceful resolution of any disagreements with Taiwan and desist from 
military actions designed to intimidate Taiwan.
  This resolution also reaffirms the commitment of the United States to 
resist any resort to force or other forms of coercion by other 
countries that might jeopardize the security, or the social or economic 
system of the people on Taiwan. We also affirm our support for the 
United States to maintain a naval presence sufficient to keep open the 
sea lanes in and near the Taiwan Strait and we express our view that 
the United States should assist in defending the people of Taiwan 
against violation, missile attack, or blockade by the People's Republic 
of China.
  Mr. Speaker, I strongly urge my colleagues to support this 
resolution.
  Mr. ORTIZ. Mr. Speaker, I rise today on behalf of the Chinese 
citizens residing in the Republic of China--Taiwan. I firmly believe 
that the aggressive and hostile acts by the People's Republic of China 
against Taiwan must stop. The Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 clearly 
establishes that the United States of America supports the right of 
Taiwan to remain autonomous from the authorities in Beijing.
  Since the Chinese civil war in 1945, when the Communist took control 
of most of China, the former leaders of China have taken refuge on the 
Island of Formosa now called Taiwan. This civil war has not been 
completely concluded and the leaders in both Beijing and Taiwan claim 
to be the legitimate leaders of the entire country. The United States 
supports the right of self-determination for the Chinese citizens 
residing in both mainland China and Taiwan.
  Over the years, the United States has developed relationships with 
the Chinese leaders in Taiwan and Beijing. The United States does not 
support, nor will we permit, either party to use force, or 
intimidation, to impose its will on the other, or to force 
reunification at the point of a gun. Beijing's saber rattling at this 
time is particularly offensive since democratic Taiwan is currently in 
the middle of an election.
  I fully support this sense of Congress resolution which states that 
the Chinese leaders in Beijing must live up to their commitment to work 
for a peaceful resolution of any disagreements with their counterparts 
in Taiwan and to immediately cease and desist from any and all hostile 
acts designed to intimidate the residents of Taiwan. I hope and pray 
that the leaders in Beijing will abide by the agreements that they have 
made with the United States to resolve any disagreements in a peaceful 
manner.
  However, as a last resort, I fully support the provisions of this 
resolution which calls for the United States to support Taiwan in its 
efforts to defend itself against any hostile or aggressive military 
threats from Beijing. I applaud the President and our military leaders 
for their commitment to a higher visibility for the United States 
presence in the region.
  I am confident that the Chinese citizens residing in both mainland 
China and Taiwan want to see this dispute resolved peacefully. I can 
only hope that leaders in Beijing will abide by the desires of the vast 
majority of their citizens.
  Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I am proud to be an original cosponsor 
of House Concurrent Resolution 148, legislation stating the House's 
support for U.S. military intervention to protect Taiwan against 
threatened military aggression by the People's Republic of China [PRC]. 
I would strongly urge our colleagues to support this vitally needed 
measure.
  Mr. Speaker, I think we all can all agree that there is no matter 
more urgent in the world than the events unfolding now in the Taiwan 
Strait. Deterring conflict in the Taiwan Strait must and should be the 
No. 1 priority of our Nation.
  I want to commend the chairman of the House International Relations 
Committee, the Honorable Ben Gilman; the chairman of the House 
International Relations Subcommittee on Asia-Pacific Affairs, the 
Honorable Doug Bereuter; and the ranking Democratic members of House 
International Relations Subcommittees, the Honorable Tom Lantos and 
Robert Torricelli; and Representative Cox, the author of House 
Concurrent Resolution 148, for their leadership in forging the 83 
member bipartisan coalition, that through the introduction of the 
resolution on March 7, 1996, spoke unequivocally and with strength as 
to America's commitment to--protect democracy, ensure freedom, and 
preserve peace--in Taiwan.
  Mr. Speaker, I am proud to be an original cosponsor of this 
legislation, which sends a clear message that America will not stand 
idly by while China commits its military forces in an attempt to 
intimidate and instill fear in the people and Government of Taiwan.
  Moreover, I cannot more strongly applaud and support the actions 
taken by the administration recently. Stationing the USS Independence 
aircraft carrier group off Taiwan, with the USS Nimitz carrier group to 
arrive shortly, has sent a clear message to China that the Government 
and people of the United States of America will not tolerate a military 
attack or missile-enforced blockade of Taiwan by the PRC.
  The decisive action by the administration was no doubt prompted in 
part by congressional action calling for immediate United States 
intervention to defuse the hostile environment created by Beijing's 
angry rhetoric, missile tests and military exercises in the Taiwan 
Strait.
  China's reckless efforts are intended to influence the outcome of the 
democratic national elections now pending in Taiwan. As you know, Mr. 
Speaker, the March 23d election is to be the first democratic election 
of Taiwan's president.
  China's threatened use of force contravenes the PRC's commitment 
under the 1979 and 1982 joint communiques to resolve Taiwan's status by 
peaceful means. The United States-China Joint Communiques and the 
Taiwan Relations Act--which govern the trilateral dynamic in the Taiwan 
Strait--fundamentally stress that force will not be used to resolve the 
Taiwan question.
   Mr. Speaker, when China's recent aggressive actions evidenced their 
willingness to violate the principle of Taiwan's peaceful resolution--
threatening the stability of the entire Asia-Pacific region--the United 
States stepped forward because no other country could do what we did in 
drawing the line with China.
  After discussions with ambassadors from several nations in the 
region, I think it safe to say that much, if not all, of the Asia-
Pacific is extremely grateful for America's bold and decisive 
leadership in preserving stability in the region. Although their 
governments may not have issued official statements to that effect, I 
believe the sentiment is clearly there supporting America's 
intervention.
   Mr. Chairman, although I am a Vietnam veteran, I can assure you I am 
no warmonger. Having fought on the battlefield for America, I weigh 
very heavily and carefully any commitment of U.S. Military Forces. 
Having been there myself, I do not want our servicemen and servicewomen 
put in harm's way unnecessarily.
  Although much attention and criticism has been directed against 
Beijing for the crisis in the strait, certainly Taipei deserves its 
share of the blame for contributing to the unnecessary escalation of 
tensions with China, which now threatens our forces in the area.
  For years, United States administrations, both Republican and 
Democratic, have unequivocally supported the ``One China'' policy--
acknowledging that there is only one China whose government is in 
Beijing, and that Taiwan is part of China. Peace in the Taiwan strait 
has been the result.
  Taiwan's actions over recent years, however, have given rise to the 
very real perception in Beijing and the world that this premise is 
being challenged--that Taiwan's independence is being sought.
  While I support the issuance of the Visa for Taiwan's President Lee 
to speak at his alma mater, Cornell University, many believe that he 
overplayed his hand with the media, treating his visit to the United 
States as that of a head of state. Similarly, President Lee's trips to 
other Asia-Pacific nations have been accompanied by great fanfare. 
Against this background has been Taiwan's campaign for United Nation's 
membership, which has materially altered the PRC's perception of 
Taiwan's motives and conduct.
  While the PRC's bellicose actions are to be condemned, I can 
understand and appreciate Beijing's anxiety and fear that a recognized 
province of China may simply choose to secede while the world watches. 
Taiwan's aggressive pursuit of independence has gone way beyond 
everyone's expectations.
   Mr. Chairman, let us hope that with the intervention of United 
States Military Forces in the Taiwan Strait that this will be a 
stabilizing factor for peace--allowing cooler heads to prevail.
   Mr. Speaker, no one wants a war involving China, Taiwan, and 
America. It is a conflict where everyone comes out a loser, and would 
fundamentally destroy the promise of prosperity for the entire Asia-
Pacific region in the Pacific Century.
  The legislation before the House, H.Con.Res. 148, expresses the 
feeling of the House of Representatives that the United States should 
commit itself to protect Taiwan in the event of an unprovoked war or 
conflict with the PRC.
   Mr. Speaker, United States intervention is clearly a stabilizing 
factor promoting peace in the Taiwan Strait and I would strongly urge 
our colleagues to adopt unanimously this measure. China must know 
unequivocally that the American people stand united behind Taiwan's 
democracy, and that we will do whatever is necessary to ensure that the 
question of Taiwan's future will be resolved through peace, not war.

[[Page H2350]]

   Mr. Speaker, H.Con.Res. 148 sends that message directly to Beijing, 
as well as cautioning Taipei against independence initiatives that are 
destabilizing, and I would strongly urge our colleagues to adopt this 
well-crafted measure.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution. I wish 
to congratulate Mr. Cox both for introducing it and for his willingness 
to perfect it further in committee.
  I share the concern that we send a strong message to both sides of 
the Taiwan Strait that differences be solved peacefully.
  Efforts by the People's Republic of China in recent days to 
intimidate the Taiwanese voters in their presidential elections, I 
think, have boomeranged against China.
  Not only have these bellicose moves helped President Lee in his 
election race but a recent poll indicates that support for 
reunification with China has dropped to 16 percent from 20 percent in 
July when the missile tests began.
  The military exercises have unsettled the entire Asian region, 
calling into question China's interest in regional peace and stability.
  I hope that China will soften considerably its current hardline 
position toward Taiwan. I note that President Lee has already offered 
an olive branch, calling recently for more trust and personal contact 
between China and Taiwan.
  A substantial basis exists for a strong relationship across the 
Strait. Recent official economic figures show a 9-percent growth in 
Taiwanese investment in China in January and February. After the 
Taiwanese election, I hope more concrete steps will be taken by both 
sides to strengthen their economic and other contracts.
  Finally, the Clinton administration deserves to be congratulated for 
the strong and forceful position it has taken. Characterizing the 
missile tests as irresponsible and reckless, the administration has 
dispatched two carrier battle groups to the region. We have a clear 
interest in securing peace and stability in Asia and protecting the 
right of passage in international waters. That is the same message we 
are delivering to both China and Taiwan in this resolution.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Hutchinson).
  The question is on the motion offered by the gentleman from New York 
[Mr. Gilman] that the House suspend the rules and agree to the 
concurrent resolution, House Concurrent Resolution 148, as amended.
  The question was taken.
  Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a 
quorum is not present and make the point of order that a quorum is not 
present.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 5, rule I and the Chair's 
prior announcement, further proceedings on this motion will be 
postponed.
  The point of no quorum is considered withdrawn.

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