[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 36 (Friday, March 15, 1996)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2180-S2182]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
DRUG POLICY, DRUG TRENDS
Mr. GRASSLEY. Mr. President, recent information from a wide variety
of sources make two things very clear about the issue of drug policy,
drug trends and the problems it causes, and that is that teenage drug
use is on the rise, a disturbingly fast rise, and also that the
American public remains very concerned about the need for counter-drug
policies that are effective.
We know from virtually every survey, every reporting mechanism on
drug use that adolescent use is on a rocket ride into the upper
atmosphere. We know from hospital data that emergency room admissions
are on the increase and that many of these involve young people. Late
last year, we had firm confirmation of just how bad things are and
where they are headed.
The administration released the latest high school survey. These data
make it abundantly clear that not only is use of drugs going up, but
youthful attitude toward the dangers of drug use are changing and
changing for the worst. The best spin that the administration could put
on the data was somehow, ``Well, it's not as bad as it was in 1979.''
Just what sort of a comment does that say? It notes that since 1992,
the proportion of 10th graders using illicit
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drugs in the prior 12 months had risen by almost 75 percent. Marijuana
use among 8th graders--those would be people as young as 13 years of
age--has risen by 2\1/2\ times. Prevalence among 10th graders has
doubled.
These figures are bad enough, but what is worse is that they come
after decades of decline. If we had a chart, that chart would show from
these very same surveys, because they have been annual over a long
period of time, that from 1979 down through 1992, there was a dramatic
drop in the number of teenagers experimenting with drugs.
Since 1992, as this recent report clearly states, something is wrong,
and there is a dramatic rise in that downward trend of the years from
1979 to 1982.
But that is not all, Mr. President. The DAWN survey of emergency room
admissions is up. The PRIDE survey, echoing the problems in our
schools, shows that use is up. The household survey shows that use is
up. So, clearly, something is wrong. But we can take heart: Things are
not as bad as they were in 1979.
What these figures mean is that we are storing up trouble for the
next decade. We are in the process today of creating a new wave of drug
abuse and addiction that is going to create problems for tomorrow.
This trend, as I said, comes after years of decline in adolescent use
and the creation of an understanding during that period of time among
the young about the dangers of drug use that helped to insulate them
from ever starting to experiment with drugs.
Over the last 4 years, with this trend going up, that attitude that
drugs are dangerous among young people is changing. So I think it is
legitimate to ask and look at reasons why it is changing.
One of the principal reasons is that we have lost a coherent public
message that drug use is dangerous and wrong. One of the main reasons
for this is the disappearing act performed by the President on the
whole drug question. Simply put, the bully pulpit stands empty. There
is no message and no moral authority.
That, hopefully, is changing with the appointment of the new drug
czar. Hopefully that is changing with the President 10 days ago in
Baltimore holding a nationwide meeting by satellite to young people on
the dangers of drugs and the President's concern about it.
The President in his speech mentioned the problems that his family
had with drugs, I guess a brother it was.
Hopefully, it is turning around just because the President feels
comfortable talking about the problem. It seemed to me that for this
whole first term of office, the President must not have talked about it
because he did not feel comfortable talking about it.
But whether it is the President of the United States, whether it is
the music stars that the younger generation looks to that are parading
the legitimacy of drug use or movie stars, the movie industry not
playing it down, or whether it is just a plain lack that we do not have
on television anymore the ads that the industry used to put on that
drug use was bad, the public service announcements that drug use was
bad, whatever it is, it all adds up to this dramatic increase in the
use of drugs, most important, the dangerous experimentation by young
people and the fact that that portends danger 10 years down the road
for other problems that come from enhancement of drug use, the crime
and everything that goes with it.
So there is no message out there, and the people who used to have the
moral authority to give that message are no longer giving it.
Daily, more Americans die from the consequences of drug use, more are
maimed in drug-related violence than have died in many of our overseas
ventures. Certainly, more lives are at risk than have been lost to date
in Bosnia. Yet, what do we see? We see a commitment of manpower,
resources and treasure bound for far-flung fields in dubious
enterprises of peacekeeping, and meanwhile we have a major problem
right here at home calling for action and leadership.
We send peacekeeping missions to Bosnia, but where is our antidrug
mission in Detroit? Where are the prime time news events to sell a
policy on drugs, that drugs are dangerous? As I have said, the
President had this wonderful assembly in Baltimore to bring attention
to it. He has appointed an outstanding person as drug czar. But until
these things happen--where was the media attention from past action by
our political leadership on the drug problem?
If you do not think there is a problem of leadership on the drug
question, try to find a word in the newspapers at that time about the
resignation of Dr. Brown when he resigned late last year. Try to find
mention of recent Gallup polls on public opinion about drugs. Try to
find honorable mention of the surveys, the other surveys that I
mentioned in my comments this afternoon.
If you go back to this period of time when the political leadership
of America during the 1980's was saying, ``Just say no to drugs,'' when
our TV tubes were filled with stories and public service announcements
about the dangers of drugs, when our respected leaders in entertainment
were saying drugs are bad--Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent for 5
more minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. GRASSLEY. When we had Bill Bennett resign as drug czar during
this period of time, it was front-page news. When Dr. Brown left 2 or 3
months ago, you may remember the story was buried someplace on page 12
in one of the newspapers I read. Dr. Brown's resignation there, the
story of it was buried along with news about drugs or the public's
concern.
That fact of how the media treat this very serious problem, versus
how serious the public at the grassroots really feel it is, tells us
something about the present state of our drug policy and how the media
think. Since they do not care about the drug issue, since the media do
not care about the drug issue, it ceases to be news. Never mind the
public attitude or what these surveys show, just somehow it does not
happen to be news.
It is clear, however, Mr. President, that the public is very, very
concerned about this issue. A poll earlier this year showed that over
80 percent of the public saw stopping the flow of illegal drugs to the
United States as their primary foreign policy concern. Just in the last
few weeks, the Gallup poll organization released information on the
public's attitude about drugs.
This poll makes it clear that, unlike with the administration or the
press, the drug issue has not fallen off the public's agenda. According
to this poll by Gallup, 94 percent--I want to repeat that--94 percent
of the American public say the drug abuse problem is either a crisis or
a serious problem. They rate drugs second only to crime, which often is
linked to drugs as their main concern.
Indeed, according to the poll, Americans rate the drug problem as
more serious than the problems of health care, welfare reform, or even
the budget deficit. Since you would be hard pressed to find this
concern reflected in our media, press, radio, and TV, I think we ought
to state that again. The public rates the drug problem as more serious
than health care, welfare, and the deficit. So I hope our national
media leaders are going to take that to heart. Of course, I hope our
policy leaders pay attention.
Congress is listening, probably because we are closer to the
grassroots. We have a responsibility in the process of representative
government to keep our ear to the grassroots. I think most do. And
following up on that, Senator Dole and Speaker Gingrich declared a new
initiative on drugs. This is in keeping with the past congressional
efforts to make the drug issue a very serious policy concern. We
created the drug czar's office to coordinate policy in the middle of
the last decade. We gave the administration a variety of tools to
improve our international efforts.
We have supported coherent programs when they have been explained and
defended. Just this week, we gave $3.9 million, in this appropriations
bill that we are on, to the Office of Drug Policy so our drug czar can
have more equipment to do his work. We have acted in the past to
encourage direction and purpose, and it is clear that we need to do
this more often. So that is why the task force launched by our majority
leader and the Speaker of the House will help us to do that. I happened
to be named cochair of that task
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force. I also have the position of Chairman of the Senate Caucus on
International Narcotics Control.
In both of these efforts, every member of the task force and the
caucus--we pledge to do everything we can to put this issue back on the
right track, meaning that it is as important a policy concern for us in
the Congress as it is for the 94 percent of the people at the
grassroots who say it is a major concern, more so than balancing the
budget or welfare reform or health care reform. I believe my colleagues
will do that.
But there is no task force, there is no caucus, no law that we can
pass that is the answer to this problem by itself or even a serious
commitment by the administration to this--albeit that is very, very
important as an answer. Hopefully, the new appointee as czar highlights
that, and he will do that. I feel that he will. We also, though, need a
more sweeping, renewed effort to get the word out to a new generation
of young people about the harm and wrongs of using drugs.
But our efforts cannot stop or start with just Government action. It
is going to take a public commitment to the effort. We have to see
communities and families reengaged on the issue. We need parents
talking to children. We need a strong, clear message coming from our
cultural elite, from the media, and from our community leaders. It is a
message that we must continually renew. It is not a sometime thing, Mr.
President.
If we do not do this on a concerted basis, we put the next generation
at risk. Most importantly, as political leaders, as just part of the
element of our total society to accomplish this goal, we have ignored
our responsibilities, but so have the other elements of society.
When mothers sell their sons for drugs, when our own military bases
are not free of drug trafficking, we have a problem that touches home.
While only one American has died in Bosnia, many Americans die from
drug use and have their lives ruined by drugs every day. We have a
clear interest in doing something meaningful on this issue. It strikes
home. The public understands it. The American people support meaningful
action. This is a problem that we cannot afford to ignore. It is an
issue that can only grow worse if we do not act. That is why the
initiative to establish a serious drug policy is critical for the
future.
So, I call not just upon my colleagues to work to renew our effort or
to renew Congress' leadership on an issue so essential to the health
and welfare of the Nation's young, but I call upon all of society to
respond accordingly.
I yield the floor and suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. HATFIELD. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Chafee). Without objection, it is so
ordered.
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