[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 35 (Thursday, March 14, 1996)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2077-S2078]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                 RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN TAIWAN AND CHINA

  Mr. MURKOWSKI. Mr. President, I would like to continue relative to 
the matter that the Senator from Wyoming and I discussed, because I 
think we have seen an extraordinary series of events take place. I am 
referring specifically to the fact that on the 23d of March, free 
elections will take place in Taiwan.
  It is significant that we have seen an extraordinary activity as 
evidenced by Beijing who has seen fit to harass the process, threaten 
the Taiwanese with a military presence, missile threats, as well as 
naval activity of significant merit.
  The consequences of that effort seem to have been misdirected, 
however, because President Li, who is running for reelection, in the 
sense that these would be free elections, is in a situation where he 
has been attacked by the Government of Beijing, time and time again, as 
fostering independence for Taiwan.
  Yet, the Taiwanese know, and most of us who have followed the 
election process are aware, he is not the candidate of independence. 
Dr. Peng is the candidate of independence. The people in Taiwan are 
aware of the distinction. As a consequence, Mr. President, as they have 
continued their attacks on President Li, it has rallied the support of 
the Taiwanese people around President Li.
  I can only assume that the attack against President Li was directed 
in hopes that somehow he would receive less than perhaps 50 percent of 
the vote. Well, we will have to see what percentage of the vote he will 
ultimately receive. But clearly the attacks seem to have helped 
President Li's popularity in Taiwan. I was recently over there, about 3 
weeks ago, and had an opportunity to meet with various officials, 
including President Li.
  One of the other interesting things, as a consequence of the presence 
of the PRC in the election process in Taiwan, is an extraordinary 
realization and identification of Taiwan as a significant voice in 
international affairs. Now it seems that there is more concern being 
leveled by Beijing against Taiwan's prominence. Taiwan is called upon 
to participate in humanitarian contributions and various activities by 
international organizations. They clearly are one of the most 
prosperous countries in the world, having the highest per capita 
capital reserves of virtually any other nation.
  So what we see today is the perplexing situation where, on one hand, 
we have the focus of a democracy initiating its first free elections, a 
real concern internally by the Chinese leadership as to what role they 
should play with their renegade province, recognizing that next year 
Hong Kong is basically within the total control of China, when 1997 
comes, and in 1997 the people's Congress will meet to basically set the 
parameters for the next 5 years and the hierarchy of the leadership in 
China.
  We do not know what the mindset of that leadership is. We can only 
guess. But it is fair to say that their extreme views of what should be 
done--and as we look at the capability of the M-9 missile and the 
accuracy of that missile to be launched from within China to targets on 
either end of Taiwan, southern and northern target areas, and we note 
the capability of the naval activities, clearly, there has been a 
strong signal sent.

  The difficulty in trying to determine just how this is ultimately 
going to play out, I think, deserves the action that was proposed 
tonight by my friend from Wyoming, and that is a reaffirmation of the 
Taiwan Relations Act. As I said earlier and we discussed in our 
colloquy, the President of the United States has an obligation to come 
before the Congress if, indeed, in his opinion, the national security 
interests of Taiwan are in jeopardy. I think the President and the 
administration's actions so far are to be commended. We have, by our 
display of naval power, intelligence and other assets, basically 
reinforced our commitments to the Taiwan Relations Act.
  There are a couple of other significant events that probably should 
be noted, Mr. President, and that is the reality that initially the 
Chinese indicated they would cease their missile tests on the 15th. 
Further, they would cease their naval activities on the 20th. And, of 
course, we have the date of the 23d for the free democratic elections 
in Taiwan.
  So I think we will have to watch those dates very closely, Mr. 
President, to see if, indeed, the Chinese are serious in terminating 
the missile activities, terminating the naval activities on the dates 
that they have stated. If they do not, why, clearly they intend to 
escalate the tensions that are now in existence. And, as a consequence, 
Mr. President, I fear for the ultimate disposition because the Taiwan 
Relations Act mandates that the resolve of China and the issues of 
China with regard to its two provinces, particularly Taiwan, will be by 
peaceful means.
  So I guess we will just have to wait and see what the ultimate 
outcome of this is as each day goes by, but I think it is most 
appropriate this body reaffirm the terms and conditions of the Taiwan 
Relations Act. We have already seen, under the terms of that act, the 
ability of the Taiwanese to seek military assistance in the form of 
purchases for their defensive needs--I want to stress defensive needs--
as a prerequisite of the Taiwan Relations Act. That activity has been 
carried out by the United States on a decreasing dollar amount. We have 
the request for some of the higher technological capabilities 
associated with the Patriot missile system as an antiballistic missile 
defense.
  There are some of us in the Congress that feel perhaps this is the 
time to escalate those sales and offer the people of Taiwan the 
psychological assurance, as well as the real assurance, of what that 
type of technology should be. This Senator from Alaska is reserving his 
firm opinions on that depending on what the situation is as we approach 
these dates of significance relative to a determination of whether or 
not Beijing simply wants to show its strength with regard to Taiwan or 
whether we can expect an extended period of tensions.

  In my meetings with President Li, I had the assurance that after the 
elections, assuming President Li were elected, that he would initiate 
communications with Beijing in an attempt to reduce tensions. I think 
that that will occur. My concern is what price Beijing

[[Page S2078]]

may demand of Taiwan with regard to easing those tensions.
  So I will encourage my friend again from Wyoming to pursue the 
resolution that is before this body that unfortunately we were unable 
to bring up tonight because of objection on the other side. I would 
again hope that some of my colleagues on the other side who have raised 
these objections would come before this body so that we might enter 
into a discussion, because obviously, if there are issues that the 
Senator from Alaska is not aware of that are appropriate, why, they 
should be considered.
  If it is objection for the sake of objection, why, indeed, that is an 
unfortunate set of circumstances. I hope my friend from Wyoming will 
renew the request on the next vehicle. I will certainly look forward to 
joining him.
  Mr. President, I yield the floor. I see some of my colleagues seeking 
recognition.
  Mr. BUMPERS addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Arkansas.

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