[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 34 (Wednesday, March 13, 1996)]
[Senate]
[Pages S1990-S1991]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                       HOW FAR TO SUPPORT TAIWAN?

 Mr. SIMON. Mr. President, there are times when diplomacy 
should leave messages unclear.
  But today the message to China ought to be crystal clear: If they 
invade or have missile attacks on Taiwan, the United States will 
intervene militarily. We do not need to spell out how we intervene. My 
own feeling is that it can include weapons to Taiwan, the use of air 
power, and other options that can be effective but do not involve 
United States troops.
  I welcome the steps that have been taken, but I don't want any 
Chinese leader, during this period of leadership uncertainty, to gamble 
on what will take place.
  An article that I call to the attention of my colleagues appeared 
recently and merits careful reflection. It appeared in the New York 
Times, written by David Shambaugh, titled ``How Far to Support 
Taiwan?'' I ask that it be printed in the Record.
  The article follow:

                [From the New York Times, Mar. 10, 1996]

                       How Far To Support Taiwan?

                          (By David Shambaugh)

       By firing ballistic missiles within Taiwan's territorial 
     waters, China is sending political and military messages to 
     both the United States and Taiwan. Unless the Clinton 
     Administration delivers a demonstrably tough response--both 
     diplomatically and militarily--the exercises could escalate 
     dangerously and Beijing will be convinced it can act with 
     impunity.
       The military exercises are but the latest in a long list of 
     irritants, including Beijing's human rights violations and 
     its sale of international arms. The Clinton Administration 
     has bent over backwards to engage China constructively and 
     help it integrate into the world order.
       But Beijing's crude tactics are provocative and 
     irresponsible for a country seeking international recognition 
     as a great power. They also potentially force the United 
     States into choosing between its relationship with China and 
     its longstanding ties with Taiwan. America understandably 
     does not want war with the largest nation on earth, but it is 
     time to lay down markers and protect American national 
     interests.
       Washington should begin by sending clear and unambiguous 
     warnings to Beijing about its coercive behavior toward 
     Taiwan. The Administration's condemnation of the missile 
     tests does not go far enough. President Clinton should 
     publicly restate America's commitment under the Taiwan 
     Relations Act to assist the island in defending itself. He 
     should reiterate that America's entire relationship with 
     China--since President Richard Nixon's visit in 1972--has 
     been premised on the peaceful resolution of the Taiwan 
     issue. President Clinton must clearly state that China's 
     recent actions call the entire relationship into question.
       Words are important, but China respects power and action. 
     The United States Navy should dispatch the carrier 
     Independence (which has been cruising north of Taiwan) 
     through the Taiwan Strait--an international passage through 
     which Navy ships pass regularly to insure freedom of 
     navigation.
       China's decision to fire missiles into the two ``impact 
     zones'' within 20 miles of Taiwan's two largest ports, 
     Keelung and Kaohsiung, constitutes a de facto blockade. 
     Seventy percent of the island's trade and all of its oil 
     imports pass through these ports. Such a partial blockade may 
     be an act of war under international law and thus a matter 
     for the United Nations Security Council. China must not be 
     allowed to close Taiwan's harbors, as it will bring the 
     island's economy to its knees.
       The missiles are just the beginning. Leading up to Taiwan's 
     first-ever free presidential election, on March 23, China 
     will conduct the largest military maneuvers in its history. 
     More than 150,000 troops have been mobilized. The exercises 
     will involve mock bombing runs, simulated naval blockades and 
     amphibious assaults on islands north of Taiwan.
       The exercises may be an attempt to provoke a military 
     response from Taiwan, which Beijing could then use as a 
     pretext for ``retaliation.'' Clearly the exercises are 
     intended to intimidate the Taiwanese electorate and to quell 
     the rising sentiment for autonomy and independence.
       Most China analysts are confident that the exercises will 
     cease soon after the elections.

[[Page S1991]]

     Taiwanese diplomats are already putting out the word that 
     Taiwan's President, Lee Teng-hui, who is almost certain to be 
     re-elected, will call for a truce and seek to establish 
     direct trade, shipping and air services.
       But for China the essence of the problem is Taiwan's quest 
     for international recognition. It is likely to continue its 
     military harassment until Taipei officially abandons its 
     aspirations for statehood. But Mr. Lee is unlikely to do so, 
     giving the United States a stark choice between supporting 
     the forces of freedom and self-determination on the island or 
     those of suppression and belligerence on the mainland.
       This is a choice America needs to avoid. By standing firm 
     against Beijing and counseling Taipei to be cautious, America 
     may be able to bring both sides to the negotiating table.
       Given China's current hypernationalistic atmosphere and the 
     struggle to succeed Deng Xiaoping, it is doubtful that it 
     will show restraint on Taiwan if left unchecked. It is up to 
     the United States, with the support of its Asian and European 
     partners, to deter China's aggression. The alternative is 
     escalating tension and possibly war over Taiwan.

     

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