[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 14 (Thursday, February 1, 1996)]
[Senate]
[Page S864]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
FRENCH NUCLEAR TESTING
Mr. FEINGOLD. Mr. President, I rise today to join my
colleagues in welcoming to the United States, the President of France,
Jacques Chirac, who will address a joint session of the Congress this
morning. I look forward to his remarks and observations, not only on
historically close French-American bilateral relations, but on
developments on the international scene. The political, economic, and
cultural ties which link the French and American people go beyond mere
trade of goods and ideas, however important those may be. Our relations
with the French are almost as with brothers and sisters; more often
than not, France and the United States have stood as allies in the
struggle for freedom. The debt we owed France for its assistance during
our Revolution, for example, was repaid on the beaches of Normandy.
Though we may be friends, Mr. President, it is a strength and beauty
of the relationship that permits us to air our differences over some
fundamental questions. One of those issues has been the French program
of testing nuclear devices in the South Pacific, a regrettable series
of tests which, literally and figuratively, have served only to poison
the environment and endangered U.S.-led efforts to conclude a
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty this year.
Since September 5, 1995, Mr. President, the Government of France has
exploded six nuclear devices at underground testing sites in the South
Pacific. The most recent explosion was made only 4 days ago and came
despite French acknowledgement that there had been some leakage of
radioactive material into the seabed around the Mururoa Atoll. The
French Government ignored, as well, the vociferous protests of various
governments of Pacific Rim nations, whose people would be affected by
the potentially dangerous effects of leaked radiation.
France justified this somewhat colonial action by claiming that its
sovereign interest in assuring its security overrode the health and
safety of those affected by these tests. These should never have
happened.
But I do believe, Mr. President, that we can take some satisfaction
in President Chirac's January 28 announcement that the testing is now
finally and forevermore at end. I salute, too, his claim that France
will now seek a lead role in working for a comprehensive test ban. I
also applaud President Clinton's leadership in seeking a true ``zero
yield'' CTBT. On October 10, 1995, I wrote to the President expressing
my concerns about U.S. involvement in the French nuclear weapons
program. President Clinton responded with a statement of regret about
France's decision on testing, and a pledge to continue to press for a
CTBT. I ask that these letters be printed in the Record.
The letters follow:
U.S. Senate,
Washington, DC, October 10, 1995.
President Bill Clinton,
The White House, Washington, DC.
Dear Mr. President: We want to draw your attention to
recent reports concerning close cooperation between the U.S.
and France in developing the French nuclear weapons program.
An article in the Washington Post September 19 suggests
that a decades-long period of U.S. support for technical
assistance to the French program not only continues, but may
soon reach new, unprecedented levels of cooperation.
Particularly disturbing are the reports that the U.S. and
France are currently negotiating a pact by which the two
sides will begin to share sensitive computer codes that
describe how nuclear weapons behave when exploded. Further,
it is reported that a senior-level American scientist will
also help the French government in building and designating a
new facility for weapons-related research.
These reports are deeply troubling. They serve to undermine
the strong political leadership you consistently exhibited in
successfully urging the nations of the world to extend the
Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty (NPT) and in your continuing
efforts to secure a comprehensive test ban treaty. It also
seems to contradict the Administration's very public
criticisms of recent French nuclear testing in the Pacific.
Moreover, we can speculate that once the French government
has access to computer code data generated by the U.S., and
designs weapons with technical assistance provided by the
U.S., it will seek to test the weapons in the Pacific which,
it could be said, will have been god-fathered by the U.S.
More troubling still is the possibility that the U.S. itself
will share in the data generated by French tests.
Cooperation with the French government on matters of mutual
security is important. But in order to continue to lead with
moral authority on the question of deterring nuclear non-
proliferation and on ending unnecessary and harmful nuclear
weapons testing, we urge you to carefully review these
policies. We believe that taking measures which discourage--
rather than facilitate--nuclear weapons testing should remain
the lodestar which guides Administration policy.
We thank you for your efforts to date and look forward to
hearing from you.
Sincerely,
Russell D. Feingold.
Daniel K. Akaka.
Tom Harkin.
Byron Dorgan.
____
The White House
Washington, November 7, 1995.
Hon. Russell Feingold,
U.S. Senate, Washington, DC.
Dear Russ: Thank you for your recent letter regarding
nuclear cooperation with France.
The United States has had an ongoing cooperative program
with France in the nuclear area. My Administration recently
conducted a review of this program and I have concluded that
such a program of cooperation with France remains in the U.S.
national interest. I have also directed that this program
focus on stockpile stewardship (i.e., maintenance of existing
nuclear stockpiles without nuclear testing) and that it not
include activities that would materially aid the development
of new nuclear weapons.
Of course, such a program of cooperation can only take
place in the overall context of positive United States-French
relations. While I regret France's decision to resume nuclear
testing, we must also take note of France's strong commitment
to sign a Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) banning all
nuclear tests, ``regardless of level,'' no later than the
fall of 1996. This position is consistent with my own
decision to seek a true ``zero yield'' CTBT. We will continue
to work with France and all other states participating in the
CTBT negotiations to ensure that a Treaty is ready for
signature as early as possible next year.
Sincerely,
Bill.
Mr. FEINGOLD. Mr. President, only last week the Senate ratified the
START II Treaty, putting us firmly back on the road to ending the
threat of nuclear annihilation. The next step is to bring to reality
the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, which would serve to put an
end to the practice of testing weaponry which--we pray and can
increasingly say with confidence--will never be put to use. This effort
was seriously undermined by the French tests, and it has caused other
nations to question the point and sincerity of the CTBT. While I harbor
deep regrets about the effect of France's unwarranted tests, I want to
say now to President Chirac, ``welcome aboard.'' We look forward to
close cooperation with France in reaching the goal of ridding the world
of nuclear weapons, and will work to ensure that its series of tests
will be the last ever conducted on the globe.
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