[Congressional Record Volume 142, Number 6 (Wednesday, January 10, 1996)]
[Senate]
[Pages S115-S116]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
THE PRESIDENT'S VETO OF H.R. 4
Mr. MOYNIHAN. Mr. President, as he had indicated he would do, the
President has now vetoed H.R. 4, the Personal Responsibility and Work
Opportunity Act of 1995. As the bill passed the Senate, December 22,
1995, with a margin of only 5 votes, 52-47, there can
[[Page S116]]
be no question of a veto override. Hence, the judgment of Robert Pear
of the New York Times that ``The President's action concludes a 4-year
drama that began when Mr. Clinton, as a Presidential candidate in 1992,
promised to `end welfare as we know it.' ''
Last September 19, essentially the same bill, indeed H.R. 4, passed
the Senate 87-12, with only 11 Democrats opposed. In the interval
Elizabeth Shogren of the Los Angeles Times and Judith Havemann and Ann
Devroy of the Washington Post reported that the Department of Health
and Human Services had submitted an analysis of the bill to the White
House. Owing largely to the 5-year time limit, it would throw some 1.5
million children into poverty. No one could have wished this, and
Democrats were especially bound to take into account this assessment of
a Democratic administration. And so, in the end, 45 of 46 Democrats
voted against the measure, Republican Senators Campbell and Hatfield
joined us.
On the day of the final Senate vote, the 11 Democratic Senators who
had been opposed from the first, wrote President Clinton to warn
against including any ``broad welfare measure * * * in the end of
session budget agreement.'' This was not something, we judged, to be
concluded in a matter of days by a small group under great pressure.
However, we now learn that on Saturday, January 6, as part of a
balanced budget proposal offered by the President in those talks, a
section ``Welfare Reform Savings''--$46 billion over 7 years--includes
this:
Cash Assistance: AFDC would be terminated and replaced by a
new conditional entitlement of limited duration. There would
be a 5-year maximum time limit with a state option for
vouchers at the end of that period to assist children.
Thus, the administration seemingly proposes to deliver the same 1.5
million children into poverty.
Why is this happening? I can think of two partial explanations.
First, it is widely assumed that AFDC is a Federal entitlement that
the Federal Government can restrain without relinquishing. It is not.
There is no Federal entitlement to welfare for individuals. Each State
devises its own program. The Federal Government provides a matching
grant. Abolish the matching grant and you can reasonably expect a race
to the bottom.
Second, even as we deplore welfare dependency, we do not seem to
grasp just how serious it really is. A quarter--24 percent--of American
youth just turned 18 have been on AFDC. Half--46 percent--of the
children in Chicago will be on AFDC in the course of a single year. Of
children on AFDC, three-quarters are there for more than 5 years.
Hence, a 5-year limit invites chaos and ruin.
In particular, liberal-minded persons must proceed with care. For
decades now there has been a liberal tendency to understate, even to
deny the welfare problem. Now, of a sudden, a liberal administration
proposes a repeal measure that would have been unthinkable just a few
years back. Both positions have the common fault of underestimating how
serious and dangerous this problem really is.
Even so, let us all be ready for a careful, bipartisan exploration of
the issue in the 105th Congress. It was, I think, a close call. But as
Churchill remarked, there is nothing so exhilarating as to be shot at
and missed.
Mr. SPECTER addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Pennsylvania is recognized.
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