[Congressional Record Volume 141, Number 204 (Tuesday, December 19, 1995)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Page E2402]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




[[Page E2402]]


 REPORT ON RESOLUTION PROVIDING FOR DEBATE AND CONSIDERATION OF THREE 
         MEASURES RELATING TO U.S. TROOP DEPLOYMENTS IN BOSNIA

                                 ______


                               speech of

                             HON. JIM KOLBE

                               of arizona

                    in the house of representatives

                       Tuesday, December 12, 1995

  Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Speaker, today, we asked to vote on three measures 
regarding the deployment of United States troops to Bosnia. Ten days 
ago, I joined 14 of my colleagues from the House and Senate on a 
factfinding trip to Bosnia and Herzogovenia, Serbia, and Croatia. I did 
so because I wanted to fully understand the implications of the United 
States being involved in the Balkans. We meet with the Presidents of 
the Yugoslav Republic, Croatia, and Bosnia, the United States Army, and 
NATO Commanders, as well as U.N. military authorities. And we all saw 
images in Sarejevo I'm sure we'll never forget.
  The devastation is staggering beyond comprehension around Sarajevo--
the host of the 1984 Winter Olympics. Once a city of 500,000, its 
population, it has been reduced in half. Virtually every building is 
damaged. Electricity, water, sewer, and other basic services are 
sporadic. Most troubling, however, is the human toll--many thousands of 
civilians have been killed in the conflict and there are perhaps as 
many as 3 million Balkan refugees scattered across Europe. They are the 
innocent victims of this conflict. It was obvious to all on our trip 
that life will never be the same for those who live in this troubled 
region of the world.
  Now, the President has made a decision to send 20,000 Americans to 
Bosnia to join with other NATO Forces in implementing the peace 
agreement. I think the policy that led to this decision was wrong. But 
the question of whether we should have gone there is largely moot. It 
now matters only that we succeed. This raises the question of how we 
should define success.
  I believe that success should be defined as minimizing casualties to 
U.S. troops and ensuring the peace we enforce for 12 months can endure 
beyond that period. Regarding the safety of our troops, I am convinced 
our military is capable of protecting themselves and enforcing peace 
while they are there. Make no mistake, this is a tough assignment and 
it carries with it the dangers inherent to any military operation in a 
potentially hostile environment. However, our troops are well-trained, 
their mission is well-defined, and they have the requisite firepower 
and clear rules of engagement to protect themselves. Morale is high and 
I am confident they are well-prepared for the mission ahead.
  I remain, however, doubtful about the prospects for long-term peace 
in the region. The NATO Forces have established a self-imposed 1-year 
deadline for the departure of troops. It hardly seems plausible that a 
1-year respite in the fighting will be sufficient to secure the lasting 
peace contemplated by the Dayton Agreement and coveted by the people of 
that war-torn region.
  It has been my consistent view that a stable military balance is 
essential to achieve lasting peace in the Balkans. That means, in my 
view, during the next year, the Bosnian military must be armed and 
trained in the use of weapons. If the deployment of American 
peacekeepers is inconsistent with an active effort to arm the 
Bosnians--by whomever--as some of our allies and some in Congress 
assert, then American peacekeepers should not be deployed because 
lasting peace cannot be achieved because of the extreme military 
imbalance that exists today. We must have a commitment from our allies 
on this issue in advance or this mission will almost certainly be 
doomed to failure. It is impossible to imagine the Bosnian Republic 
living in harmony without a sufficiently armed and trained Bosnian 
military force. I am disappointed that, in the House of 
Representatives, we have not had the opportunity to consider 
initiatives to compel the administration to extract such a commitment 
from our allies.
  Furthermore, I see little in the peace accord to address the 
monumental problem of the nearly 3 million refugees who have been 
displaced from their homes. While the agreement calls for these people 
to return to their homes and villages in territories controlled by 
former enemies, it provides no guarantees of security for them. If the 
Bosnians, Serbs, and Croats cannot return to their homes with 
assurances of safety, it is a virtual certainty that they will remain 
refugees, with all the attendant problems such a massive population 
displacement will cause. It could easily lead to a situation similar to 
that which has plagued Israel and Palestine for over 40 years.
  Despite my reservations about the wisdom of the President's decision 
to deploy United States forces to Bosnia, now that the decision to 
deploy them has been made, I am committed to providing full support to 
our troops. I will vote now, and in the future, to provide them with 
whatever resources are deemed necessary to allow them to accomplish 
their mission. Certainly, the brave men and women serving in our Armed 
Forces deserve no less.

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