[Congressional Record Volume 141, Number 199 (Thursday, December 14, 1995)]
[Senate]
[Pages S18658-S18659]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                                 BOSNIA

  Mr. DODD. Mr. President, yesterday I did not speak on the pending 
Bosnia resolutions in order to permit the Senate to finish its 
consideration of this important matter prior to the formal signing of 
the Dayton Agreement in Paris early this morning.
  However, I wanted to take this opportunity to express my thoughts on 
what transpired yesterday.
  Yesterday, Mr. President, the Senate went on record as to whether 
this institution supports the President's decision to participate in 
the Bosnian peace initiative. In fact, I believe that we went on record 
on matters much broader and more significant than that. We went on 
record as to whether we in the United States Senate support peace in 
Bosnia or war? Whether we support the continuation of American 
leadership in the world or the abdication of that leadership? Whether 
we support a post-cold-war international order that is governed by the 
rule of law or the force of arms?
  To some, this may seem a rather simplistic summary of what the debate 
over the last several days was all about. But, I would say to my 
colleagues, when you boil it all down, that is what we were really 
talking about.
  The war that has raged in Bosnia for nearly 4 years has been one of 
unspeakable atrocities; of torture, internment, rape, execution, of 
ethnic cleansing and genocide. More than a quarter of a million people 
have lost their lives. Millions more have been made refugees--many 
within the borders of their own country. Once stable multiethnic towns 
and villages have become flaming infernos as opposing Moslem, Serb, and 
Bosnian forces have sought revenge against one other.
  Regardless of one's views on the various resolutions we will vote on, 
I know that our shared hopes and prayers are that the Dayton peace 
accord--brokered by the United States, and agreed to by all the warring 
factions--will once and for all bring to a close this bloody chapter of 
Bosnia's history.
  I believe that the Dayton peace agreement contains the essential 
ingredients to facilitate the writing of a new, hopefully brighter 
chapter for the people of Bosnia.
  These elements include: Bosnia preserved as a single State, within 
its present internationally recognized borders; the country subdivided 
into two juridical entities--the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina 
and the Republic of Srpska; an agreed cease-fire line, the separation 
of opposing forces on either side of this line, and the establishment 
of a demilitarization zone; the creation of a 60,000-person peace 
implementation force, under NATO command, to monitor and enforce the 
military aspects of the agreement; internationally supervised 
democratic elections for President and Parliament to be conducted 
within a year; freedom of movement of all Bosnian citizens; independent 
monitoring of human rights of all Bosnians; the establishment of an 
internationally trained civilian police force; and a commitment by all 
parties 

[[Page S18659]]
to cooperate with the activities of the War Crimes Tribunal.
  Clearly the implementation of the military aspects of this agreement 
are critical to the success or failure of the other elements of the 
peace plan. And, U.S. participation in the implementation force is 
pivotal in that regard. But, it is important to keep in mind that 
while U.S. participation is essential, we will not be alone in the 
effort to implement the agreement--more than 25 countries have pledged 
to participate as well and will provide two-thirds of the 60,000-person 
implementing force.

  While the Dayton Agreement has been well crafted, it is by no means 
100-percent guaranteed to be successful--no agreement of this kind 
falls into that category. However, every effort has been made to 
minimize the chance of failure. Each and every American soldier who 
goes to Bosnia will be well trained and well armed to face any 
eventuality. The leaders of Bosnia, Croatia, and Serbia have also 
pledged to ensure the safety and security of the implementing force.
  However, Mr. President, I think it would be unrealistic to promise 
the American people that there will be no casualties incurred during 
Operation Joint Endeavor. That is a promise that is not, unfortunately, 
totally within our power to fulfill.
  Ultimately the success or failure of the Bosnian peace agreement will 
depend upon the willingness of the governments of Bosnia, Croatia, and 
Serbia to live up to their commitments to each other and to the 
international community. Without question, U.S. involvement will 
heighten the prospects for compliance by all parties and lessen the 
possibility that the Balkans will once again become engulfed in war. On 
the other hand, if the United States stands on the sidelines at this 
crucial moment, the renewal of armed conflict is all but assured.
  Many of my colleagues have mentioned in the course of this debate 
that public opinion polls suggest that the American people do not 
currently support the deployment of United States troops to Bosnia. To 
them I would say, there is nothing novel about that. The public was 
initially quite negative about U.S. participation in the Persian Gulf 
war and only when Operation Desert Storm was up and running did the 
public mood shift.
  It is no secret that the American people have always cared more about 
what happens at home than abroad and have sometimes been slow to 
appreciate the ramifications of international events on their own 
domestic security and prosperity. It is the responsibility of the 
President and other political leaders to explain to our citizens why a 
particular course of action is ultimately in the interest of this 
country.
  President Clinton has endeavored to explain the various United States 
interests at stake in the Bosnian peace process. I believe he has done 
a very credible job of making the case for the difficult decision he 
has made. On November 27, President Clinton went directly to the 
American people to explain why he is prepared to participate in the 
quest for peace in Bosnia.
  During that address he put the matter very succinctly:

       In Bosnia, a terrible war has challenged our interests and 
     troubled our souls. Our interests are plain. The cause is 
     right. Our mission will be clear, limited and achievable. The 
     people of Bosnia, our NATO allies and people around the world 
     are looking to America for leadership. Let us lead. That is 
     our responsibility as Americans.

  I agree with the President that the rest of the world looks to the 
United States for leadership. We cannot and should not answer every 
call for U.S. assistance. It is up to us, of course, to decide whether 
it is in our national interest to assume a leadership role in any 
particular situation. In the case of Bosnia, the situation is clear--
United States leadership is essential.
  I commend this body for taking the action that it did yesterday, in 
voting in support of the Dole/McCain resolution. We did what was 
critical--we sent a clear signal to the world that we are united as a 
nation in our resolve to support peace in Bosnia, and that we stand 
full square behind the men and women of our Armed Forces as they 
commence their mission of peace in the coming days.
  With that affirmative vote we did not simply give peace a chance in 
Bosnia. We did far more. We reaffirmed our position as a world leader 
and strengthened the rule of law in the post-cold-war era. I am proud 
of what the Senate accomplished last night.

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