[Congressional Record Volume 141, Number 197 (Tuesday, December 12, 1995)]
[House]
[Pages H14363-H14370]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




      ANNIVERSARY OF FIRST AFRICAN-AMERICAN TO SERVE IN HOUSE OF 
                            REPRESENTATIVES

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of May 
12, 1995, the gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. Payne] is recognized for 
60 minutes as the designee of the minority leader.
  Mr. PAYNE of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, it gives me a great deal of 
pleasure this evening to engage with my colleague from South Carolina 
and others who may come, a special order dealing with an anniversary 
tonight of the seating of the United States House of Representatives on 
December 12 in 1870, 125 years ago, Congressman Rainey, Joseph H. 
Rainey, was sworn in to the United States House of Representatives. 
Today being December 12, we celebrate 125 years of that important 
event.
  Let me say that on that day, Representative Rainey broke the color 
line in the House of Representatives, being the first African-American 
to be seated. He became a duly elected Member of the 41st Congress. A 
former State senator from South Carolina, he was born of slave parents. 
His parents were very successful as a barber and his dad purchased his 
freedom for him at an early age.
  As a young man Joseph Rainey spent all of his free time educating 
himself. He followed his father as a barber and he continued to 
increase his education. At an early age he moved to Philadelphia where 
me met a young lady named Susan, and they were married and he moved 
back to South Carolina in 1859. Then with the outbreak of the Civil 
War, Mr. Rainey, Joseph Rainey, was drafted. He had to at that time 
work in the military.
  He worked in an area providing food and serving passengers on a 
Confederate blockade runner and he worked in the fortification of 
Charleston, but he did not feel comfortable being a part of the 
Confederacy as a freeman and what he was able to do with his wife was 
to escape on a blockade runner and went to Bermuda. In Bermuda he 
settled in St. Georges, which is a parish in Bermuda and he set up a 
barber business there and his wife went into dressmaking. Both of them 
were very, very successful in their business in Bermuda, but as a South 
Carolinian, Bermuda was fine, business was great, but he yearned to go 
back to his home State and his hometown.
  He started to hear about the fact that after the Civil War there had 
become opportunities for African-Americans in politics and he became 
very attracted to the area of politics. He decided to look into some of 
the opportunities and he became an active member of the South Carolina 
State Republican Party. He became a member of the State senate there, 
and in July 1870, they nominated him to fill a vacancy in the House of 
Representatives created by the resignation of Representative Benjamin 
Whittemore.
  Once in Congress, and there was some time that passed before he was 
seated, but once in Congress, Representative Rainey was a staunch 
fighter for the rights of African-Americans. His first speech on the 
floor of the House was to gain national attention and to support a bill 
that imposed stiffer penalties against individuals and groups 
terrorizing African-Americans and white Republicans in former slave 
States. The speech was delivered on April 1, 1871, in the 42d Congress. 
The bill that he introduced was designed to enforce the citizenship 
rights set forth in the 14th Amendment of the Constitution and in the 
1866 Civil Rights Act.
  The bill, called the KKK Act, made it a Federal crime for two or more 
persons to conspire through force, intimidation, or threat to keep any 
person from accepting or discharging a public office, from functioning 
in court without hindrance, or from voting or otherwise participating 
in political campaigns under the penalty of a $500 to $5,000 fine and 6 
months to 6 years in jail.

  The KKK Act was enacted into law on April 20 in 1871, but the law did 
not immediately stop the bloodbath in the Southern States. 
Representative Rainey continued his work on the KKK Act by speaking in 
favor of the appropriations of Federal funds for the Federal courts 
that were set up under this act to enforce the law.
  Representative Rainey was in favor of appropriating funds as 
necessary to carry on the court's persecution, until every man in the 
Southern States shall know that the government has a strong 

[[Page H14364]]
arm and that everyone shall be made to obey the law.
  In the 43d Congress Representative Rainey concentrated on the civil 
rights measure to afford equal treatment to all in public 
accommodations, public transportation, hotels, amusement places, and 
schools. Representative Rainey's theory was that Federal aid for 
education was not a regional or racial issue but an issue of national 
importance.
  The debate 125 years ago is similar to the debate that is going on in 
the House of Representatives today. This proposal that he discussed way 
back then was heavily discussed near the end of 1873. The saddest fact 
about this discussion that he talked about of public accommodations is 
that it was not until 1963, almost 100 years later, that this public 
accommodations act was finally passed.
  Mr. Speaker, in May 1874, when Representative Rainey was a member of 
the Indian Affairs Committee, he presided over the debate in the House 
on a proposal to improve conditions on the Indian reservations. Another 
first in the life of Representative Rainey was that he was the first 
African-American to ever preside over the House of Representatives. 
Representative Rainey was defeated in his reelection bid to the 46th 
Congress after a bitter fight in the House of Representatives with his 
Democratic opponent from the previous election.
  Representative Rainey and his family remained in Washington for a few 
years before moving back to South Carolina, where he died at the early 
age of 55. In the obituary the Charleston News and Courier, not a 
friend to Representative Rainey when he served in active public life, 
termed him, next to Robert Elliot, the most intelligent of South 
Carolina Reconstruction delegation politicians, and they thought that 
if he had been less honest, they say he probably would have attained 
even greater distinction. so I think that says a lot about a man who 
stuck to his convictions and in his death was finally given the credit 
that he should have gotten in life.
  Mr. Speaker, it is my great pleasure to bring to the attention of my 
colleagues and the American people some of the great work of the first 
African-American to serve in the House of Representatives, the 
Honorable Joseph Hayne Rainey of South Carolina, leader in the fight 
for rights of all Americans and minorities in this country.
  At this time, I would like to yield time as he may consume to the 
gentleman from South Carolina, from the Sixth District of South 
Carolina, Representative Jim Clyburn.
  Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New Jersey for 
yielding to me to participate in this special order, and I thank him 
for organizing this special order this evening.
  As the gentleman has mentioned, it is my great honor and privilege to 
serve in this body from the State of South Carolina, and to be here 
tonight to celebrate the 125th anniversary of Joseph Hayne Rainey's 
swearing in as a Member of this body is a great honor for me.
  As was mentioned, Mr. Rainey was born in Georgetown, SC, though he 
made the bulk of his political life, at least it started in Charleston, 
where he moved to work as a barber and there entered political life.
  Now, much has been said about Mr. Rainey's early life, but let me say 
just a little bit about him that has not been said thus far.
  When Mr. Rainey took the position, of course he was elected to the 
State senate in 1870. And, of course, later that same year, he opted to 
fill an unexpired term in the Congress; and of course, when he came 
here, he came to represent what was then the First Congressional 
District, including Charleston and Georgetown, all the way up to 
Florence. The First District at that time was much like what is now the 
Sixth Congressional District that I am proud to represent.
  Now, Mr. Rainey served for a little over 8 years. During this period, 
he served longer than any of the other, up until that time, people of 
color in the House of Representatives. Having been elected in 1870, he 
staying until around 1879.
  Now it is kind of interesting when we look at Mr. Rainey's service. 
He was, of course, the first of eight African-Americans to serve during 
this period from 1870 to 1897. The last in that period was George 
Washington Murray. And when George Washington Murray left in 1897, no 
other person of color represented the State of South Carolina in this 
body until January, 1993, when it was my privilege to take the oath 
some 95 years later.
  In 1993, the people of Georgetown honored Mr. Rainey by naming a park 
in the city for him and erecting in that park a bust of Mr. Rainey. And 
it was my pleasure to go to Georgetown and to be the keynoter for that 
occasion, and I am proud of the people of Georgetown for paying that 
honor, some 123 years after Mr. Rainey took the oath of office.

                              {time}  2230

  And, of course, we are here tonight on the 125th anniversary to add 
to the honor.
  If we were to look at Mr. Rainey's service, we have to look to the 
future, I would hope, We know a bit from 1870 to now, 1995, 125 years, 
there was not continuous service. As I stated earlier, Mr. George 
Washington Murray left in 1897 and, of course, he was the last from 
South Carolina until I came along. Of course, in 1901, George White of 
North Carolina left and then no one of color served in this body until 
the 1920's, when there was a representative, Mr. De Priest, if my 
memory serves me well, elected from the State of Illinois.
  Now, Mr. Speaker, I mention the State of Illinois here tonight 
because I think it helps to make my point. As we talk a little bit 
about the future, I used to teach history in the public schools of 
Charleston. I still love to read history. I would like to play 
interesting games with myself, as I go through history. I want to share 
with my brethren here this evening and other brothers and sisters who 
may be watching a little bit of what I feel about what went on during 
the time Mr. Rainey was elected and served and what has gone on today. 
There is some interesting similarities.

  If we are to take note of recent developments, we know that just last 
week, the U.S. Supreme Court listened to argument over questions 
involving congressional districts and whether or not the drawing of 
congressional districts for the 1992 elections was unconstitutional or, 
I guess to put it in the positive, whether or not these congressional 
districts were constitutional. Of course, that hearing last week was 
precipitated by a decision a year ago by the Supreme Court concerning a 
case coming out of North Carolina, commonly referred to as Shaw versus 
Reno, at which time the Court said that the districts drawn in North 
Carolina were dissolved. It was kind of interesting that for the first 
time in the history of the country the Court decided that the esthetics 
of a congressional district would bring into question the 
constitutionality of those districts.
  Until that time, no one had ever worried about what shape a district 
had. We had always left it up to the States to determine how all this 
was done. Of course, by constitutional edict, by the court's edict, we 
have said that political considerations could be taken into account, 
incumbency could be taken into account, communities of interest, all 
these things could be taken into account. But all of a sudden, of 
course, I do not think the court has ever spoken to this, but we all 
know that in many communities around the country, even religion has 
been sued in order to determine how lines have been drawn.
  The interesting thing about all of this is that, and I would hope 
that a bit of guidance could be gotten from the Court on this, because 
if you look at what was going on in 1870, I want to, I do not like to 
deal with numbers too much. Most people who are lovers of history do 
not like to deal with numbers. We tend to try to deal with facts and 
ideas.
  But in 1870, at the time Mr. Rainey was elected from South Carolina, 
there were 415,814 blacks living in South Carolina. Only 289,667 whites 
lived in South Carolina in 1870 at the time Mr. Rainey was elected.
  There is something very interesting about all of this. When the 
elections for the general assembly were over that year, as I just said, 
it was in this year that Mr. Rainey was also elected to the State 
senate. Serving the State senate at that time you only had 31 State 
senators. Twenty-one of them were white and only 10 were black. 

[[Page H14365]]
Now, not only was the population almost better than 3 to 2 black to 
white, the registered voters were 3 to 2 black to white. Yet those 
majority black people elected two-thirds of the senate to be white.
  Now, of course, in the lower body, the House of Representatives, it 
was reversed. There were 72 blacks serving in the House elected in 1870 
and 48 whites.
  Now, the reason I point this out is because those people, the 
majority of the general assembly being people of color, decided that 
they did not want, for whatever reason, to run roughshod over the 
rights of their white counterparts and so they put in place a system of 
voting designed to protect the rights of their fellow South Carolinians 
who happened to have been white. They used a system called cumulative 
voting.
  That system was put in place and it stayed in place from 1870 until 
1879. They got rid of cumulative voting in 1879, after the State 
officials prevailed upon then the President of the United States, 
Rutherford B. Hayes, to take the Federal troops out of the South and 
then, according to one writer, who I cannot recall the name of at the 
moment, but I remember this phrase very well in my study of history, 
one writer said, Ratherford B. Hayes took the Federal troops out of the 
South and then left the quote unquote Negro up to the creative devices 
of white South Carolinians, creative devices.

  Sounds like dissolved to me. Well, what happened, through threats, 
intimidation, through things like poll taxes, literacy tests, they were 
successful in then rendering black South Carolinians almost voteless. 
So when Mr. Rainey left in, I believe, March of 1879, it started a 
domino effect and by 1897, some 18 years later, no other person of 
color was left to serve in the Congress and, of course, the same year, 
1901, that George White left the Congress from North Carolina, a Mr. 
Bolt, I believe his name was, B-O-L-T, I think was his name, from 
Georgetown, became the last person of color to serve in the South 
Carolina general assembly. Having then not only put these new systems 
in place, they also then, in 1896, wrote a new constitution for South 
Carolina. Of course, with that they put in place systems of voting that 
made it impossible for people of color to elect their choices to serve 
in the body.
  Now, cumulative voting is a very interesting concept. It was not just 
used in South Carolina. It was born in South Carolina. South Carolina 
was the first State to usher this system on the scene. I believe Horace 
Greeley of New York initiated cumulative voting for the State of New 
York. At that time it had nothing to do with race. It had to do with 
Tammany Hall. Republicans could not get elected because the Democrats 
around the city of New York controlled Tammany Hall and, of course, 
they had locked everybody else out.
  So Mr. Greeley came up with the concept of cumulative voting around 
1870. It failed. He came back, I think in 1872, and this time, using a 
system they called, we would now call it proportional representation, 
they, which is a form of cumulative voting, it does not accumulate, but 
it is a different form of single member districts, it was successful 
and New York used that system at least in its lower body. It did not 
use it in the Senate, but they used it in, they did not call it the 
house of delegates at that time, it was the lower body, the general 
assembly. That was not the only State. Illinois used cumulative voting.
  The interesting thing about Illinois is that Illinois used it because 
what they found in Illinois was that if you were in the northern part 
of Illinois, the Democrats controlled. In the southern part of 
Illinois, the Republicans controlled or vice versa. Do not hold me to 
which was which. My memory is not that good this evening. But it was 
divided. In other words, there was never any kind of interaction 
between the rural part of Illinois and that part of Illinois that was 
urban and, therefore, you had this polarized voting in the general 
assembly that had nothing to do with race. So they decided that the 
best way to approach that was to use the system called cumulative 
voting. So Illinois put cumulative voting in place in 1870, and it 
stayed in place until 1979. They did not get rid of cumulative voting 
in Illinois until 15 years ago.
  Now, I am pointing all this out tonight because when Mr. Rainey 
served in the State Senate of South Carolina, just a few months before 
coming to this body, he was part of a process that looked for methods 
beyond winner-take-all elections in order to ensure adequate 
representation and fairness toward the white South Carolinians. And I 
tonight believe that it is time for us in this body, in the courts, 
everywhere else, to begin to look for methods to ensure representation 
and fairness to the people of color who now represent the minority in 
these areas. Winner-take-all elections say by their very nature that 49 
percent may not ever have their voices heard or their wishes addressed, 
if you continue on our present course.

  So I want to say to you, the chairman of the Congressional Black 
Caucus, my good friend from New Jersey, that I am appreciative of the 
fact that you have allowed me to participate here this evening because 
I think it is important for us to look at the historical context, not 
just of Mr. Rainey's election to this body but also what was going on 
in the country at the time of his election and how magnanimous he and 
other people of color were.
  Before I yield back my time, let me explain what this cumulative 
voting is all about, because some people seem to think it is something 
very strange. If I might use what they did in, I think it was Illinois, 
maybe it was New York, where they used three-member districts. They had 
legislative districts.

                              {time}  2245

  Three members from each legislative district. What you do is that 
every voter gets three votes. That voter can give all three of his or 
her votes to one of the members, or can give one-and-a-half to two, or 
could give one vote to each of the three members in the district. And 
what they have found, as they found in Peoria, IL, where they use that 
today, they found it in Texas today, they found it in New Mexico, where 
they use it there, that it works. It allows everybody to participate.
  I will tell you something else it does: It brings people to the 
polls, because when people feel they are outnumbered in these single 
member districts, they do not participate, because they do not think 
they have any chance to win. But when you go to these other methods, it 
allows for significant participation on the part of voters.
  So, I think, as was said here earlier tonight as a part of some other 
discussions, that there are some things happening in our country today 
indicating that voters are polarized, that citizens are polarized, 
political parties are polarized, and we, the people of good will, ought 
to begin to look at our history a little bit, and hopefully learn from 
that history, and maybe we can find from the history some ways to bring 
our people together, as Mr. Rainey and his cohorts did, on behalf of 
the protection of white South Carolinians and white Americans 
throughout New York, Illinois and other States, back in the 1870's and 
just after Reconstruction.
  So I want to thank the gentleman for allowing me to participate.
  Mr. PAYNE of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman very 
much. I certainly appreciate those remarks from the gentleman from 
South Carolina, bringing out history. We really appreciate the work the 
gentleman has done on affirmative action and some of the light that the 
gentleman has brought into that discussion. I certainly know the 
gentleman will continue the great work that he has been doing.
  I just might also mention, since the gentleman used Illinois so much, 
that there is an interesting thing happening in Illinois as we speak. 
The polls have not closed nor has the tally been counted, but there is 
a feeling that Mr. Jesse Lewis Jackson, Jr., may win the election in 
the special election in Illinois, the State the gentleman has been 
talking about.
  Well, it is very interesting that Mr. Jesse Lewis Jackson, Jr., 
happened to be born in South Carolina, and he was born about 30 years 
ago. Thirty years ago was the march in Selma to talk about voting 
rights and attempting to get the rights of all people to vote. His 
father, Jesse Lewis Jackson, Sr., Dr. Martin Luther King, Wyatt T. 
Walker, many of us and myself, marched in that march to try to get 
voting rights. So I just mention that, that it would be very 
interesting if the first person to be seated was a person born in South 


[[Page H14366]]
Carolina, 125 years ago to this date; that if Mr. Jesse Jackson, Jr., 
is elected, native of South Carolina, to be the last person to be 
seated tomorrow, it would be very interesting to tie in in just an 
interesting way, and maybe God meant it to be this way; if he is 
fortunate to win, for the 125 years to be encompassed with the 
beginning and the end, sort of the alpha and omega here tonight on 
December 12.
  I thank the gentleman very much.
  At this time I would like to yield to the gentleman from the great 
State of New York [Mr. Owens], from the 12th Congressional District of 
New York.
  Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New Jersey, the 
chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus, for convening this special 
order on Joseph Rainey on the occasion of Joseph Rainey's 125th 
anniversary upon being elected to the House of Representatives. On 
December 12, 125 years ago, Mr. Rainey took his seat in this House as 
the first black to be elected to the House of Representatives. Shortly 
before that, Mr. Hiram Revels had taken a seat in the Senate, on 
February 25.
  I think it is very important, and I want to thank the gentleman from 
South Carolina for taking this occasion to give us a brief snapshot of 
some very important history. It was a lecture that I learned quite a 
bit from. It was only too short.
  One of the advantages in celebrating an occasion like this, the 
anniversary of the seating of the first African-American to take a seat 
in the House of Representatives, is you can review some history and 
deal with some little known facts that are very seldom related, and you 
can also make an analysis and apply it to our present day problems. I 
think our friend from South Carolina [Mr. Clyburn] has just done a 
marvelous job of not only adding some significant facts to the little 
known, but also applied it to the present. I think it is very important 
that we try to envisage the situation that existed when Joseph Rainey 
came to take his seat here in this House. I think it is important that 
young people understand what that must have been like. I think it is 
important for some of us who are caught in the present grip of a 
situation where there is a driven home to remake America, the 
Republican majority here is moving to remake America, and they are 
focusing on the budget right now and making it appear that the most 
important thing in the remaking of America is a reduction in the 
expenditures, a balanced budget, which creates a perfect excuse for 
cutting a lot of programs which benefit African-Americans, the 
descendants of slaves, because those descendants of slaves happen to be 
in a situation where economically they are still the poorest of 
Americans. There is a direct relationship between slavery, the 
institution of slavery, some people call it an institution, I call it a 
criminal industry, the criminal industry of slavery which existed for 
232 years.
  Let me just repeat that. The criminal industry of slavery existed in 
America for 232 years. Suddenly there was emancipation. Thank God for 
Abraham Lincoln and the Emancipation Proclamation, which set the stage 
for the freeing of the slaves, but did not free the slaves. It was the 
13th amendment after the surrender of the Southern rebels, the 13th 
amendment that was enacted by the Congress which freed the slaves 
across the country.
  But the precedent had within set by the Emancipation Proclamation. 
There was no turning back after Abraham Lincoln made his historic 
unpopular move in freeing the slaves as a strong President, taking an 
action that was not approved of by the Congress, that was not approved 
of by his own cabinet, but it was the right thing to do. It was a 
shinning moment in American history.
  The important thing is to put all those facts together. The 232 years 
of slavery. We are the descendants of people who were kidnapped and 
brought here, and for 232 years they were enslaved, 232 years. When 
Joseph Rainey took his seat, the Civil War had not been over for very 
long and the slaves had not been free for very long.
  It is almost a miracle that you could find anyone among the slaves 
who could qualify, who could organize, who could go through the 
political process to the point of going through the State legislature 
in South Carolina and then coming to the U.S. Congress. It is almost a 
miracle, because during that 232 years there was a determination to 
keep the slaves enslaved. There was laws made it a crime to teach a 
slave to read. Most of the Southern States, had laws, and the Southern 
States are where most of the slaves were concentrated, had laws which 
would imprison you, you could be put in prison for teaching someone to 
read. So the miracle is that you had enough who had learned to read, 
who had learned something about how to organize, to be able to bring 
the contingent to Congress that came in during the Reconstruction 
period. It was a great example of the phenomena that existed from the 
very first when the slaves were packed into slave ships and brought to 
the shores of the United States.
  They did not come here like other immigrants. Our forefathers did not 
come here like other immigrants. They were packed into slave ships like 
sardines. There are disputes about how many came. Very interesting, our 
friend, the gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. Clyburn], was talking, 
and he indicated one time in South Carolina, if I heard him correctly, 
there were more slaves than there were slave owners and whites, more 
descendants people of African descent, than there were whites in South 
Carolina.
  I remember reading some figures in several books where Williamsburg 
in Virginia at one point had a slave population greater than the white 
population. Many other States had slave populations that were almost 
equal or perhaps even greater.
  I imagine the people that took the census at those times would not 
let such a situation exist. There was a conflict, of course. Any 
Southern State wanted to have representation in Congress, so they had 
three-fifths of a man and each slave was allowed to stand for, which 
led to probably more an accurate account or, maybe some inflation of 
the figures sometimes, but it was to their advantage to count the 
slaves, because those three-fifths added up to more representation in 
Congress. But in truth in many cases the blacks outnumbered the whites 
in some Southern localities and in some Southern States, a fact which 
is seldom revealed.
  The laws that made it a crime to teach a black to read were not the 
only laws. There were other laws that related to any other kind of 
process which allowed for the socialization of blacks. There were laws 
which forbade marriage among slaves. For 232 years most of the enslaved 
population could not even legally get married. It was not surprising 
then that there were breakdowns in family structures, that slaves 
struggled so hard to hold together after emancipation. It is not 
surprising there is a legacy of problems related to families.

  It is not surprising there is a legacy of problems related to 
economics, just plain money. If you came here as a slave, you did not 
come with any relatives in the old country who could send you money, 
any relatives who could make arrangements with relatives already living 
here to take care of you for a little while. If you did not have 
relatives, some group, other immigrants who came, they found someone 
here. We were not immigrants, but the immigrants who came, they found 
someone here they could relate to. Whether they were relatives or not, 
if they came from the old country, they helped.
  So those people were relatively rich compared to slaves, who were 
deliverately torn from their tribes and torn from their ethnic 
backgrounds. Deliberate attempts were made to wipe out their identity, 
to put them together from different tribes so they did not speak the 
same language, and deliberately chaos was fomented.
  This was the heritage they came with, economically, zero, nothing. 
For 232 years, since slaves were owned by somebody else, they could not 
accumulate any wealth.
  There are recent studies that have shown that blacks in this country 
right now, even the middle-class blacks who have jobs and incomes which 
are comparable to whites with comparable education, the income gap has 
closed a great deal. We can say that we have made great strides and 
that equality is just over the horizon in terms of the 

[[Page H14367]]
income earned by middle-class, educated blacks, versus middle-class, 
educated whites. But there is a great gap in wealth.
  A recent book shows that the gap in wealth is due to one important 
phenomena that exists among all other people, and that is inheritance; 
that even a small inheritance passed down from one generation to 
another, it builds up wealth. Most of the homes, which account for a 
large part of the wealth of new couples, most of the homes bought by 
new couples who are white are paid for by the down payment, or some 
large part of the home is paid for by the parents of the couple on one 
side or the other. They help. They pass on that kind of capital. There 
are many other examples of capital belongings that are passed on which 
account for wealth.
  But here you have slaves, and we are the descendants of slaves who 
passed on nothing for 232 years. And then 100 years after that 232 
years, the oppression was so great that the ability, the capacity to 
earn anything to pass down, was almost zero still. So is it surprising 
that the economic conditions of blacks in America at this very point, 
with all of the efforts that have been made to try to improve them and 
to close the gaps, they remain very serious in terms of capital and 
assets. Even the best off blacks, the middle-class blacks, do not have 
capital assets.

                              {time}  2300

  What does that boil down to? It means that if we streamline and we 
downsize and we take a job from a middle-class black, in a few months 
that middle-class black will be in poverty. There are no assets to back 
them up and to sustain them over a long period of time. So 3 to 6 
months can spell disaster for a middle-class black earning a decent 
salary with a decent education.
  The implications of this, I think, are not irrelevant to the 
discussion of Joseph Rainey. Joseph Rainey happened to be a situation 
where his father purchased his freedom. And I think it is to the credit 
of American slavery--there were some features in North American slavery 
that did not exist in South American slavery.
  One of the things about North American slavery versus South American 
slavery was that in South America, the pattern of slavery for a long 
time was that slaves were brought over in large numbers and they were 
worked until they were worked to death. There was no attempt made to 
try to group slaves together and breed slaves and have offspring from 
the slaves, et cetera.
  The pressure in North America, always there was a pressure, very 
early, this improvement of slavery so that the numbers that would come 
in were slowed down. And, finally, there were laws against more slaves 
coming in. And, finally, a law was passed which made slavery illegal 
and freed the slaves. There was a law to limit the number coming in. So 
the slave masters, the slave owners, the slave business in America did 
breed slaves. It found value in keeping the slaves alive. And in a sort 
of perverse way, that was a benefit.
  Another benefit was, because of the pressure, the moral pressure, 
there were large numbers of slave owners who began to allow their 
slaves to purchase their freedom. It was a way to earn some extra 
income, I guess, in many cases. But for whatever reason, the purchase 
of the freedom by slaves even in South Carolina was a possibility. And 
the father of Joseph Rainey purchased his freedom, became a barber. 
Rainey became a barber. He had some sense of free enterprise.

  Rainey was forced into the Confederate war machine later and he 
escaped. And, of course, I think we have related the story already of 
how he went to the West Indies and then came back after the war was 
over.
  But the implications are what concern me most. I just want to close 
by trying to picture, again, and hoping that young people, both black 
and white, will try to picture a situation where slaves suddenly are 
able to move into politics. Slaves are begrudgingly admitted to the 
House of Representatives.
  And this House of Representatives, which has always prided itself on 
being quite civil, was pretty mean and pretty nasty to the first black 
Congressman who came here. I just want to read from a book, which I 
will commend to those who are interested. Being a librarian, I cannot 
help but pass on some knowledge of where one can get some more 
knowledge. This is book called ``Black Americans in Congress, 1870 to 
1989.'' And the book is printed by the Government Printing Office, 
because it is a product of the Office of the Historian of the U.S. 
House of Representatives, and it was put together when Lindy Boggs was 
the chairman of the Bicentennial for Congress.
  So this is a very good sketch of all the black Congressman from 1870 
to 1989. And the introduction of this is by Ron Dellums, who was at 
that time, when the book came out, the chairman of the Congressional 
Black Caucus. I want to read one or two paragraphs of this.
  ``The 19th Century black Congressmen, who unanimously adhered to the 
Republican party''--that is one of the ironies of history, is that all 
of the Congressmen who came here, Senators and Congressmen, were 
Republicans, because Abraham Lincoln was a Republican. It was the 
Republicans who freed the slaves. How history has changed.

       The 19th Century black Congressmen, who unanimously adhered 
     to the Republican party, which had championed the rights of 
     freed men, often found the struggle for political equality 
     continued after their election. Many of them faced contested 
     elections and spent a good deal of their time defending the 
     legitimacy of their claim to a House seat. Others found it 
     difficult to speak on the floor or were subject to the 
     hostility of various colleagues on the floor.

  I think our colleague, Mr. Clyburn, noted before that there were all 
kinds of tricks employed to get rid of the black Congressmen, and they 
finally succeeded in getting rid of all of them for a long period of 
time. But every step of the way there were tricks employed, even in 
States where there was an overwhelming number of blacks, there were 
still more whites in many of the State legislatures and political 
offices than there were blacks, and there was still a situation where 
Mr. Rainey found himself challenged in election after election when he 
came here, due to the trickery and the various ways of denying 
representation.
  I will not accuse the Supreme Court of trickery, but sometimes 
attitudes and postures, leanings, ideological bents, whatever we want 
to call them, can be just as poisonous as the kind of trickery that 
kept the number of black Congressmen very low and created misery for 
those who were here.
  The Supreme Court, all of a sudden, as was pointed out by my 
colleague, Mr. Clyburn, all of a sudden the Supreme Court has become 
interested in the aesthetics and the shape of congressional districts. 
Now, for years, since the beginning of the Republic, the aesthetics 
have been bad, because always incumbents and people in power, parties 
in power, drew the lines to get the best benefits for themselves.
  So if we look over history, and we have some booklets that have the 
shapes of congressional districts over history, the worst shaped 
districts do not exist right now. There have been some far worse ones 
that have existed. The voting rights area districts that are being 
challenged now, those that happen to have black congresspersons or 
persons of African descent elected from them, they are not the worst 
that exist now. There are much worse, much more oddly shaped districts.
  Suddenly the aesthetics have become a problem and we have a Supreme 
Court ruling that when we have these odd-shaped, strange-shaped 
districts, then something probably is wrong and we have a right to 
challenge them. And certainly if race is involved, that becomes a major 
factor.
  We have a problem in this second period of reconstruction, when 
blacks finally began to get numbers in Congress which are consummate 
and comparable to the numbers of the population. We have officially, I 
think, about 13 percent of the population. Probably more, but about 13 
percent. But we do not have 13 percent representation in Congress, but 
we are moving in that direction. We have 10. We are moving toward 10 
percent. And as we move in that direction, we have these new challenges 
and this concern for aesthetics. It is a new kind of trickery.
  I will close with the fact that the participation level in history by 
blacks must be raised. We must look back more carefully and more 
intensely at our history. Not just blacks but all Americans.

[[Page H14368]]

  I think a great statement was made today by the Prime Minister of 
Israel about the greatness of America. We are a great country. There 
are many great attributes, and the greatness of America flowered in the 
20th century. It was not the 19th century, as we came out of slavery, I 
assure you, but the 20th century.
  We have a lot to be proud of, but we should look back on some of the 
history which is not so glorious and use the lessons of that history to 
take care of some of the problems that keep manifesting themselves in 
the mean-spiritedness that is exhibited in the budget debate and in the 
coming set of diversions that will take place as we move toward the 
election of 1996.
  I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time.
  Mr. PAYNE of New Jersey. I want to thank the gentleman very much for 
those remarks. Very instructive. And let me just say, as we conclude, 
that as the first African-American to serve in the Congress from the 
great State of New Jersey, we have to take a look at history, too, in 
the North.
  As the gentleman knows, the North was the great divide and fought 
against the Confederacy. But in my State of New Jersey slavery was 
outlawed in 1804, but the law stated that a female at the age of 21 may 
become free and a male at the age of 25. Well, at the time of the 
Emancipation Proclamation in New Jersey, there were still slaves and 
there were still slaves in New Jersey until after the Civil War because 
there were children.
  It went on to say that a child born of a slave, of course, was a 
slave. So, therefore, before a person would get to be 21 or 25, their 
child was a slave; and, therefore, they continued to have slavery in 
New Jersey, although the underground railroad came through New Jersey. 
As a matter of fact, Harriet Tubman retired in New Jersey and took the 
little pension that she got to help other people who were more 
impoverished, even though she was practically penniless.
  In our State of New Jersey the 13th, 14th, and 15th amendments were 
defeated. The 13th amendment was defeated. The 14th amendment was 
passed, but then it was overturned by the legislature that just ruled 
out the entire legislature. The party that passed it was the Republican 
Party. The Democrats came in and won the election by virtue of the fact 
that New Jersey did not want to have that ratified. And the 15th 
amendment also failed to be passed.
  So we have a history. In 1860, New Jersey, Lincoln lost New Jersey. 
And again in 1864, because New Jersey opposed his policies of the 
freeing of slaves. And so in 1868 there was a great meeting in Trenton, 
NJ, where African-Americans came together to talk about the fact that 
they were still disen-franchised. It was difficult to vote. There was 
still slavery.
  As a matter of fact, New Jersey supplied the South with a great deal 
of their products, of leather and copper and brass, because New Jersey 
was a State that invented some ways of tanning leather and shining 
brass, and so New Jersey was a key State for enterprise in the South.
  So I think it is interesting, as the gentleman indicated, that we 
remember what happened in history. Of course, it was great that in 1868 
it was the black vote that created the victory for the President in 
that election. As a matter of fact, in 1868 the Presidential nominee 
lost the majority of the white vote, and it was the 70-percent turnout 
of blacks in the South that could vote for the first time because of 
the Emancipation Proclamation in the 1868 election that caused a 
victory.
  So I think that as we conclude here, it has been very instructive. I 
certainly appreciate the comments from both of the gentlemen; that 232 
if a number that should continually be talked about, the years of 
slavery. We need to have another time.
  And just talking about wealth, it was the Homestead Act, where people 
were able to get property, but African-Americans were restricted from 
participating in the Homestead Act. There were land grants where people 
were granted land. If they lived on land in the 1860's for over 5 
years, the land was given to them.
  I have talked to people who today still own property that their 
great, great, great grandparents got in the Homestead Act. All an 
individual did, they got on a horse, or they ran on foot and simply put 
a stake on the land, and whoever got there first owned the land. 
African-American blacks could not participate in that. It was not that 
we could not run, it was just that they would not let us run.
  So I would like to, once again, thank my colleagues. I think that 
probably our time has been consumed, and I certainly appreciate the 
Speaker's indulgence. Let me say that, once again, we appreciate your 
comments and we should do this again because there is so much to talk 
about.
  In the gentleman's State of New York, there were riots because people 
in New York did not want to fight in the Civil War. They did not want 
to possibly be injured or maimed fighting the South.
  Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, today marks the 125th anniversary of 
the first African-American elected to the House of Representatives. 
Joseph Hayne Rainey, was elected to Congress in December 12, 1870, 
serving four consecutive terms from the First Congressional District of 
South Carolina. He also was the first black Member of Congress from 
South Carolina.
  From the humbling vocation of his father, a barber, to being drafted 
by the Confederacy to fortify Charleston, Joseph Hayne Rainey climbed 
the ranks of the Republican Party, serving as county chairman and as a 
member of the State executive committee from 1868 to 1876.
  While in Congress Joseph Rainey served on the following committees: 
Freedman's Affairs; Indian Affairs; Invalid Pensions; Selected Enrolled 
Bills; Select Centennial; and the Celebration of Proposed National 
Census of 1875.
  He was recognized for his gracious and suave manner, never 
humiliating, always approachable and always in service to his 
constituents. He demonstrated considerable ability as the expounder of 
the political aspirations for African-Americans, actively seeking civil 
rights legislation, including the integration of public schools.
  Mr. Speaker, today we pay tribute to Joseph Hayne Rainey, the first 
elected African-American Representative from South Carolina.
  He portrayed the struggle of African-Americans, the struggle to be 
recognized as people and citizens of the United States. As well as the 
passage of the 1866 Civil Rights Act, the 13th, 14th, and 15th 
amendments to our Constitution, Joseph Rainey provided African-
Americans a vision of what can be achieved. He fought hard for both 
African-Americans and caucasians, for the free and those still in 
chains, for the literate and illiterate, for man and for woman--
believing in equal opportunity and equal access, and that race should 
not be an issue.
  Mr. Speaker, I am in admiration of Joseph Rainey's achievement. He 
entered the political arena 10 to 20 years removed from the bondage of 
slavery, and his rise to the Halls of Congress helped lift the struggle 
of African-Americans to a new plain and acknowledgment.
  Joseph Hayne Rainey, born June 21, 1832, died August 1, 1887. Elected 
to the U.S. House of Representatives 125 years ago, December 12, 1870.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back to my colleague from New Jersey, 
Congressman Payne, and thank him for the opportunity to bear testimony 
on this special occassion.
  Mr. SCOTT. Mr. Speaker, this evening, I join my colleagues in 
commemorating the 125th anniversary of the swearing-in of an 
outstanding legislator, leader and African-American hero--Congressman 
Joseph Hayne Rainey of South Carolina. Participating in this 
commemoration is a special privilege for me because direct descendants 
of Congressman Joseph Rainey are constituents of mine in the Third 
District of Virginia.
  Congressman Rainey was the first African-American ever elected to the 
House of Representatives, who actually served in this body. He was 
elected during the Reconstruction period, in a special election to fill 
the unexpired term created by the resignation of an incumbent.
  Congressman Rainey was born to slave parents in Georgetown, SC, on 
June 21, 1832. His father purchased his family's freedom and taught 
Congressman Rainey the barber's trade. Rainey lived for a time in 
Philadelphia and it was there that he met and married his wife, Susan. 
During the Civil War, Rainey was drafted and served passengers on a 
Confederate blockade runner. In 1862, he and his wife escaped on a 
blockade runner to Bermuda, where slavery had been abolished in 1834.
  In 1866, Congressman Rainey returned with his wife to Georgetown, SC, 
where he became active in the political life of his community. He 
joined the South Carolina Republican Party and became a representative 
to the 1868 South Carolina Constitutional Convention. He was elected to 
a 4-year term in the State senate. Two months later, he was nominated 
by 

[[Page H14369]]
his party and elected to the 41st Congress. After serving the partial 
term in the 41st Congress, he won reelection without opposition in 
1872.
  Congressman Rainey was an active and vocal proponent for social and 
economic justice during his tenure in office. He spoke on behalf of the 
civil rights bill sponsored by Senator Charles Sumner that outlawed 
racial discrimination in schools, transportation and public 
accommodations. In addition, he fought to expand educational 
opportunities by insisting that Federal aid to education be provided to 
all citizens and not exclude individuals by either race or region. In 
the congressional debate on the issue of education, Congressman Rainey 
stated:

       I would not have it known that this ignorance is 
     widespread; it is not confined to any one State. This mental 
     midnight, we might justly say, is a national calamity, and 
     not necessarily sectional. We should, therefore, avail power 
     to avert its direful effects. The great remedy, in my 
     judgment, is free schools, established and aided by the 
     government throughout the land.

  Another historical moment during Rainey's congressional service 
occurred in 1874, when he became the first African-American to preside 
over a House session.
  Throughout his tenure in the House, opponents of Congressman Rainey 
challenged his elections. He faced virulent opposition by whites 
because he represented the interests of both his African-American and 
white constituents. Eventually, such opposition took its toll and 
Rainey was defeated in 1878.
  Congressman Rainey's service in Congress was noteworthy not only for 
its historic significance, but for the excellent role model he set, as 
well, for those of us since privileged to serve in this body. We all 
owe him a debt of gratitude for his life and the legacy of service he 
left us.
  Ms. JACKSON-LEE. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to commemorate the life 
and distinguished congressional career of Joseph Hayne Rainey, the 
first African-American elected to the U.S. House of Representatives. 
Joseph Hayne Rainey was elected to Congress in 1870 and served until 
1879. Among his achievements, the former Representative from South 
Carolina was eloquently outspoken in favor of legislation to enforce 
the 14th amendment. He laid the early ground work for the civil rights 
movement of the 1960's by demanding that African-Americans be admitted 
to all public places, and he worked to ensure that African-Americans 
were given all the civil rights that every other American citizen was 
entitled to.
  Congressman Joseph Hayne Rainey was born and raised in South 
Carolina. His father had bought freedom for the family, and the young 
Joseph Rainey secured his limited education through private 
instruction. During the Civil War, when he was drafted by the 
Confederate authorities to work on forts in Charleston, Joseph Rainey 
was able to escape to the West Indies. He returned to South Carolina at 
the end of the war, and instead of exacting revenge against his 
oppressors, Joseph Rainey strongly supported amnesty and debt relief 
for ex-Confederates and white planters.
  Joseph Rainey's forward-looking vision serves as a model for 
political office today. We can all learn from his example of courage in 
the face of adversity. Indeed, Congressman Joseph Hayne Rainey 
practiced the politics of inclusion, rather than the politics of divide 
and conquer.
  Congressman Rainey served as a Member of Congress during the 
difficult era of Reconstruction. His policy was to focus on healing 
America, by moving the country forward into a new era. Today, the 
strife and division over race continues. Our work here in Congress and 
our everyday lives should be devoted to understanding our common goals 
as a Nation by working together for full citizen participation, 
progress, and peace. It is with a glad heart that I honor Congressman 
Rainey's life and career, which exemplified true public service.
  Mr. CLAY. I rise in honor of the 125th anniversary of the swearing in 
of Joseph Hayne Rainey of South Carolina, the first black Member of 
Congress, into the 41st Congress.
  In 1870, Rainey became the first black man actually to be seated in 
the House. He had been elected to a 4-year term in the State Senate, 
just 2 months prior to winning the congressional seat, which was being 
vacated because of the resignation of the incumbent, who had been 
accused of selling appointments to military academies. Rainey was 
slated as the Republican nominee and defeated his Democratic opponent 
in a special election. After serving the partial term in the 41st 
Congress, he won reelection without opposition in 1872.
  Rainey was very active and vocal during his tenure of office. He 
spoke on behalf of the civil rights bill sponsored by Senator Charles 
Sumner that made racial discrimination in schools, transportation, and 
public accommodations illegal. He argued that unless certain 
protections for blacks were firmly established by Federal Law, there 
should be no amnesty for former Confederate officials.
  Rainey also fought to expand educational opportunities. Insisting 
that Federal aid to education was not a sectional or racial issue, but 
one of great national import, he produced data showing that 126,946 
school-age children in Illinois did not attend school; 308,213 in 
Indiana were not attending; 666,394 in Louisiana were not enrolled; and 
in Arkansas, of the 180,000 total school-age population only 40,000 
were in daily attendance. In congressional debate, Rainey said,

       I would have it known that this ignorance is widespread; it 
     is not confined to any one State. This mental midnight, we 
     might justly say, is a national calamity, and not necessarily 
     sectional. We should, therefore, avail power to avert its 
     direful effects. The great remedy, in my judgment, is free 
     schools, established and aided by the government throughout 
     the land.

  Congressman Rainey was indeed an early advocate for public education, 
as well as equal opportunity. Thanks to his efforts, and those of other 
public education advocates, every child in America has access to 
education. It is now the task of the 104th Congress to make sure that 
every child has access to a quality education.
  I invite our colleagues to join me in celebrating the life of Joseph 
Hayne Rainey by accepting and meeting this challenge.
  Mrs. COLLINS of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in recognition of 
the Honorable Joseph Hayne Rainey, the first African-American Member of 
the U.S. Congress. One hundred and twenty-five years ago today, Mr. 
Rainey took his place in this great Chamber, beginning what was to 
become a long and distinguished career in public service.
  Through hard work and dedication, Joseph Hayne Rainey rose from a 
limited educational background in the pre-Civil War South to a position 
of prominence in South Carolina's State government. On December 12, 
1870, he was sworn in as a Member of the U.S. House of Representatives, 
where he served the citizens of South Carolina until his retirement in 
1879.
  During his time in Congress, Rainey was a forceful advocate in the 
battle to achieve and uphold the civil rights of all citizens, 
particularly African-Americans. An eloquent statesman, his speeches in 
favor of the 14th amendment, the Ku Klux Klan Act, and the Civil Rights 
Bill helped energize and give credence to the fight to end racial 
discrimination within all realms of society, including public and 
private transportation, our Nation's public schools, and the judicial 
system.
  Congressman Rainey's agenda crossed all boundaries of race and 
region. As a leader in the fight to expand educational opportunities 
for all citizens, Rainey confronted issues which still occupy the 
legislative agenda over a century later. His vision of a nation where a 
child's future was not based upon background or ethnicity, but upon 
talents and abilities, is his enduring legacy and it remains a dream 
that we must continually nurture and struggle to achieve.
  On this, the anniversary of Joseph Hayne Rainey's swearing-in as the 
first African-American Member of Congress, I ask my colleagues to join 
me in paying tribute to this noted trailblazer whose leadership on 
important societal issues should serve as an inspiration for all 
Americans.
  Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to commemorate the 
Honorable Joseph Hayne Rainey, the first African-American Member of the 
U.S. Congress. His is a story of struggle and hope, perseverance, and 
success.
  Congressman Joseph Rainey fulfilled the American Dream. No, his is 
not a story about instant success or one of rags to riches. Mr. 
Rainey's story is one of struggle, as he was born a slave in 
Georgetown, SC. Shortly after his birth, Joseph's father bought the 
Rainey family out of slavery. Soon, the elder Rainey established a 
prosperous business as a barber. Joseph followed his father's vocation, 
married and moved to Charleston, SC.
  Drafted by the Confederacy in 1862, Joseph built military 
fortifications until he and his wife escaped to Bermuda. At the end of 
the war, Joseph returned to South Carolina, where he became active in 
the Republican Party. After establishing himself politically, Rainey 
was elected to Congress in 1870.
  He went on to serve consecutive terms in Congress, representing his 
home district of Georgetown. And, as many of us know, that is no simple 
task even after 100 plus years of Reconstruction. In my State, I am the 
first African-American Congressman to represent Florida since 1871, 
when Josiah Walls was elected to serve in Washington. Mrs. Meek and Ms. 
Brown are the first African-American Congresswomen ever to serve our 
State.
  My friends, this is not a fable of the Reconstruction. This is a 
story of struggle and liberation, this, is the American Dream.
  Although my term in this House occurs 125 years after his, Joseph, 
and I have much in common. While in Congress, Representative 

[[Page H14370]]
Rainey was a very active proponent of civil rights legislation, 
including the integration of schools. He delivered effective speeches 
on the enforcement of the 14th amendment and the Ku Klux Klan Act.
  The Congressman fought to broaden educational opportunities, 
believing that Federal aid for education was important to all 
Americans, regardless of race or region. It is this message that he 
would probably deliver to the majority in Congress today. Mr. Rainey 
was fiercely loyal to party and to cause.
  And so, Mr. Speaker, it is with great pride that I honor Mr. Joseph 
Hayne Rainey, the first African-American Member of Congress.
  Mr. STOKES. Mr. Speaker, I want to express my appreciation to the 
gentleman from New Jersey, Congressman Donald Payne, for reserving this 
special order. Don is doing an outstanding job as chairman of the 
Congressional Black Caucus. As a founding member of the CBC, I am 
particularly pleased to join Congressman Payne and others as we pay 
tribute to an individual who was a political trailblazer, and who left 
his mark on the Halls of Congress and this Nation.
  On December 12, 1870, Joseph Hayne Rainey was sworn as a Member of 
the 41st Congress. In this context, he became the first African-
American to serve in the U.S. House of Representatives. He served in 
this legislative body until March 3, 1879. We gather today, on the 
125th anniversary of his significant swearing-in, to recognize the 
contributions of Joseph Hayne Rainey.
  Mr. Speaker, Joseph Rainey's swearing-in was particularly historic in 
light of the fact that just 2 years earlier, in 1868, a black American 
was elected to the House of Representatives, but was denied his seat. 
On November 3, 1868, John Willis Menard was elected to the House of 
Representatives from the Second Congressional District of Louisiana. 
Although his credentials were certified by the Governor of that State, 
Menard's seat was successfully contested and declared vacant on 
February 27, 1869. As a consequence, John Willis Menard was never 
permitted to sit in the Congress to which he had been elected. Prior to 
his departure from the House of Representatives, John Menard because 
the first black American to deliver a speech on the floor of the House.
  History records that America's first black Senator suffered a similar 
experience. Hiram Revels was elected to the U.S. Senate on January 20, 
1870, to fill the unexpired term of Jefferson Davis. Mr. Revels 
suffered a bitter debate over his right to be seated in the Senate. He 
faced baseless charges, including the charge that by virtue of his 
former condition of slavery, that he had not been a U.S. citizen the 
required 9 years. On February 25, 1870, almost a year to the day after 
the refusal of the House of Representatives to seat John Menard, Hiram 
Revels won his seat in the Senate.
  It was in this type of setting that Joseph Hayne Rainey entered the 
Halls of Congress to represent his South Carolina district. Joseph 
Rainey was born in Georgetown, SC. His father was a barber who brought 
the freedom to his family. Rainey began his political career as a 
member of the executive committee of the Republican Party in that 
State. In 1870, Joseph Rainey was elected to fill the unexpired term of 
Congressman B.F. Whittenmore. Thus, he became the first black American 
to be elected and serve as a Member of the U.S. House of 
Representatives.
  In the Congress, Joseph Rainey served with distinction as a member of 
the Freedmen's Affairs Committee, the Select Enrolled Bills Committee, 
and the Celebration of Proposed National Census of 1875 Committee, just 
to name a few. History records that Joseph Rainey was a skilled 
legislator and orator. He made impressive speeches on the House floor 
in favor of legislation to enforce the 14th amendment and the Civil 
Rights Act. Joseph Rainey also fought to expand educational 
opportunities. it was his belief that this was not an issue involving 
region or color, but an issue of great national importance.
  Joseph Hayne Rainey served in the U.S. Congress until his retirement 
on March 3, 1879. Following his tenure in Congress, he was appointed as 
a special agent of the Treasury Department for South Carolina. He died 
in his hometown of Georgetown, SC, in 1886.
  Mr. Speaker, as we gather in the House Chamber today, we pay tribute 
to Joseph Hayne Rainey. He and many others were trailblazers for the 
generations of black elected officials who have followed in their path. 
I applaud our good friend, Congressman Donald Payne, for calling this 
special order to acknowledge the contributions of Joseph Hayne Rainey. 
It is certainly fitting and appropriate that we do so.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I join my colleagues in this tribute 
to the public service of the Honorable Joseph Rainey of South Carolina, 
who was sworn in as a Member of the House of Representatives 125 years 
ago.
  I congratulate Congressman Donald Payne, chairman of the 
Congressional Black Caucus, for organizing this special order in honor 
of Congressman Rainey.
  Born in slavery in 1832, Congressman Rainey joined the Republican 
Party at the end of the Civil War, and in 1870 was elected to the South 
Carolina State senate. That same year, a vacancy in the U.S. House of 
Representatives presented Joseph Rainey with the opportunity to accept 
the Republican nomination for the First Congressional District in South 
Carolina. He defeated Democrat C.W. Dudley, and was sworn in as a 
Member of this House on December 12, 1870.
  Congressman Rainey was reelected in 1872, again in 1874, and in 1876. 
It was only after the tragic political compromise of 1877, in which the 
rights of black Americans were sacrificed to political expediency, that 
Congressman Rainey's political career faded. After Federal troops 
withdrew from the South, the protection of all voter's rights to vote 
became impossible. The party of Abraham Lincoln was no longer able to 
protect Congressman Rainey in the increasingly polarized South that 
emerged after the reconstruction era ended. Mr. Rainey lost the 
election of 1878, and was never again to serve in public office.
  I am proud to be a member of Mr. Rainey's party, and proud of our 
heritage of racial justice and political courage. Since Mr. Rainey's 
service in the Congress, we have made great strides toward our goal of 
making the House of Representatives into a house that truly represents 
the American people.
  We were able to make those strides only because of the political and 
personal courage of our predecessors in public office. When one studies 
the social conditions of the late 19th century in a small southern city 
like Washington, DC, one knows that Mr. Rainey must have been a man of 
great personal courage and strength.
  May we here today always strive to live up to his example.
  Mr. SANFORD. Mr. Speaker, 125 years ago today one of my predecessors 
in the First District of South Carolina, the Honorable Joseph Hayne 
Rainey, was sworn in as the first African-American Member of the U.S. 
House of Representatives. I am proud to carry on his tradition of 
service to our area of South Carolina.
  Representative Joseph Hayne Rainey was born in Georgetown, SC in 
1832. Although having limited education he became a leader in post-
Civil War South Carolina. And, in 1867, Representative Rainey became a 
member of the executive committee of the newly formed Republican Party 
of South Carolina. He served as a delegate to South Carolina's 
constitutional convention, and was later elected to the State senate. 
In 1870 he was elected to fill a vacant seat in the U.S. House of 
Representatives and served until 1879.
  While in the House of Representatives, he impressed many people with 
his floor speeches on behalf of the enforcement of the 14th amendment 
and the civil rights bill. He was a fervent believer in equal rights 
for all citizens.
  But this is what anyone could find out, as I did, through reading the 
brief biographical sketches that exist of Representative Rainey. What 
particularly struck me was that Representative Rainey was a man of 
conviction. He is described, in one of these sketches, as a man who 
stuck to his principles and was known as a courteous debater who 
defended his position not through arrogance, but through persuasion. In 
this respect, I seek to emulate him.
  I was also impressed by the fact that Representative Rainey after 
leaving the House served again in South Carolina and then returned to 
Washington to work in the banking and brokerage business. In this 
sense, he also represented what I seek to be, a citizen legislator. And 
I am honored to be able to follow in his footsteps as a representative 
of the First District of South Carolina.


                             General Leave

  Mr. PAYNE of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that 
all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and 
extend their remarks on the subject of my special order today.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Jones). Is there objection to the 
request of the gentleman from New Jersey?
  There was no objection.
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