[Congressional Record Volume 141, Number 193 (Wednesday, December 6, 1995)]
[Senate]
[Pages S18054-S18055]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                    OPERATIONAL TEST AND EVALUATION

  Mr. ROTH. Mr. President, I rise today to express my strong opposition 
to what I believe is a very destructive provision in H.R. 1530, the 
Defense authorization bill.
  That provision would repeal the public laws that created and gave 
authority to the Director of Operational Test and Evaluation in the 
Office of the Secretary of Defense.
  What is at stake here are the lives of our men and women in uniform.
  The OT&E was created by Congress over 10 years ago with strong 
bipartisan support. The purpose of this office is to ensure that our 
servicemen receive weapons that are tested in an independent manner and 
in an operationally realistic environment. This office was created to 
guarantee that the weapons our soldiers take into the battlefield are 
ready for combat.
  In this important way, the OT&E saves lives.
  Mr. President, the OT&E is also the conscience of the acquisition 
process. Its work has helped to prevent waste and fraud. It is the 
cornerstone to Congress' and the Pentagon's fly-before-you-buy approach 
to new weapons platforms and other military equipment.
  In this important way, the OT&E saves the taxpayer money.
  I understand that the provisions eliminating the Director of the OT&E 
originated out of an effort to streamline the already bloated Pentagon 
bureaucracy. I support that larger effort. Together with Congressman 
Kasich, I have sponsored legislation that would streamline the 
Pentagon's acquisition process.
  However, eliminating an effective OT&E will not eliminate the need 
for testing under realistic battlefield conditions. It does raise the 
question as to what office will be responsible for approving tests and 
representing the troops through independent evaluations of new weapons.
  Moreover, the OT&E has already been streamlined. Last year's Federal 
Acquisition Streamlining Act merged live-fire testing with the 
operational testing function. We should also recognize that the OT&E is 
already one of the smallest directorates in the Pentagon.
  Mr. President, the OT&E is an office that has earned the respect of 
others in the Pentagon and in Congress. After Operation Desert Storm, 
former Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney stated that the vigorous, 
independent testing oversight put into place by Congress ``saved more 
lives'' than perhaps any other single initiative.
  Just last year, the GAO testified before Congress stating that the 
priority we give to independent testing and evaluation should be 
increased and not decreased. In its examination of operational testing, 
the GAO concluded that any changes to legislation for the testing and 
evaluation of military equipment should preserve, if not strengthen, 
the fly-before-buy principle.
  Yes, Mr. President, the provisions in this year's Defense 
authorization bill would weaken that legislation.
  Let me also remind my colleagues that this body, the U.S. Senate, 
unanimously passed a resolution just this last August expressing our 
belief that the authorities and office of the OT&E must be preserved. 
It is, thus, surprising if not shocking, that the conferees appear to 
have overlooked this resolution.
  Above all, Mr. President, the provisions that effectively decapitate 
the OT&E constitute an issue of priorities. Do we care more about 
reducing the size of the Office of the Secretary of Defense or the 
safety of our troops? I firmly believe that if this provision of the 
Defense Authorization Act is not removed, Congress will be putting 
countless lives at risk in the name of reducing a handful of billets.
  To do just that as we are sending our troops to Bosnia seems to me to 
be all the more dangerous. Just yesterday, I read in the New York Times 
that our forces deploying in the Balkans will be equipped with an array 
of new technologies that have never been tested in combat. Could we 
imagine sending our 

[[Page S 18055]]
troops to battle with equipment that we have not made the fullest 
effort to subject to operationally realistic testing?
  Mr. President, I urge the conferees of the Defense Authorization Act 
to remove the provisions eliminating the Office of Operational Test and 
Evaluation. If they are unable to remove that provision, I will 
encourage my colleagues in the Senate to vote against the authorization 
bill. The safety of our servicemen and women requires our full support.
  Mr. FEINGOLD addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Wisconsin [Mr. Feingold] is 
recognized.
  Mr. FEINGOLD. Mr. President, I rise today to make a brief statement 
about Senator Kassebaum which I know she prefers I wouldn't, but which 
she will have to endure as a price of her retirement. It is, of course, 
a statement of tribute to her service in the U.S. Senate, and an 
expression of deep personal regret that she has decided to retire.
  Many of my colleagues and the major papers are rightfully 
highlighting Senator Kassebaum's legislative accomplishments and her 
many courageous, nonpartisan positions. But I want to focus my comments 
on her role in United States-Africa relations. I have had the immense 
pleasure of working with her in the past year as the ranking member on 
the Subcommittee on African Affairs, of which she has been an active 
member since 1981, and of course now chairs. For me, Senator 
Kassebaum's deep commitment, genuine expertise, and tremendous 
leadership on Africa have been one of the most inspiring influences I 
have had while in the Senate.
  In many ways, the fact that she chose Africa as one of her 
specializations says so much about what kind of legislator she is. As 
our colleague from Illinois, Senator Simon, often reminds us, though 
well-known and admired in Africa, Senator Kassebaum surely got few 
votes in Kansas for advocating Africa's interests. It certainly is not 
glamorous to travel to many of the places in Africa she has visited. 
And she certainly does not get the limelight often accorded foreign 
policy experts as a leader on United States-Africa issues. However, she 
has made a commitment to the region because it is the right thing to 
do: because there are complex issues in Africa that call out for 
American attention, and there have been too few voices in Congress that 
have cared about the United States-Africa relationship. She has 
grappled with the difficult issues, such as the genocide in Rwanda, the 
failing transition to democracy in Nigeria, the small window of 
opportunity to consolidate peace in Liberia, the reconstruction of 
Angola, the tragedy in Sudan, and so much more. Senator Kassebaum can 
always be counted on to address these issues, and then to work 
persistently to shape intelligent and active U.S. policies. This 
commitment exemplifies the principle, integrity, and keen sense of 
responsibility that have characterized her entire career.

  But Senator Kassebaum also stands out for her bipartisan--even 
nonpartisan--approach. While working wonderfully as a team player, she 
also has the strength to be independent when her principles are at 
stake. That is one of the reasons she has been so effective. For 
example, in 1986 Senator Kassebaum broke with a Republican President 
and led the vote to impose sanctions on the racist apartheid regime of 
South Africa. This, of course, was the defining moment that changed 
United States policy from constructive engagement to isolation of the 
regime, which eventually brought down apartheid, and gave birth to 
majority rule in South Africa.
  She has presided over our subcommittee in the same nonpartisan 
manner. While the Foreign Relations Committee may seem entangled in 
bitter partisan battles, the Subcommittee on African Affairs has 
functioned actively and smoothly under Senator Kassebaum's leadership, 
demonstrating what bipartisanship can accomplish when reason prevails 
and pettiness and politics are set aside. For me, it has been a 
wonderful opportunity to learn about Africa, and I think it has also 
enabled the subcommittee to do its job as a policymaker. Senator 
Kassebaum has given me faith that in spite of all the rancor and 
partisan bickering, it is still possible in the Senate to reach across 
the aisle and work together.
  These are some of the attributes that have made Senator Kassebaum a 
great Senator. But she is also a joy to work with because she is such a 
delightful and gracious person. As much as I enjoy the subject matter, 
I think her kindness and dedication have helped sustain my active 
interest in Africa, and make it an enjoyable experience.
  It will certainly be a more lonely process without her. Mr. 
President, I will value the next several months, working with her and 
learning from her. I will sorely miss her in the next session.
  I yield the floor.

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