[Congressional Record Volume 141, Number 183 (Friday, November 17, 1995)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E2205-E2207]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                 BURMA AND THE UNITED NATIONS ASSEMBLY

                                 ______


                        HON. BENJAMIN A. GILMAN

                              of new york

                    in the house of representatives

                       Friday, November 17, 1995

  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, today, I am introducing House Resolution 
274, a resolution urging the administration to actively support and 
promote a resolution at the United Nations to call on the Government of 
Burma to restore civilian, democratic rule.
  In July we all learned the good news that after 6 years confinement 
in her home in Rangoon, Aung Asn Suu Kyi was released. Although her 
release is supposedly ``unconditional,'' due to the form of government 
in Rangoon, Suu Kyi and all of us know that she could be just as 
readily confined again as she was released. The ruling generals in 
Rangoon should not be rewarded for partially undoing something that 
they never should have done in the first place. Accordingly, while we 
are pleased about her new freedom, relations between Rangoon and 
Washington can not return to normal until there are some fundamental 
changes in Burma. The change that would 

[[Page E 2206]]
be most significant to us would be that the individuals who were 
democratically elected in 1990 are released from prison and allowed to 
run the government.
  Aung San Suu Kyi's arrest, detention and release is somewhat similar 
to the case of Harry Wu. In both instances totalitarian dictatorships 
under pressure from civilized nations for their egregious human rights 
abuses took a prominent individual hostage and then expected to be 
rewarded for their release. This convoluted logic may be acceptable to 
the inner circles of Rangoon and Beijing, but it is not transparent to 
democratic leaders around the world.
  Our Nation has many important reasons to be concerned about what 
occurs in Burma. High on our priority is the illicit drug production 
that has had a devastating impact on our cities, families, and schools. 
In 1948 when Burma became independent, the annual production of opium 
was 30 tons. Burma was then a democracy, it exported rice to its 
neighbors and the world, and it enjoyed a free-market system. It was 
known as the ``rice bowl'' of Asia. Today, Burma is one of the poorest 
nations in the world and its opium production has increased some 8,000 
percent to about 2,575 tons [1992-1993]. What is the reason for this 
massive increase? Bertil Litner, the Burma reporter for the Far East 
Economic Review, states in his book ``Burma in Revolt,'' that Burmese 
drug production is--

       . . . The inevitable consequence of the decades-long 
     Burmese tragedy; the inability of successive governments in 
     Rangoon to come to terms with the country's ethnic minorities 
     and the refusal of post-1962 military-dominated regimes to 
     permit an open, pluralistic society.

  The clear link between drug production and the military's intolerance 
for political pluralism became even more obvious when opium production 
more than doubled after Aung San Suu Kyi's arrest in 1989. This is 
directly linked to agreements made between the SLORC and the ethnic 
minorities that grow most of the opium and have been battling the 
Burmese central government rule for almost 50 years.
  Individual Wa and Kokang farmers earn between $50 to $75 a year for 
their harvest. Their leaders, while they are not all angels, are not 
like Khun Sa who has tennis courts, swimming pools, and concubines. 
Their motivation to grow opium is that it enables them to continue to 
fund their armies so that they can keep Rangoon at bay. Unfortunately, 
they grow even more than does Khun Sa.
  The administration has taken the position that there is a human 
rights problem in Burma but it must not be allowed to blind us to the 
drug problem. What the administration has failed to recognize is that 
the human rights problem is directly linked to the drug production. The 
administration has inadvertently created a false dichotomy between 
human rights and drug production. They have failed to understand that 
the drug production problem is a human rights problem. The majority of 
the opium grown in Burma is grown so that ethnic minorities can protect 
themselves. The underlying motivation behind much of the production is 
an economic one. It is very difficult to grow anything else in those 
regions and they need the money for arms. Until they feel confident 
that a representative form of government is established in Rangoon, 
they will continue to grow just like they have for the past 40 years. 
It is important that we bear in mind that when the SLORC annulled the 
results of the 1989 elections the Wa and the Kokang supported Aung San 
Suu Kyi's winning team.
  Recently Aung San Suu Kyi called for a halt in investment in Burma 
and stated that Burma should not be admitted as a member of ASEAN until 
it had a democratically elected government. If we want to seriously 
declare war on Burmese drug production then we need to strongly support 
her efforts to peacefully bring about positive change. It is both the 
pragmatic and principled thing to do.
  Accordingly, I urge my colleagues to support House Resolution 274.

                              H. Res. 274

       Whereas the military government of Burma, as a member of 
     the United Nations, is obligated to uphold the Universal 
     Declaration of Human Rights and all other international human 
     rights standards and conventions to which it is a signatory;
       Whereas the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council 
     (hereinafter referred to as the ``SLORC'') in Burma has 
     refused to recognize the results of the May 1990 elections, 
     which the National League for Democracy, led by Aung San Suu 
     Kyi, won by a landslide;
       Whereas the United Nations Commission on Human Rights in 
     March 1995 unanimously condemned the SLORC's refusal to 
     ``take all necessary steps towards democracy in light of 
     those elections'';
       Whereas the United Nations Commission on Human Rights also 
     expressed grave concern about violations of fundamental human 
     rights in Burma, including torture, summary and arbitrary 
     executions, massive use of forced labor including forced 
     portering for the military, abuse of women, political arrests 
     and detentions, restrictions on freedom of expression and 
     association, and oppressive measures directed at ethnic and 
     religious minorities;
       Whereas the United Nations Commission on Human Rights noted 
     that most of the 1,990 democratically elected representatives 
     have been excluded from the SLORC's ``National Convention'' 
     and concluded that the convention does not ``appear to 
     constitute the necessary step towards the restoration of 
     democracy,'';
       Whereas Burma continues to be one of the world's leading 
     sites of narcotics production and trafficking and, according 
     to the United States State Department, production of heroin 
     nearly tripled in Burma since the SLORC took power in a 
     violent coup in 1988;
       Whereas, according to the State Department's International 
     Narcotics Control Strategy Report of March 1995, the SLORC's 
     antinarcotics efforts last year ``fell far short of the 
     measures necessary to make serious progress against the drug 
     trade,'' and in addition, the SLORC's lack of control over 
     heroin-producing areas is due to the SLORC's allowing ``wide-
     ranging, local autonomy (to ethnic armies) in exchange for 
     halting their active insurgencies against Rangoon'';
       Whereas the peace agreements signed by the SLORC with 
     ethnic insurgencies since 1989 were supposed to lead to both 
     a decrease in opium production and economic development, but 
     according to the State Department's report, ``neither 
     development nor a reduction in opium cultivation has 
     occurred'';
       Whereas in 1948 when Burma became independent, the annual 
     production of opium was 30 tons, Burma was then a democracy, 
     it exported rice to its neighbors and the world, and it 
     enjoyed a free-market system;
       Whereas today Burma is one of the poorest nations in the 
     world and its opium production has increased some 8,000 
     percent to about 2,575 tons (1992-1993);
       Whereas the drug production increase is the consequence in 
     large degree of the inability of the successive military 
     governments in Rangoon to come to terms with the country's 
     ethnic minorities and the refusal of post-1962 military-
     dominated regimes to permit an open pluralistic society;
       Whereas it is primarily through a democratically elected 
     civilian government in Burma, supported by the Burmese people 
     including the ethnic minorities, that Burma can make 
     significant progress in controlling narcotics production and 
     trafficking;
       Whereas on July 10, 1995, the SLORC responded to 
     international pressure, including 5 resolutions by the United 
     Nations General Assembly, by releasing Aung San Suu Kyi, who 
     had been held under house arrest for 6 years;
       Whereas 16 elected Members of Parliament remain in 
     detention in Burma, along with thousands of other political 
     prisoners, according to Human Rights Watch/Asia, Amnesty 
     International, and other human rights monitoring groups;
       Whereas in July 1995 the International Committee of the Red 
     Cross (hereinafter referred to as the ``ICRC'') closed its 
     office in Burma due to the SLORC's refusal to agree to allow 
     the ICRC confidential regular access to prisoners;
       Whereas the United States ambassador to the United Nations 
     visited Burma in September 1995, met with Aung San Suu Kyi, 
     and also met with leaders of the SLORC and urged them to 
     ``choose the path'' of ``democracy, rather than continued 
     repression and dictatorial control,'' and declared that 
     ``fundamental change in the United States policy towards 
     Burma would depend on fundamental change in the SLORC's 
     treatment of the Burmese people; and
       Whereas the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Burma, 
     Professor Yozo Yokota, visited the country in October 1995 
     and will deliver a preliminary report of his findings to the 
     current session of the United Nations General Assembly: Now, 
     therefore, be it
       Resolved, That the House of Representatives calls on--
       (1) the Burmese Government to immediately begin a political 
     dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi, other democratic leaders, and 
     representatives of the ethnic minorities to release 
     immediately and unconditionally detained Members of 
     Parliament and other political prisoners, to repeal 
     repressive laws which prohibit freedom of association and 
     expression and the right of citizens to participate freely in 
     the political life of their country, to resume negotiations 
     with the International Committee of the Red Cross on access 
     to prisoners, and help control the massive flow of heroin 
     from Burma; and
       (2) the President, the Secretary of State, and the United 
     States ambassador to the United Nations to actively support 
     and promote a resolution at the upcoming session of the Third 
     Committee of the United Nations General Assembly reiterating 
     the grave concerns of the international community and calling 
     on the SLORC to take concrete, significant steps to fulfill 
     its obligations to guarantee respect to basic human rights 
     and to restore civilian, democratic rule to the people of 
     Burma.
     
[[Page E 2207]]


          WHAT'S MOST IMPORTANT--A TRIBUTE TO LAVONNE CICHOCKI

                                 ______


                        HON. STEVE C. LaTOURETTE

                                of ohio

                    in the house of representatives

                       Friday, November 17, 1995

  Mr. LaTOURETTE. Mr. Speaker, while the Congress has been grappling, 
often in a partisan manner, with the task of balancing the Federal 
budget, I received word yesterday from home that quickly made me 
remember what's most important in life.
  Fifteen years ago, I was a young, enthusiastic, idealistic, and 
probably obnoxious, public defender. Shortly after my arrival our 
office was joined by another young attorney, Chuck Cichocki. Chuck and 
I shared pretty much the same dreams and hopes. We both wanted to do 
our jobs well; we both wanted to build a family; and we both wanted to 
give our children the ability to share the American dream.
  Both of us were pretty successful in realizing those goals. With his 
wife, LaVonne, Chuck's family welcomed three beautiful children into 
the world. Chuck and LaVonne enjoyed a model marriage, a nurturing 
family, a respect of their community and each other. Sadly, the news 
from home yesterday was that, after a long and courageous struggle with 
cancer, LaVonne passed away.
  LaVonne Cichocki was a loving wife, a devoted mother and a great 
friend to all who knew her. Despite her pain, she remained active in 
her family's activities, her kids' school activities, and her 
participation in the events that helped shape the community in which 
they lived.
  The world is certainly a better place today because of LaVonne's 
life, and, sadly the sun shines a little bit dimmer with her passing.
  Mr. Speaker, our prayers must be with the Cichocki's today, and my 
most fervent hope is that we redouble our efforts and focus our 
attention more on helping families like Chuck and LaVonne's realize 
their dreams, and less time fighting for political points.

                          ____________________