[Congressional Record Volume 141, Number 181 (Wednesday, November 15, 1995)]
[House]
[Pages H12366-H12371]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                             {time}   1230
                ANNOUNCEMENT BY THE SPEAKER PRO TEMPORE

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Member should not make such personal 
references to the President of the United States.
  Mr. DREIER. I was quoting, Mr. Speaker.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. It makes no difference whether it was quoted 
or not quoted.
  Mr. BEILENSON. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to 
the gentleman from Michigan [Mr. Bonior], our distinguished whip.
  Mr. BONIOR. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague, my dear friend, Tony 
Beilenson, for allowing me this time.
  Let me just say at the outset I want to commend the Committee on 
Rules for the work they did on this particular rule. Let me also echo 
the points that were made by my friend, the gentleman from Wisconsin 
[Mr. Obey].
  The issue that we face here on the impending votes which will occur 
in the next few minutes on the rule itself is whether or not we want to 
allow the gentleman from Wisconsin [Mr. Obey] to offer a resolution in 
which he has over 135 Members sponsoring and will probably have over 
200 by the end of the day; to allow him to offer that motion which will 
extend the Government and put all 800,000 workers back to work until we 
can reach a resolution to this budget impasse; or whether or not we 
will be satisfied with just putting 100,000 of these Federal workers 
back to work.
  The date I believe that the gentleman from Wisconsin will extend this 
to is December 13. It seems to us if we are serious about dealing with 
this crisis, that, as this chart shows, affects over 1,161,000 
Americans: 28,000 American seniors and workers who have been unable to 
apply for Social Security or disability benefits; 200,000 American 
seniors who have tried to call the 1-800-HELP line for Social Security 
and got no answer. This has happened the first day of the crisis we are 
in. Over 7,000 American veterans have been unable to file compensation 
benefits and education benefit claims or adjustments; 781,000 people 
have been turned away from the national parks and monuments; 99,000 
tourists have been shut out of the Smithsonian museums and the National 
Zoo, the Kennedy Center, the Gallery of Art. It goes on and on: 45,000 
Americans have not been able to get passports to visit loved ones who 
may be sick or dying overseas; 700 recruits have been unable to enlist 
in our Nation's Armed Forces. 

[[Page H12367]]

  That happened in the first day, in the first day, and it is because 
800,000 Federal workers are not working. What the resolution that Mr. 
Obey has, that will be the pending vote before us, does is to allow 
them to go back to work until the December 13 and to give us some 
breathing room so we can work out this impasse that the Government is 
in.
  I urge my colleagues, as strongly as I can, to defeat the rule. The 
bill, as others have said, is something that many can support in this 
body, but it does not provide us the procedure to get to the bigger 
crisis at hand, and that is putting back 800,000 Americans to work in 
this country.
  So we urge defeat of the rule.
  Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to 
the gentleman from Louisiana [Mr. Livingston], the distinguished 
chairman of the Committee on Appropriations.
  (Mr. LIVINGSTON asked and was given permission to revise and extend 
his remarks.)
  Mr. LIVINGSTON. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend for yielding me time.
  Mr. Speaker, we have heard a lot of complaints in the last few days 
that the majority of both houses have not sent the President a clean 
CR, a clean continuing resolution. In fact, the President himself said 
that the reason he was vetoing the continuing resolution was because it 
had extraneous material in it.
  We have heard a lot of pontificating about the Congress not doing its 
business on time, not getting the bills done, because we are cluttering 
up the continuing resolutions in the interim while we try to get our 
appropriations bill through.
  I just want to say that, as I have noted before, continuing 
resolutions have been the theme of the day when the Democrats 
controlled the House and controlled the Senate. There have been 55 
continuing resolutions in the last 15 years, about 15 budget 
confrontations much like the one we are in today because there were 
differences between the President and the Congress. So all this has 
happened before.
  But just so that we not get carried away with the thought that a 
clean CR has always been cherished by what is now the minority, I would 
point out that when they were in the majority, as far back as 1974, 
they appended legislation, policy, real meaningful policy legislation, 
to a continuing resolution that had such an impact that it changes the 
history, the virtual history of the United States.
  I look at this document before me, which is the cover page of a 
continuing resolution act for 1975, dated June 30, 1974, making 
continuing appropriations for the fiscal year 1975, and for other 
purposes.
  If you go to one little obscure section, section 110 of that 
continuing appropriation, that CR, you find the following:

       None of the funds herein made available shall be obligated 
     or expended to finance directly or indirectly combat 
     activities by the United States military forces in or over or 
     from off the shores of North Vietnam, South Vietnam, Laos, or 
     Cambodia.

  My friends, we ended the Vietnam war with a continuing resolution. 
For whatever reason whether you agree or disagree, and I think most of 
us would agree it was the right thing to do, it was a major policy 
decision that was put on a CR, a continuing resolution.
  Mr. WALKER. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
  Mr. LIVINGSTON. I yield to the gentleman from Pennsylvania.
  Mr. WALKER. Mr. Speaker, is it possible that there are Members still 
in this body who would have voted for that continuing resolution, that 
actually ended the Vietnam war using a continuing resolution?
  Mr. LIVINGSTON. Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, I bet if we looked 
real hard, we could find a few Members who actually voted for this 
continuing resolution, with this significant policy statement on it, 
and I will bet you they are the same people, some of whom are 
complaining today because we did not send the President of the United 
States a clean continuing resolution.
  Mr. WALKER. Mr. Speaker, if the gentleman will yield further, in 
other words, the gentleman really believes that some people who are now 
out here arguing for a clean continuing resolution actually voted for a 
continuing resolution that had as a policy statement the ending of the 
Vietnam war?
  Mr. LIVINGSTON. Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, ended it, totally. 
And you know how they ended it? They cut off the funding. This was not 
a peace treaty. This was not negotiated with the President of the 
United States. Congress on its own unilaterally cut off the funding of 
the Vietnam war in a continuing resolution.
  Mr. WALKER. Mr. Speaker, if the gentleman will yield further, might 
there also be people in the Clinton administration that might have 
voted for that kind of a continuing resolution?
  Mr. LIVINGSTON. Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, I dare say there are 
people in the White House that might have supported this.
  Mr. WALKER. No, that cannot be. That cannot be.
  Mr. LIVINGSTON. Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, I share the 
gentleman's shock and horror, but I believe that maybe, just maybe, the 
President of the United States himself supported cutting off the 
funding of the Vietnam war by virtue of the continuing resolution, and 
today he is concerned about us submitting policy statements on the 
continuing resolution. It does strike me right at the heart.
  Mr. GIBBONS. . . .
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Florida has not been 
recognized. Regular order will prevail.
  Mr. BEILENSON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
North Carolina [Mr. Hefner].
  Mr. HEFNER. Mr. Speaker, I enjoyed the theatrics and the speeches. 
They were very entertaining for people that probably have nothing 
better to do than to watch these proceedings. But the fact remains, the 
fact remains, boys, gentleman, Mr. Chairman, you have not done your 
work. The things you are sending to the President absolutely have no 
place on this bill. And if you want to go back to when you were 
elected, you were elected to change things around here. All you do is 
go back in the rhetoric, what happened years ago. You were elected to 
change things, not to come here and talk about what happened in the 
past.
  But the fact remains, it has no business on this legislation. You 
have not done your work. You can show charts, you can wave your arms, 
you can be clever, you can have anecdotes, but the fact remains you 
have not done your work and you have not sent the President the 
appropriations bills, you just have not done the job that you were 
elected to do. You can rant and rave and make clever speeches, but it 
all boils down to the bottom line, you ain't done your work.
  Mr. BEILENSON. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to 
the gentleman from Wisconsin [Mr. Obey], the distinguished ranking 
member of the Committee on Appropriations.
  Mr. OBEY. Mr. Speaker, I will not take much time. I would simply try 
to reinforce what the gentleman from North Carolina has just said. We 
have heard several speakers take the floor on the Republican side of 
the aisle this morning and denounce business as usual. Then we hear 
others come to the floor and say, ``Well, it is all right to do this 
stuff on a continuing resolution because it was done in the past.'' I 
thought you folks were bragging about the fact that you had been 
elected to change business as usual.
  There is a very big difference between the action that was taken on 
the continuing resolution that ended the Vietnam war, and I was here 
and I voted for it and I helped draft it. I would note that the 
difference is that that resolution's passage saved lives, lots of them. 
This refusal today of this Congress to pass a continuing resolution is 
screwing up lives, and it is screwing up the country.
  Mr. DREIER. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
  Mr. OBEY. I yield to the gentleman from California.
  Mr. DREIER. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend for yielding. I think the 
gentleman is referring to my remarks earlier on this business-as-usual 
thing. I would simply like to clarify for the record what I meant.
  Mr. OBEY. Mr. Speaker, I was referring to the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania.
  Mr. DREIER. All I was trying to say when I referred to bringing 
business as usual to an end is that we have passed and are trying 
desperately to pursue a 

[[Page H12368]]
balanced budget. Since it has been a quarter of a century since we have 
done that, that is really the pattern of spending we are trying to end. 
That is what I was referring to when I mentioned ``business as usual.''
  Mr. OBEY. Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, I was not referring to the 
gentleman's comments; I was referring to the comments of the gentleman 
from Pennsylvania.
  But I would simply say, as I said once before and I will say it again 
and again until the majority finally gets it, that issue is not present 
on this bill. That issue is not present on any of the appropriations 
bills, except, so far as I know, only the interrelationship between the 
Labor-HEW and the Defense bill.
  The point is simply that what the timetable will be on the budget and 
what will be required in order to meet that will be determined on the 
reconciliation bill. But you are trying to make the President buy into 
ahead of time the idea that he will buy huge cuts in Medicare in order 
to reach your time table on a budget, and, in order to get him to do 
that, you are trying to hold up the ability of this House to keep the 
Government open, and you are trying to shift the debate from one venue 
to another. That is not a legitimate position for the Congress to take.
  I would simply say that in the end, what happened in the past is not 
important. What counts is what we are going to do now to make today 
sensible and tomorrow better. That is what is at issue here, and that 
is why these bills need to pass, and that is why a clean CR needs to 
pass.
  Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I think it is important to realize what we are voting on 
at this time. We have got a rule before us that such distinguished 
Members on the other side of the aisle as the gentleman from Maryland 
[Mr. Hoyer] and the gentleman from California [Mr. Beilenson] have said 
that they will support, and they have worked hard to get this bill 
before us. They admit that it is not a perfect bill from their vantage 
point; and from our vantage point it is not a perfect bill, but we are 
making progress.
  So we have to ask ourselves at what point, if we are making progress 
on an appropriations bill, and there are significant Members on the 
other side of the aisle, a percentage of Members on the other side of 
the aisle that have worked hard in making it possible for this bill to 
come to the floor and actually will support the rule, why it is that 
there is an effort to defeat the rule, which is what defeating the 
previous question would be?
  So I just want to put this in context once again. Many important 
issues have been brought out in this debate, but I think it is 
important to realize that we are talking about a rule that will be 
supported by many on the other side of the aisle, as well as on this 
side of the aisle, to bring before us a bill that will be supported on 
a bipartisan basis.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from 
Florida [Mr. Stearns].
  (Mr. STEARNS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. STEARNS. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my colleague from Florida 
for yielding me 2 minutes.
  Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from Wisconsin [Mr. Obey] and I talked 
yesterday afternoon about this business about it is ancient history 
what the Democrats have done for the last 40 years with their 
continuing resolutions. I went back and have done a little research. I 
am not going to take my full time to outline this ancient history. But 
because at this point, when we are talking about moving forward with a 
continuing resolution, the gentleman from Wisconsin [Mr. Obey] would 
say ``Let's not talk about what the Democrats did over the last 55 
years or last 40 years or last 10 years,'' I think it is important to 
note that in 1978-79 many appropriation bills were never passed.

                              {time}  1245

  And, in fact, in 1987 and 1988, not one of the 13 appropriation bills 
were ever passed or ever sent to the Congress. So the Democrats will 
come on the House floor and give this hue and cry all about, well, we 
are talking about a new history with the Republican party. But we are 
well ahead of what you did in 1987 and 1988, where not one of the 13 
appropriation bills was ever passed in Congress and sent to the 
President.
  I can just go from 1980, 1981, 1982. The minority party's record is 
clear that we are way ahead of where you were. So if we want to talk 
about our improving, we are already at an improvement point.
  I think the point my colleague should realize is that we are trying 
to balance the budget in 7 years. This is the whole issue. The whole 
defining issue is will we be able to balance the budget in 7 years, and 
continually the Democrats say we cut Medicare.
  Mr. Speaker, today, while explaining why he vetoed a bill that would 
have kept the Government from shutting down, the President expressed 
dismay that all 13 appropriations bills had not been passed by the 
Congress and signed into law. Yet since 1977 the Congress failed 
entirely to pass all 13 appropriations bills 11 times. That's right, at 
least 11 times the Congress failed to pass at least one of the 
appropriations bills, at all.
  Since 1990, the Democratic run Congress has shut down the Government 
nine times. The last time, in 1990, they forced President Bush to 
accept a compromise with them over the budget which resulted in Mr. 
Bush breaking his ``No New Taxes'' pledge. I didn't hear Mr. Panetta, 
then the Budget Committee chairman and now the President's Chief of 
Staff, claiming he was blackmailing the President.
  Since 1977 the Democratic run Congress has spent the entire year on a 
continuing resolution for at least 1 of the 13 appropriations bills 11 
times. In fact, for both fiscal year 1987 and 1988 the Congress failed 
to send even 1 of the 13 appropriations bills to the President. They 
spent both those years with only continuing resolutions.
  Let me just list the specific instances.
  In fiscal year 1978, the Labor-HEW bill was never passed. In fiscal 
year 1979, the energy and water bill was never passed.
  In fiscal year 1980, the foreign operations, Labor-HHS, and 
legislative branch bills were never passed. In fiscal year 1981, the 
Labor-HHS, legislative branch, Commerce-Justice, and Treasury-Postal 
bills were never passed. In fiscal year 1982, the Commerce-Justice, 
Labor-HHS, legislative branch, and Treasury-Postal bills were never 
passed. In fiscal year 1983, the Commerce-Justice, energy and water, 
foreign operations, Labor-HHS, legislative branch, and Treasury-Postal 
bills were never passed. In fiscal year 1984, the agriculture, foreign 
operations, and Treasury-Postal bills were never passed. In fiscal year 
1985, the Agriculture, Defense, District of Columbia, foreign 
operations, Interior, military construction, transportation, and 
Treasury-Postal bills never passed. In fiscal year 1986, the 
Agriculture, Defense, District of Columbia, foreign operations, 
Interior, Transportation, and Treasury-Postal bills were never passed. 
And in both fiscal years 1987 and 1988, not 1 of the 13 appropriations 
bills was ever passed and sent to the President.
  I have heard it said that they feared to send 13 separate bills to 
Presidents Reagan and Bush as then the President could have vetoed only 
part of their budget. I was not yet privileged to serve in Congress 
when these actions were taken, but I know that we have no such fears 
and will soon send all 13 bills to the President.
  Mr. Speaker, I know that there are fewer Democrats today then there 
were when they passed the 55 continuing resolutions, and when they 
acted only with continuing resolutions for an entire year 11 times, but 
I find it hard to believe that none of those remaining can remember the 
facts of what actually occurred in the past.
  I hope that the President will agree to negotiate with our leadership 
soon, and that we can reach an agreement on this important legislation. 
After all, it is the veterans, seniors and other people who rely on 
their Government who will suffer if we don't.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Wisconsin [Mr. Obey], but 
is it not true that the Republican plan slows the growth of Medicare 
and does not cut Medicare? Just yes or no.
  Mr. OBEY. Mr. Speaker, that is not why I asked the gentleman to 
yield. I asked him to yield because I wanted to ask him why does his 
side not include the record last year?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Bunning of Kentucky). The gentleman's 
time has expired.
  Mr. BEILENSON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Wisconsin [Mr. Obey].
  Mr. OBEY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time.
  I would simply suggest, as I did yesterday, instead of looking at the 
deep, dark, distant past, why not look at last 

[[Page H12369]]
year. Last year, I took over as chairman of the Committee on 
Appropriations. We finished all 13 appropriations bills. They were all 
signed by the President before the end of the fiscal year.
  The reason that happened is because I went to the ranking Republican 
and I said let us work out a bipartisan approach to all 13 bills. It 
was the very first thing I did. We did, and that is why it passed. If 
the majority had done the same thing on these bills, they might have 
had the same result. But they did not, which is why 10 of them are 
still stuck in the muck.
  Mr. STEARNS. Mr. Speaker, would the gentleman yield for 10 seconds?
  Mr. OBEY. I yield to the gentleman from Florida.
  Mr. STEARNS. Mr. Speaker, if we had the Presidency, if the 
Republicans had the Presidency, we would pass all these, and we would 
not be talking about the continuing resolution or the debt ceiling.
  Mr. OBEY. Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, let us talk about 
conditions that do exist instead of talking about fantasy conditions.
  Mr. BEILENSON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Maine [Mr. Baldacci].
  Mr. BALDACCI. Mr. Speaker, I am a freshman Member of Congress. I have 
been here for a little over 10 months, and I have supported a balanced 
budget over 7 years without any tax breaks. I do not like a gun being 
held to my head to support a balanced budget with large tax breaks and 
increases in the military budget over that same 7-year period. But that 
is a separate debate from the debate on a continuing resolution.
  This Congress has not completed its work and is using a continuing 
resolution to continue running the Government because it has not 
finished its work. To add items onto it that would be unacceptable to 
me and maybe other Members of their own party, let alone the President 
of the United States, Mr. Speaker, this country is being held hostage 
in this process because they cannot win it on their own merits. We 
should have this discussion, and it should be separate and apart.
  I had a veteran call my office today and want to know about their 
veterans benefits, and then I watched the majority colleagues conduct 
themselves on the floor, and I thought to myself, there are good hard-
working people that are worried, that have paid their taxes, have 
raised their family, and if they had watched what happened on the floor 
of the House, regardless of party, they would be truly disappointed.
  Mr. Speaker, at the same time that there is peace talks going on in 
the United States in regards to Bosnia and trying to bring parties 
together, it seems like the parties in the well of the House cannot 
come together in the public interest.
  The President has not done anything wrong, and I resent the name 
calling, indirectly, of the President of the United States. He has not 
done anything wrong. It is the Congress that has not completed its work 
by October 1, this year. Whatever happened in the past, happened in the 
past. Let us move forward into the future and let us do it in the 
public interest.
  Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
California [Mr. Cunningham].
  Mr. CUNNINGHAM. Mr. Speaker, when it boils down to whether we are 
talking the debt ceiling, a CR, or a balanced budget, it goes to a 
balanced budget.
  I would say to my friend, the gentleman from Wisconsin [Mr. Obey], 
the President promised that he would balance the budget within 5 years. 
He has 2 years left on that promise. He said that it had to be scored 
by CBO, the only people that could really justify and certify it. Well, 
we had a vote on this House floor, 300 votes for a balanced budget that 
balances the budget in 7 years. The Senate did likewise, so both 
bodies, the House and the Senate, agreed, and it was CBO scored and 
certified in 7 years, bipartisan. Yet the President refuses to sign it 
knowing that we do not have enough votes in the Senate to override it.
  Mr. Speaker, we have the will of the people, the will of the House, 
the will of the Senate, but yet the President and the leftees that 
control this place are advising the President not to sign it. That is 
what all this is about.
  When we talk about appropriations bills that the minority side passed 
last Congress when they were in the majority, let us look at that. The 
gentleman says it was bipartisan. Not a single Republican voted for 
that tax and spend package. It cut COLA's. The highest tax in the 
history of the United States. They cut military COLA's. They increased 
tax on Social Security and they cut defense $177 billion. We are now 
$200 billion below the bottom up review in defense. In looking at 
Bosnia, the minority put this world at a threat.
  The minority promised they would have a middle-class tax cut in that 
package, in that bipartisan approach, but they increased the marginal 
rate of the middle class and put a tax cut on them. That was 
bipartisan?
  Mr. BEILENSON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Virginia [Mr. Moran].
  Mr. MORAN. Mr. Speaker, we are specifically debating the rule on this 
bill, and the fact is that the Committee on Rules has been reasonable 
on this particular rule, but there is a more important, more overriding 
and compelling issue facing us, and it is because of this issue that we 
need to attach a clean continuing resolution to this bill.
  Let me address some of the people who have become pawns in what has 
become an intense, largely political, struggle between the White House 
and the Congress. There were 800,000 people who were sent home 
yesterday, people who were told when they came into work that they were 
nonessential, that they were not needed. Now, we have been assured that 
every one of them is going to get paid, but think about this.
  The Federal taxpayer will pay out a billion dollars this week for 
those Federal employees to stay home from work. Is that right? Is that 
fair? It certainly is not what Federal employees want. What about the 
1.2 million Federal employees who are working, who will get the same 
compensation, who will come to work every day and get paid the very 
same amount that their colleague down the hallway is going to get for 
not working?
  Mr. Speaker, we should think of the situation that we have created 
here. Think of the disabled veteran who just came to the office which 
said they cannot file for his benefit that he is entitled to because 
that office is not open. We saw on this chart the thousands of veterans 
across the country who will not get their benefits; and 28,000 Social 
Security people who will not be able to apply for their benefits. They 
are all pawns in this struggle.
  The reality of the situation is that this is not, as the gentleman 
from California [Mr. Cunningham] suggested, a matter of the Democratic 
leftees driving us off the cliff; this is a matter of the House 
Republicans not being able to agree with the Senate Republicans and not 
getting appropriation bills to the President in time. Had the 
Republicans, who control the votes in both the House and Senate, been 
able to reach agreement any time over the last 11 months, and sent any 
of the 13 spending bills to the President before the end of the fiscal 
year, there would, quite possibly, have been no need for any continuing 
resolution, and certainly no need for any Government shutdown.
  But the more moderate Republican Senators couldn't accept the most 
extreme and inappropriate riders that the House Republicans insisted on 
adding to all of these spending bills. That's where the responsibility 
must lie, and that's why we need to pass a clean continuing resolution 
today.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Let me remind the gentleman from Florida 
[Mr. Diaz-Balart] that he has 3 minutes remaining and is entitled to 
close; and the gentleman from California [Mr. Beilenson] has one-half 
minute remaining.
  Mr. BEILENSON. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
  Mr. Speaker, I associate myself with the remarks just made by the 
gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Moran], and previously the remarks made by 
the gentleman from Wisconsin [Mr. Obey] and by the gentleman from 
Maryland [Mr. Hoyer], who are, I think, very much on the mark.
  Finally, Mr. Speaker, I urge a ``no'' vote on the previous question. 
If the previous question is defeated, we will offer an amendment to the 
rule that will self-execute a motion that the House recede from its 
disagreement to 

[[Page H12370]]
the Senate amendment and concur with an amendment that extends the 
continuing resolution, a clean continuing resolution, through December 
13, 1995.
  Mr. Speaker, I include a copy of the amendment in the Record at this 
point.

                Text of the Previous Question Amendment

       In House Resolution 267 on page 2, line 7 strike ``insist 
     on'' and insert ``recede from''
       On page 2, line 8 after ``132'' insert: ``And concur 
     therein with an amendment substituting the matter contained 
     in section 2 of this resolution''
       At the end of the resolution add the following:

     SEC 2.

       Section 106(c) of Public Law 104-31 (109 Stat. 280) is 
     amended by striking ``November 13, 1995'' and inserting 
     ``December 13, 1995''.''

  Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the remainder of my 
time.
  Mr. Speaker, we have before us a rule that will bring to the floor a 
bill that covers almost 200,000 Federal employees, and that is what we 
are talking about. We are talking about passing a bill today, sending 
it to the President, that will permit almost 200,000 Federal employees 
to go to work tomorrow.
  In addition to that, the bill maintains a glidepath, is on a 
glidepath to a balanced budget in 7 years. Now, the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania [Mr. Walker], was, I think, very much correct in bringing 
out the fact that other econometric projections, whether they are 
called continuing resolutions, which would not be germane to this bill, 
if the previous question were to fail, it would not be germane today on 
this rule, an econometric projection or theory that continues to pile 
debt is not as clean as some maintain that it is.
  What we have before us in synthesis, Mr. Speaker, is a rule that will 
permit us to vote on a bill that is on a glidepath to a balanced budget 
in 7 years and that tomorrow will permit 200,000 Federal workers to go 
back to work.
  So I would hope that the spirit of compromise that was propounded and 
mentioned again today on the floor by such distinguished Members on the 
other side of the aisle as the gentleman from Maryland [Mr. Hoyer] and 
the gentleman from California [Mr. Beilenson] who say they will vote 
for the rule, will prevail, and that we will be able to pass this rule, 
obviously succeed on the motion for the previous question, pass the 
rule and then pass the bill.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the 
previous question.
  The previous question was ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on ordering the previous 
question.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the ayes appeared to have it.
  Mr. BEILENSON. Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a 
quorum is not present and make the point of order that a quorum is not 
present.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Evidently a quorum is not present.
  Pursuant to clause 5 of rule XV, the Chair announces that he will 
reduce to a minimum of 5 minutes the period of time within which a vote 
by electronic device, if ordered, will be taken on the question of 
agreeing to the resolution.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 233, 
nays 189, not voting 10, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 795]

                               YEAS--233

     Allard
     Archer
     Armey
     Bachus
     Baker (CA)
     Baker (LA)
     Ballenger
     Barr
     Barrett (NE)
     Bartlett
     Barton
     Bass
     Bateman
     Bereuter
     Bilbray
     Bilirakis
     Bliley
     Blute
     Boehlert
     Boehner
     Bonilla
     Bono
     Brownback
     Bryant (TN)
     Bunn
     Bunning
     Burr
     Burton
     Buyer
     Callahan
     Calvert
     Camp
     Canady
     Castle
     Chabot
     Chambliss
     Chenoweth
     Christensen
     Chrysler
     Clinger
     Coble
     Coburn
     Collins (GA)
     Combest
     Cooley
     Cox
     Crane
     Crapo
     Cremeans
     Cubin
     Cunningham
     Davis
     Deal
     DeLay
     Diaz-Balart
     Dickey
     Doolittle
     Dornan
     Dreier
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Ehlers
     Ehrlich
     Emerson
     English
     Ensign
     Everett
     Ewing
     Fawell
     Flanagan
     Foley
     Forbes
     Fowler
     Fox
     Franks (CT)
     Franks (NJ)
     Frelinghuysen
     Frisa
     Funderburk
     Gallegly
     Ganske
     Gekas
     Gilchrest
     Gillmor
     Gilman
     Goodlatte
     Goodling
     Goss
     Graham
     Greenwood
     Gunderson
     Gutknecht
     Hancock
     Hansen
     Hastert
     Hastings (WA)
     Hayes
     Hayworth
     Hefley
     Heineman
     Herger
     Hilleary
     Hobson
     Hoekstra
     Hoke
     Horn
     Hostettler
     Hunter
     Hutchinson
     Hyde
     Inglis
     Istook
     Johnson (CT)
     Johnson, Sam
     Jones
     Kasich
     Kelly
     Kim
     King
     Kingston
     Klug
     Knollenberg
     Kolbe
     LaHood
     Largent
     Latham
     LaTourette
     Laughlin
     Lazio
     Leach
     Lewis (CA)
     Lewis (KY)
     Lightfoot
     Linder
     Livingston
     LoBiondo
     Longley
     Lucas
     Manzullo
     Martini
     McCollum
     McCrery
     McDade
     McHugh
     McInnis
     McIntosh
     McKeon
     Metcalf
     Meyers
     Mica
     Miller (FL)
     Molinari
     Moorhead
     Morella
     Myers
     Myrick
     Nethercutt
     Neumann
     Ney
     Norwood
     Nussle
     Oxley
     Packard
     Parker
     Paxon
     Petri
     Pombo
     Porter
     Portman
     Pryce
     Quillen
     Quinn
     Radanovich
     Ramstad
     Regula
     Riggs
     Roberts
     Rogers
     Rohrabacher
     Ros-Lehtinen
     Roth
     Roukema
     Royce
     Salmon
     Sanford
     Saxton
     Scarborough
     Schaefer
     Schiff
     Seastrand
     Sensenbrenner
     Shadegg
     Shaw
     Shays
     Shuster
     Skeen
     Skelton
     Smith (MI)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smith (TX)
     Smith (WA)
     Solomon
     Souder
     Spence
     Stearns
     Stockman
     Stump
     Talent
     Tate
     Tauzin
     Taylor (NC)
     Thomas
     Thornberry
     Tiahrt
     Torkildsen
     Traficant
     Upton
     Visclosky
     Vucanovich
     Waldholtz
     Walker
     Walsh
     Wamp
     Watts (OK)
     Weldon (FL)
     Weldon (PA)
     Weller
     Whitfield
     Wicker
     Wolf
     Young (FL)
     Zeliff
     Zimmer

                               NAYS--189

     Abercrombie
     Ackerman
     Andrews
     Baesler
     Baldacci
     Barcia
     Barrett (WI)
     Becerra
     Beilenson
     Bentsen
     Berman
     Bevill
     Bishop
     Bonior
     Borski
     Boucher
     Brewster
     Brown (CA)
     Brown (FL)
     Brown (OH)
     Bryant (TX)
     Cardin
     Chapman
     Clay
     Clayton
     Clement
     Clyburn
     Coleman
     Collins (IL)
     Collins (MI)
     Condit
     Conyers
     Costello
     Coyne
     Cramer
     Danner
     de la Garza
     DeFazio
     DeLauro
     Dellums
     Deutsch
     Dicks
     Dingell
     Dixon
     Doggett
     Dooley
     Doyle
     Durbin
     Edwards
     Engel
     Eshoo
     Evans
     Farr
     Fattah
     Fazio
     Filner
     Flake
     Foglietta
     Frank (MA)
     Frost
     Furse
     Gejdenson
     Gephardt
     Geren
     Gibbons
     Gonzalez
     Gordon
     Green
     Gutierrez
     Hall (OH)
     Hall (TX)
     Hamilton
     Harman
     Hastings (FL)
     Hefner
     Hilliard
     Hinchey
     Holden
     Hoyer
     Jackson-Lee
     Jacobs
     Jefferson
     Johnson (SD)
     Johnson, E. B.
     Johnston
     Kanjorski
     Kaptur
     Kennedy (MA)
     Kennedy (RI)
     Kennelly
     Kildee
     Kleczka
     Klink
     LaFalce
     Lantos
     Levin
     Lewis (GA)
     Lincoln
     Lipinski
     Lofgren
     Lowey
     Luther
     Maloney
     Manton
     Markey
     Martinez
     Mascara
     Matsui
     McCarthy
     McDermott
     McHale
     McKinney
     McNulty
     Meehan
     Meek
     Menendez
     Mfume
     Miller (CA)
     Minge
     Mink
     Moakley
     Mollohan
     Montgomery
     Moran
     Murtha
     Nadler
     Neal
     Oberstar
     Obey
     Olver
     Ortiz
     Orton
     Owens
     Pallone
     Pastor
     Payne (NJ)
     Payne (VA)
     Pelosi
     Peterson (FL)
     Peterson (MN)
     Pickett
     Pomeroy
     Poshard
     Rahall
     Rangel
     Reed
     Richardson
     Rivers
     Roemer
     Rose
     Roybal-Allard
     Rush
     Sabo
     Sanders
     Sawyer
     Schroeder
     Schumer
     Scott
     Serrano
     Skaggs
     Slaughter
     Spratt
     Stark
     Stenholm
     Stokes
     Studds
     Stupak
     Tanner
     Taylor (MS)
     Tejeda
     Thompson
     Thornton
     Thurman
     Torres
     Torricelli
     Towns
     Velazquez
     Vento
     Ward
     Waters
     Watt (NC)
     Waxman
     Williams
     Wilson
     Wise
     Woolsey
     Wyden
     Wynn
     Yates

                             NOT VOTING--10

     Browder
     Fields (LA)
     Fields (TX)
     Ford
     Houghton
     Sisisky
     Tucker
     Volkmer
     White
     Young (AK)

                              {time}  1318

  Messrs. DINGELL, BARCIA, and STUPAK changed their vote from ``yea'' 
to ``nay.''
  So the previous question was ordered.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Bunning of Kentucky). The question is on 
the resolution.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the ayes appeared to have it.
  Mr. OBEY. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. This will be a 5-minute vote.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 285, 
nays 133, not voting 14, as follows:

[[Page H12371]]


                             [Roll No 796]

                               YEAS--285

     Allard
     Archer
     Armey
     Bachus
     Baker (CA)
     Baker (LA)
     Ballenger
     Barr
     Barrett (NE)
     Barrett (WI)
     Bartlett
     Barton
     Bass
     Bateman
     Beilenson
     Bereuter
     Berman
     Bevill
     Bilbray
     Bilirakis
     Bishop
     Bliley
     Blute
     Boehlert
     Boehner
     Bonilla
     Bono
     Brewster
     Browder
     Brown (OH)
     Brownback
     Bryant (TN)
     Bunn
     Bunning
     Burr
     Burton
     Buyer
     Calvert
     Camp
     Canady
     Cardin
     Castle
     Chabot
     Chambliss
     Chenoweth
     Christensen
     Chrysler
     Clement
     Clinger
     Coble
     Coburn
     Collins (GA)
     Combest
     Condit
     Cooley
     Costello
     Cox
     Cramer
     Crane
     Crapo
     Cremeans
     Cubin
     Cunningham
     Davis
     Deal
     DeLay
     Diaz-Balart
     Dickey
     Dicks
     Dingell
     Dixon
     Dooley
     Doolittle
     Dornan
     Dreier
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Ehlers
     Ehrlich
     Emerson
     English
     Ensign
     Eshoo
     Everett
     Ewing
     Farr
     Fawell
     Flanagan
     Foley
     Forbes
     Fowler
     Fox
     Franks (CT)
     Franks (NJ)
     Frelinghuysen
     Frisa
     Funderburk
     Gallegly
     Ganske
     Gekas
     Geren
     Gilchrest
     Gillmor
     Gilman
     Goodlatte
     Goss
     Graham
     Greenwood
     Gunderson
     Gutknecht
     Hall (OH)
     Hall (TX)
     Hamilton
     Hancock
     Hansen
     Hastert
     Hastings (WA)
     Hayes
     Hayworth
     Hefley
     Hefner
     Heineman
     Herger
     Hilleary
     Hobson
     Hoekstra
     Hoke
     Holden
     Horn
     Hostettler
     Hoyer
     Hunter
     Hutchinson
     Hyde
     Inglis
     Jacobs
     Johnson (CT)
     Johnson, Sam
     Jones
     Kasich
     Kelly
     Kennedy (RI)
     Kennelly
     Kildee
     Kim
     King
     Kingston
     Kleczka
     Klug
     Knollenberg
     Kolbe
     LaHood
     Largent
     Latham
     LaTourette
     Laughlin
     Lazio
     Leach
     Levin
     Lewis (CA)
     Lewis (KY)
     Lightfoot
     Lincoln
     Linder
     Lipinski
     Livingston
     LoBiondo
     Longley
     Lucas
     Luther
     Manzullo
     Martini
     McCarthy
     McCollum
     McCrery
     McDade
     McHugh
     McInnis
     McKeon
     Metcalf
     Meyers
     Mica
     Miller (FL)
     Moakley
     Molinari
     Montgomery
     Moorhead
     Moran
     Morella
     Murtha
     Myers
     Myrick
     Nethercutt
     Neumann
     Ney
     Nussle
     Ortiz
     Orton
     Oxley
     Packard
     Parker
     Paxon
     Payne (VA)
     Petri
     Pombo
     Porter
     Portman
     Poshard
     Pryce
     Quillen
     Quinn
     Rahall
     Ramstad
     Regula
     Richardson
     Riggs
     Rivers
     Roberts
     Roemer
     Rogers
     Rohrabacher
     Ros-Lehtinen
     Roth
     Roukema
     Royce
     Salmon
     Sanford
     Sawyer
     Saxton
     Scarborough
     Schaefer
     Schiff
     Seastrand
     Sensenbrenner
     Shadegg
     Shaw
     Shays
     Shuster
     Sisisky
     Skaggs
     Skeen
     Skelton
     Smith (MI)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smith (TX)
     Smith (WA)
     Solomon
     Souder
     Spence
     Stearns
     Stenholm
     Stockman
     Studds
     Stump
     Stupak
     Talent
     Tate
     Tauzin
     Taylor (NC)
     Thomas
     Thornberry
     Thornton
     Thurman
     Tiahrt
     Torkildsen
     Traficant
     Upton
     Visclosky
     Vucanovich
     Waldholtz
     Walker
     Walsh
     Wamp
     Ward
     Watts (OK)
     Weldon (FL)
     Weldon (PA)
     Weller
     Whitfield
     Wicker
     Wise
     Wolf
     Young (FL)
     Zeliff
     Zimmer

                               NAYS--133

     Abercrombie
     Ackerman
     Andrews
     Baesler
     Baldacci
     Becerra
     Bentsen
     Bonior
     Borski
     Boucher
     Brown (CA)
     Brown (FL)
     Bryant (TX)
     Chapman
     Clay
     Clayton
     Clyburn
     Coleman
     Collins (IL)
     Collins (MI)
     Conyers
     Coyne
     Danner
     de la Garza
     DeFazio
     DeLauro
     Dellums
     Deutsch
     Doggett
     Doyle
     Durbin
     Edwards
     Engel
     Evans
     Fattah
     Fazio
     Filner
     Flake
     Foglietta
     Ford
     Frank (MA)
     Frost
     Furse
     Gejdenson
     Gephardt
     Gibbons
     Gonzalez
     Gordon
     Green
     Gutierrez
     Harman
     Hastings (FL)
     Hilliard
     Hinchey
     Istook
     Jackson-Lee
     Jefferson
     Johnson (SD)
     Johnson, E. B.
     Johnston
     Kanjorski
     Kaptur
     Kennedy (MA)
     Klink
     LaFalce
     Lantos
     Lewis (GA)
     Lofgren
     Lowey
     Maloney
     Manton
     Markey
     Martinez
     Mascara
     Matsui
     McDermott
     McHale
     McIntosh
     McKinney
     McNulty
     Meehan
     Meek
     Menendez
     Mfume
     Miller (CA)
     Minge
     Mink
     Mollohan
     Nadler
     Neal
     Oberstar
     Obey
     Olver
     Owens
     Pallone
     Pastor
     Payne (NJ)
     Peterson (FL)
     Peterson (MN)
     Pickett
     Pomeroy
     Rangel
     Reed
     Rose
     Roybal-Allard
     Rush
     Sabo
     Sanders
     Schroeder
     Schumer
     Scott
     Serrano
     Spratt
     Stark
     Stokes
     Tanner
     Taylor (MS)
     Tejeda
     Thompson
     Torres
     Torricelli
     Towns
     Velazquez
     Vento
     Waters
     Watt (NC)
     Waxman
     Williams
     Wilson
     Woolsey
     Wyden
     Wynn
     Yates

                             NOT VOTING--14

     Barcia
     Callahan
     Fields (LA)
     Fields (TX)
     Goodling
     Houghton
     Norwood
     Pelosi
     Radanovich
     Slaughter
     Tucker
     Volkmer
     White
     Young (AK)

                              {time}  1327

  So the resolution was agreed to.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.

                          ____________________