[Congressional Record Volume 141, Number 148 (Thursday, September 21, 1995)]
[House]
[Pages H9415-H9419]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




          THE IMPORTANCE OF REDISTRICTING DECISIONS IN GEORGIA

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a previous order of the House, the 
gentlewoman from Georgia [Ms. McKinney] is recognized for 60 minutes.
  Ms. McKINNEY. Madam Speaker, I come again this afternoon as a 
continuing part of my mission. That mission involves the educational 
process around the issue of redistricting, and why what is happening in 
Georgia is so important, not just for the people of Georgia, but for 
all of the people of this country who value democracy, who value the 
opportunity for all people who call themselves American citizens to be 
able to sit at the table of public policymaking and feel that they have 
an investment in the decisions that are being made about this country.
  I want to begin by commending the members of the Georgia Legislative 
Black Caucus, who have endured a tremendous trial during the recently 
disbanded, recently adjourned special session. The United States 
Supreme Court ruled that Georgia's 11th Congressional District was 
unconstitutional, and as a result of that decision, the Governor of the 
State of Georgia called the Georgia Legislature into special session. 
The purpose of the special session was to redraw the congressional 
districts to correct those flaws that the Supreme Court found, 
particularly in the 11th Congressional District of Georgia, but also, 
in the call for congressional redistricting, the Governor included 
legislative redistricting.
  There had been no lawsuit against the State legislative districts. 
There had been no finding of unconstitutionality against those 
districts, but for some reason, some predetermined reason, those 
districts were included in the call. So begins the tragic story of 

[[Page H 9416]]
the experiences of the Georgia Legislative Black Caucus that fought 
valiantly to protect its three democratic incumbents who are now in 
Congress, and to protect itself against what some have called a hoax.
  I am going to begin by just a discussion of these districts that have 
been much maligned by supposedly powerful and very intelligent people. 
The 11th Congressional District was called a monstrosity by the lower 
court, the court in Georgia, a monstrosity. How can you call a district 
that allows for the first time people to have representation in the 
Halls of Congress a monstrosity? The district worked, it worked because 
people understood that the had an opportunity to elect their candidate 
of choice. They did not have to always be on the losing end. Those 
people in the 11th Congressional District chose to send me to Congress 
to represent their interests, to speak out on their behalf. I have 
tried to do a good job at it.
  The 11th Congressional District of Georgia is no monstrosity. In 
fact, if there is a monstrosity, it rests with those people who would 
like to deny these people who have never had an opportunity to have 
someone walk in their neighborhood and then walk these Halls of 
Congress, to deny to those people, those people whom I call my valiant 
warriors, the opportunity to be elected by someone of their choice.
  I have some maps here. The first map is the Sixth District of 
Illinois. Some might say that it is a monstrosity. It certainly is not 
pretty, but it is an effective district, because it allows the people 
who live inside this district the opportunity to elect their candidate 
of choice. This district is comprised of a supermajority. The 
supermajority just happens to be 95 percent white. This district has 
gone unchallenged in the courts. What is wrong with this district? 
Nothing is wrong with this district. This district functions according 
to our democracy.

  I have another map here, Texas' Sixth District. It also might be 
called a monstrosity, but it has not been. It is composed of a 
supermajority. The supermajority just happens to be 91-percent white. 
This district, along with the entire map of Texas' congressional 
districts, was challenged in the courts.

                              {time}  1530

  The Texas court came back with a decision that invalidated the 
historic district represented once by Barbara Jordan. It invalidated 
the district that is currently represented by Eddie Bernice Johnson of 
Dallas, TX, a new district.
  But the court said that this district, that goes from here and all 
the way around just like this and picks up people here, picks up people 
there, leaves out people there, that district is constitutional. 
Barbara Jordan's district is unconstitutional. Eddie Bernice Johnson's 
district is unconstitutional. But this district, that is 91-percent 
white, has been declared constitutional by the courts.
  What is going on here? Is it that there are only funny-looking black 
districts? Obviously the answer is no.
  Is it that only black districts are declared unconstitutional? Black 
districts and those districts that are majority Latino so far have been 
targeted for unconstitutionality.
  I have here Georgia's 11th Congressional District, 64-percent black, 
one of the most integrated districts in the State of Georgia, one of 
the most integrated districts across the South. This district, that 
gives rise to voices that have been left out of the political process 
to finally be heard, this district was declared unconstitutional.
  I would have to conclude that when it comes to the issue of 
redistricting and the shapes of districts, it ain't about shape at all. 
It is about the color of the representation that is elected from these 
districts, and the possibility that in the old South we could finally 
herald in a new era that bypasses, gets us across that bridge of racial 
divide and allows black people, white people, people of color, women, 
Latinos to sit down at the table of policymaking and fashion strategies 
to resolve our communities' problems.
  What better America could we want for? The America of promise, the 
America of the American dream, the America which strives to include 
everybody? Or do we want to go back to yesterday? To go back to that 
infamous day when black people, who had been duly elected by the 
citizens of the various States throughout the South, were expelled for 
no other reason than the color of their skin?
  What we are looking at today is the possibility that I could become 
the second African-American of the 20th century to be expelled for no 
other reason than the color of my skin. We cannot afford to allow that 
to happen.
  What happened in Georgia particularly? What happened in Georgia can 
be summed up by the headline in this newspaper: ``Committee Okays One 
Black District.'' The bottom line, it appears to me, is that the 
tolerance level for people from the State of Georgia to have three 
black people in Congress is not very high, and so there were some 
people who took an active involvement in trying to make sure that in 
the elections of 1996, Georgia is no longer represented in Congress by 
three African-Americans.
  Now, I am a Democrat and I am a proud Democrat. I am proud to be a 
Democrat. But the head of my Democratic Party in the State of Georgia, 
who is the Governor of the State of Georgia, said he was going to stay 
out of the redistricting fray. This was not something that was going to 
occupy very much of his time.
  So I wrote a plea to the Democratic leadership of the State of 
Georgia, ``Ain't I a Democrat, Too?'' When it comes to this issue of 
redistricting and protecting incumbents, protect me, too. Because when 
I cast my vote here in Congress, my vote counts the same as my 
Democratic colleagues, my vote counts the same as my Republican 
colleagues, and when I come here, I speak out on behalf of the people 
of the State of Georgia who have a valid voice to be heard.

  There were some folks in Georgia who had something else in mind, and 
so before the special session even began, something happened. What 
happened was the Georgia General Assembly became hostage. It was held 
hostage by the plaintiffs, along with the Democratic leadership of the 
State of Georgia, because 17 State house districts and 5 State senate 
districts were targeted. These were districts that were majority black 
in the State legislature, and they were said to be unconstitutional. So 
the Georgia Legislative Black Caucus was told, ``Now, y'all don't play 
ball and you're going to end up in the same boat as Cynthia, out of 
office.''
  The Georgia Legislative Black Caucus, caught between a rock and hard 
place, did what it could to protect its members, to protect the three 
Democratic incumbents of Congress who just happen to be black, and they 
were fooled. It was a hoax. It was a cruel hoax. They were tricked. In 
fact, State Senator Donzella James was so outraged--she happens to be 
with us now, up in the gallery--she was so outraged by what had 
happened that she felt compelled to put it down on paper.
  She concludes:

       In this episode of political gamesmanship, Republicans 
     attempted to play the white Democrats against the black 
     Democrats by promising both sides their support in addressing 
     their redistricting concerns.
       Further, the struggle within the Democratic Party between 
     competing political interests was transformed into one 
     involving race. The eagerness on the part of the white 
     Democrats to ``Republican proof'' their districts blinded 
     them to their overall goal. That is, to foster equal and 
     inclusive representation for all of the people of Georgia.
       Self-serving individuals on all sides of the debate 
     practiced deceitful game playing and clever trickery and have 
     made a mockery of the reapportionment mandate. The Georgia 
     General Assembly may come to regret this entire ordeal. A 
     number of questions will have been answered concerning our 
     legislative process. For example, was the court order 
     legislative undertaking a hoax? And if so, could this be a 
     needless waste of the taxpayers' money and will the lawyers 
     laugh all the way to the bank?
       My fear is that when it is all over and done, will the 
     redistricting issue be remembered as racial rights versus 
     civil wrongs?

  The Georgia Legislative Black Caucus, Representative George Brown 
compiled some information, Representative LaNett Stanley circulated it. 
After all the dust had settled, the Georgia Legislative Black Caucus, 
along with the other leadership of the State, voted to dismantle nine 
majority black districts in the House and two majority black districts 
in the senate.

[[Page H 9417]]

  All in all, in the senate, out of 56 seats, they changed 46 of them. 
In the house, from a total of 180 seats, 69 were changed.
  There was a redistricting legislative free-for-all on the backs of 
black people in the State of Georgia.
  One of the districts that was diluted was a district that I helped to 
draw in 1992. I was just the vehicle that the people used.
  I served on the house reapportionment committee. We had a hearing 
down in Savannah, and a gentleman came to the hearing, obviously proud 
to be able to be counted among those who would come, to travel so far 
to try and get a little justice. He began his remarks. He said, ``The 
name of my county is Liberty, but they still treat us like slaves.''
  At the end of the 1992 redistricting process, that gentleman had a 
district from which to elect his candidate of choice. But after this 
cruel hoax in the special session of 1995 that should go down in 
infamy, that gentleman lost the opportunity to elect his candidate of 
choice.
  As a result, there is a letter that has been drafted and signed by 
some of the members of the Georgia Legislative Black Caucus. That 
letter is to Assistant Attorney General Deval Patrick, asking that the 
Department of Justice deny preclearance to those two bills that were 
passed by the legislature--the bill that dismantled the State house 
districts and the bill that dismantled the State senate districts.
  I am going to read this letter, because if I have not been clear, I 
think this letter is.
  It says:

       Dear Mr. Patrick, I am submitting this comment urging you 
     to object to the reapportionment plans passed by the Georgia 
     General Assembly in its special session in 1995. These plans 
     were enacted by the State of Georgia with a racially 
     discriminatory purpose and will have a retrogressive effect 
     on black voters throughout the State.
       The plans for the State senate and State house also violate 
     section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, because those plans 
     dilute black voting strength. In carrying out these 
     redistrctings, the State legislature specifically aimed their 
     sights at legislative districts with majority black voting 
     populations. The decision by the legislature, therefore, was 
     targeted at black voters with the intent to reduce the black 
     voting strength throughout the State.
       The legislature undertook this action even through their 
     had been no court decision invalidating our existing plans, 
     nor had there even been a lawsuit challenging any of the 
     districts.
       The context in which these new plans were drawn is also 
     important to understand. The special session in which these 
     new reapportionment plans were enacted was called to address 
     also the reapportionment of the congressional districts 
     pursuant to the decision in Johnson v. Miller.
       The white leadership in our legislature forced the assembly 
     to address legislative reapportionment first and then proceed 
     to congressional reapportionment.
       In exchange for cooperation in legislative reapportionment, 
     the leadership promised to work with the black Members of the 
     legislature on congressional reapportionment. The leadership, 
     therefore, used legislative reapportionment as a stick and 
     forced legislators to make concessions they would otherwise 
     not have made.
       The enclosed statistics show the degree of retrogression 
     and discrimination. For all of these reasons, we urge you to 
     object.

                              {time}  1545

  This is sad. It is absolutely sad that the Democratic leadership of 
the State of Georgia would use black people as spare parts to bolster 
the political aspirations of their favorite sons. And I do put emphasis 
on the word ``sons,'' because there is no room for women also in the 
good old boy network.
  Who comprises this good old boy network? Well, as it turns out, we 
also discovered that there were some rich and powerful people that just 
did not seem to be able to deal with this new black woman who was 
representing poor folks, some of the poorest people in the country. 
They could not deal with this black woman from Georgia.
  And so, Madam Speaker, seizing advantage of an opportunity, driven by 
the racist politics of race, they could also move forward on the agenda 
of greed.
  We learned, in fact, State Senator Donzella James was moved once 
again during the special session to put out a press release entitled 
``Senator Donzella James Implicates Kaolin Interests in Driving 
Redistricting Agenda.''

       State Senator Donzella James expressed concern today that 
     Georgia kaolin companies are exerting undue influence on the 
     State's redistricting process. As legislators slowly hammer 
     out a new congressional map, Senator James is increasingly 
     convinced that kaolin interests in Washington, Jefferson, and 
     Glascock Counties have issued a veto threat over any 
     congressional map which puts them in the 11th District 
     represented by Democrat Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney.

  Now, what is it? What is kaolin in the first place? After we came to 
this floor, we got quite a few telephone calls from folks wanting to 
know what is kaolin? Well, kaolin has been called Georgia's white gold. 
I guess Louisiana has oil; Kentucky has coal; Georgia has kaolin.

       Georgia's richest mineral resource is kaolin, a white clay 
     used to make chemicals, medicines, and coated paper. Last 
     year, a handful of mining companies, many of them foreign-
     controlled, dug a billion dollars' worth of kaolin out of 
     Georgia's soil. They pay rural landowners as little as a 
     nickel a ton for it, and after refining it, sell it for $50 
     to $700 a ton. They pay no mineral taxes to the State, whose 
     wealth they are exporting and they operate in virtual, total 
     secrecy.

  Reporter Charles Seabrooks spent 5 months reporting the operations of 
the kaolin companies and their impact on the lives of thousands of poor 
Georgians, and in this, it says: What is kaolin used for? Glue, 
newsprint, magazines, cosmetics, china that we eat from, paint. It has 
a lot of different uses. Toothpaste. Kaopectate. The ``kao'' is kaolin.
  It also chronicles here Grant Smith, who lives in a Milledgeville 
mental hospital, does not know that he is at the center of a dispute 
over his family's former farm and its kaolin riches.
  Gentleman Gary Chambers: The industry leaves pits and craters and 
gullies on the surface of Georgia's soil. Ten-mile railway that links 
the kaolin belt in Georgia to the sea has made some of our richest 
Georgians. Robert Lee Watkins, a man who was sent to Federal prison, 
what the Atlanta newspapers may have called a political prisoner, this 
Grant Smith might have been a millionaire, but his guardians sold the 
family farm. Gary Chambers turned his land into a rutted ruin. Tar 
buttons, ten-mile railroad put them on the track to wealth and power.
  ``Crime and Punishment in Kaolin Country. Businessman who challenged 
the chalk companies receives a 5-year sentence for another man's lie.'' 
Nothing happened to the man who lied.

  ``Companies versus Landowners in White Gold Country.'' This is from 
USA Today. Another picture that I wish I could have blown up. The 
scarred landscape of my beautiful State of Georgia. ``Weak Laws Slow 
Restoration of Ruined Land.''
  Shortly after the lawsuit was filed, I had an interesting 
conversation with one of our State's constitutional officers who told 
me, ``Cynthia, you made some rich and powerful people mighty upset with 
you.'' And we have been hearing about this impending lawsuit against 
the 11th District, but somehow it never materialized. And suddenly, a 
letter appeared in the Sandersville Progress, which is a local 
newspaper down deep in kaolin country.
  The letter was written by the executive vice president of one of 
kaolin companies. And guess what it said. It said that the 11th 
District ought to be dismantled. And then, miraculously, folks who do 
not have much were able to amass the hundreds of thousands of dollars 
that it takes to take a lawsuit all the way to the United States 
Supreme Court.
  The general assembly came up with some maps, some maps that were 
pretty darn near the mark. But those maps had one target left out and 
that was those 7 kaolin counties.
  The Atlanta Constitution has done some stories on our plight. ``Bring 
in the Feds to Probe Kaolin.'' ``McKinney Takes on Kaolin Industry. Her 
nosing around has infuriated the industry.'' ``King Kaolin's Political 
Prisoner.'' This is about the story of Robert Watkins.
  ``This should not be Cynthia McKinney's fight, but Georgia's 
politicians are so afraid of the kaolin companies, they do not dare 
raise a peep.'' ``Taking On King Kaolin.''

       So McKinney is now trying to get the U.S. Justice 
     Department to look into the problems. Politically, that may 
     not be a very smart move on her part, because kaolin money 
     will try to unseat her. But then again, who knows, maybe 
     McKinney will 

[[Page H 9418]]
     prove that a woman with a backbone can succeed in a State run by men 
     with weak knees.

  And so Georgia's special session, called for the purpose of 
redistricting, ended. They adjourned sine die. What did they 
accomplish? Well, they got rid of some minority districts. They even 
diluted the district of a sitting Member of the Georgia legislature who 
is black; dropped his district down to 41 percent. The gentleman who 
represents the district of the man who said, ``I come from a county 
named Liberty, but they still treat us like slaves.''
  We do not know if we can even get Reverend Tillman reelected in that 
district, but we are darned sure going to try.
  But congressional redistricting never happened. It did not happen. So 
now the issue of Georgia's 11th Congressional District is right back 
where it started: In the hands of the Court. We are, of course, law-
abiding people, and whatever the dictates of the Court, I will be 
prepared to accept them.
  However, I do not think anybody in this country ought to have a good 
feeling about what happened in the State of Georgia. Nobody who cares 
about diversity, inclusiveness, real deep-down democracy, should be 
thrilled or even happy about the picture that we have painted.
  Now, after Georgia comes North Carolina and Texas and Florida and 
Illinois and New York and Mississippi, because all of those States now 
have challenges to their minority districts.
  And what happened in the State of Georgia--the trickery and the 
tomfoolery and the deceitfulness--can happen to good-hearted, well-
meaning people in those legislatures across this country.
  So the State representatives and the State senators who now 
understand that they might be called into special session or special 
duty to address the issue of redistricting also need to understand that 
something else might be afoot.

                              {time}  1600

  My father serves in the Georgia legislature. My dad has been there 
for 23 years. He is what I call a warrior, too. So I am really just a 
chip off the old block.
  When he got elected in 1972, the first thing he did was file suit 
against the State of Georgia for unfair hiring practices. State of 
Georgia continues to be under a court order regarding that lawsuit that 
is over 20 years old.
  And all I have done is to take advantage of a district that was borne 
of the pain of people in the State of Georgia and to elevate their pain 
right here on the floor of the House of the U.S. Representatives, and 
to remember them as I go about my business of casting my vote, speaking 
out in my committees, speaking to my colleagues, and speaking to the 
press, to always let people in this country know that in the State of 
Georgia we still have people who do not have running water in their 
homes and it is a crying shame, and that those people need to have 
representation. And that all of the largesse of the Federal Government 
ought to be delivered to them, too, that we have people who are 
suffering from teen pregnancy rates that ought to make us ashamed. And 
that we need to have an opportunity to help those people, because they 
are Americans, too. But that is just a little bit too much for some 
folks. I am just about finished.
  I am reminded of a statute on the grounds of the Georgia State 
capitol, and the name of that statue is Expelled Because of Color. It 
commemorates the service of 33 African-Americans who, during the period 
of Reconstruction, were duly elected to serve in Georgia's general 
assembly.
  But something happened. They did not have the right color. And so 
they were expelled. And this statue is from the slave ship to the ship 
of state, African-Americans holding up the State of Georgia, holding up 
the ideals of this country.
  In 1901, there was an African-American also who had to exit from 
these halls. His name was George White from North Carolina. And he 
said, this is the Negro's temporary farewell from Congress. But 
Phoenix-like, the Negro shall rise again, and walk the Halls of 
Congress.
  It happened in this country. It happened as a result of the Voting 
Rights Act of 1965. Black people, white people, died. Our own 
Representative, John Lewis, had his head broken open at the Edmund 
Pettus Bridge. No, I was not there.
  But I was there 30 years later. And I am here today as a result. A 
few people in this country want to turn this country around. The 
majority of us have got to say no. We are not going to allow a few 
people to take back all that we have gained.
  I am pleased that I have a hero right here on the floor of the U.S. 
Congress. And in 1992, after I was elected, the first person I came to 
was a Representative from Texas. And I told him, ``You are my hero,'' 
because his legacy in this body has been one of complete devotion to 
his constituents, complete devotion to the people of Texas, complete 
devotion to the people of this country. His name is Congressman 
Gonzalez.
  I am very proud to yield to my leader.
  Mr. GONZALEZ. I thank the gentlewoman very much.
  I cannot find the words with which to adequately express my feelings 
at hearing your words, especially from you, the gentlewoman from 
Georgia, Ms. McKinney. I, of course, cannot describe to you the thrill 
and the happiness when I first was able to greet you here at your 
swearing in, and to have followed the course in your native State 
leading to your election.
  For in my own experience, one reason I am in the Congress is in a way 
accidental. I had never intended to be involved in politics. But this 
was the issue. And that was that because of laws and constitutional 
provisions in the Texas State constitution, it was just accepted that a 
good portion of our citizens in Texas would be deprived of even the 
elementary right to participate in the most basic of all activities. 
And that is the right to vote.
  So I am proud of the fact that very young and even before I ever even 
considered a politically active career, my thoughts were certainly not 
that way, I had my eyes opened early. And I have watched, of course, 
with great elation what has happened since those sad days, and 
elections such as yours. I cannot tell you in words how they have 
thrilled me.
  I am saddened to hear of this retrogressive activity, not surprised. 
The forces of retrogression and return to, no matter what efforts they 
make, days and times that will not be returned, thank goodness, is 
always going to be confronted. They will never cease. The forces of 
retrogression are there. And when there is no forward activity on the 
part of the progressive forces, they can gather strength and they can 
set back the clock somewhat.

  So I want to praise you for, first, your presence here, your 
willingness to seek a position of representation on this national body; 
and then, very happily seeing how through your competency and ability 
you have mixed right in the middle of the fray. You have not held back.
  I just cannot tell you with what sadness I feel pervading in my heart 
as you report on some of the things that are still happening, 30 so 
many years ago, that we thought we had at least made it difficult to 
return even in these areas. So all I can say is that some of us are 
with you, there are more here now than we used to count on, and that is 
a very happy thing.
  But I cannot begin to describe in words my admiration for your 
courage and your ability, above all, your willingness to serve, and of 
course to pledge to you my absolute support and loyalty to your cause.
  Ms. McKINNEY. I thank the gentleman very much. I would like to 
conclude by acknowledging that in Georgia we have come a long way. But 
we still have a long way to go.
  And in reporting the events of the special session and those events 
that took place just prior to the special session, it is not my intent 
to indict anyone who is innocent in this whole play. But there are some 
people who are very guilty. And those people know who they are.
  There were some good people in the legislature who spoke out and 
said, quite frankly, what the problem was. But their voices were too 
few, too powerless, too muted. But I do want to take this opportunity 
to extend my appreciation and my thanks to them, because they did not 
have to say those kind things and they did not have to say those true 
things, but they did. 

[[Page H 9419]]

  They wear a badge of courage, and they are now my additional 
warriors, who may not be in the 11th congressional district, but they 
are warriors nonetheless for that which is right. In the gallery, aside 
from State Senator Donzella James, who participated in the special 
session and who spoke out so eloquently against what happened, we also 
have State Senator Connie Stokes, who represents a portion of the 11th 
congressional district.
  And I would like to take this moment to thank my own State Senator 
for her actions on behalf of preserving the 11th congressional district 
of Georgia. The members again of the Georgia Legislative Black Caucus 
worked day in and day out, and they only had one goal in mind. And that 
goal was to make sure that all of the folks of Georgia at the end of 
the day had an opportunity to case a vote, a meaningful vote, for the 
representative of their choice.
  And so while the venue has moved to a new place and a new time, the 
camaraderie, the loyalty, the love, the cohesion of the Georgia 
Legislative Black Caucus, and the way that I was able to interact with 
all of the members, I will never forget.
  From that, I know, will come a new and stronger, more lasting 
relationship. And also a better relationship will come from the 
Democratic leadership of the State, that saw that under no circumstance 
were they able to break the glue that struck the members of the Georgia 
Legislative Black Caucus together. And that was their loyalty to the 
people of the State of Georgia.
  In conclusion, I would just say that it is a pleasure for me to serve 
in the U.S. House of Representatives, and I have come to love, to truly 
love many of my colleagues with whom I interact daily. I appreciate all 
of them for their strong shows of support, for their kind words of 
support, and I want them to know that no matter how this fight ends, 
they have a friend in me.

                          ____________________