[Congressional Record Volume 141, Number 140 (Monday, September 11, 1995)]
[Senate]
[Pages S13308-S13309]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




            UNITED STATES-CHINA RELATIONS: A RIVER TO CROSS

  Mrs. FEINSTEIN. Mr. President, 2 weeks ago, I returned from a 6-day 
trip to China, during which time I spent more than 20 hours in meetings 
with top-level Chinese officials, including 4 hours with the President 
of the country, Jiang Zemin, Vice Premier Zhu Rongji, and senior 
Foreign Ministry officials.
  We held wide-ranging discussions on a number of important issues in 
the United States-China relationship, including several issues which 
have caused the most serious strain between our two countries since 
relations were established in 1979.
  I believe that these talks were informative and constructive for both 
sides. And I would like to share with my colleagues some of the major 
elements of those discussions and my observations as a result of this 
trip. I first met the President of China while I was mayor of San 
Francisco. In 1979, the first of my 9 years as mayor, I forged a sister 
city relationship with Shanghai, the first such relationship between an 
American and a Chinese city.
  Jiang Zemin became mayor of Shanghai in 1985. And we became good 
friends as we negotiated agreements and overseas projects between our 
two cities. As partners in this endeavor, we vowed to shrink the vast 
Pacific Ocean that divides us into a small river across which 
communication, trade and an exchange of ideas could easily flow.
  That was 10 years ago. Jiang Zemin is now President of China, and he 
leads a nation of 1.2 billion people. Over the last 20 years, I have 
visited China many times and spent a great deal of time studying its 
people, its culture, and its political dynamism. I have talked with 
China scholars and read avidly about this complicated country and its 
rich 5,000-year history.
  Few nations rival China's strategic importance to the United States. 
China is the largest country in the world, one of the largest 
economies, one of only five declared nuclear powers, and a permanent 
member of the United Nations Security Council.
  The cold war Soviet axis of power has dissolved in the last 5 years, 
and as Russia struggles with democracy and works to regain its military 
and economic stability, China's emerging presence will most certainly 
shape the balance of power in Asia and in the world.
  I wrote to President Jiang on July 11 and expressed my deep concern 
about the state of United States-China relations. Issues that divide 
the United States and China today have increasingly prevented a 
productive exchange of views. And the detention of human rights 
activist Harry Wu, now an American citizen and resident in my State, 
had effectively blocked all lines of communication between our two 
countries.
  In my letter, I offered to come to China to discuss the case of Mr. 
Wu and other matters. President Jiang wrote back and accepted, saying 
he would welcome my visit to Beijing. My husband and I left on August 
17 for Beijing and Shanghai. We met privately with President Jiang for 
2 hours and then were joined by Senator and Mrs. Johnston for dinner 
with the President.
  Our discussions with President Jiang were very frank and candid on 
matters pertaining to relations between our two countries, particularly 
the issues of Taiwan, the recent visit of Lee Teng-hui, and the 
detention of Harry Wu.
  I delivered a message to President Jiang from President Clinton that 
he would be most appreciative of any assistance that the Chinese 
President could provide in the matter of Harry Wu, that Mr. Wu's 
release would remove an obstacle of communication between the United 
States and China, and that President Clinton looked forward to meeting 
with Jiang Zemin to chart a new and mutually beneficial course for 
Sino-American relations.
  President Jiang sent an emissary to me on the morning of my departure 
from Shanghai with the message that Harry Wu would be released, quite 
possibly before I left China later that day, which did, in fact, happen 
just that way. As I left from the Shanghai airport, I saw the Air China 
flight that was being held for Harry Wu, who was right then on a flight 
from Wuhan, although I did not know it for sure at that time.
  With the status of Mr. Wu resolved, the United States, and President 
Clinton in particular, now have a historic opportunity to chart the 
course of United States-China relations into the 21st century.
  This will not be an easy road. China and the United States have many 
differences in culture, in our political systems, in our economic and 
legal structures. However, what many Americans may not understand is 
that today we also have many common interests. But the opportunity to 
bridge our differences and build on our common interests is wholly 
dependent upon dialogue, something sorely lacking at this time.
  At this moment the United States and China have no ambassadors in 
each other's country, although I understand that this situation will 
now be partially remedied with the announcement that Ambassador Li 
Daoyu will soon return to Washington.
  One example of the effect of a lack of diplomatic communication is 
the visit of Taiwanese President Lee Teng-hui to the United States in 
June. Although, as a U.S. Senator, I understood that there is no more 
important policy for China than the status of Taiwan as part of China, 
I and other Senators voted to allow the visit. I never heard from China 
that what we considered to be a personal visit by an alumnus of an 
American university would cause such a rift in our relations, and I was 
stunned by the intense reaction of the Chinese officials.
  President Jiang told me that he learned of the decision to allow Lee 
Teng-hui's visit by reading it in a newspaper. The Chinese were, in 
turn, stunned by the insensitivity and lack of communication from the 
United States on what they saw as a major shift in policy toward their 
country, particularly since they were assured as late as mid-May that 
U.S. policy would be to refuse such a visit.
  In an action that further convinced China that they were seeing an 
emboldened Taiwan, the day Lee Teng-hui left for the United States, 
Taiwan held joint military army, navy and air force exercises off the 
coast of China.
  Also, Lee Teng-hui broached a Two Chinas Policy in a speech at 
Cornell, further inciting Beijing. And no one should think that Beijing 
did not take this seriously. All of this may have been avoided with 
consistent and frank dialogue between Beijing and Washington.
  Reopening and strengthening diplomatic channels of communication is 
but one, albeit critical, step in building a new relationship with 
China. As important as what we seek from China in the way of human 
rights, open markets and Democratic reform is how we communicate 
ideals. Americans have a tendency to tell China what to do instead of 
trying to understand what China needs and how it is to China's 
interests to do some things. And it is time that we learned that this 
will not be the most effective method of encouraging change in China.
  Much has changed in China since I first visited in 1979. People speak 
much more freely. Consumer goods from China and all over the world are 
available more than ever before. The standard of living is up. And 
privatization of formerly Government-controlled industries is taking 
hold. When I was there 2 years ago, only 8 percent of the industries 
were in private hands. Now 20 percent are either in joint venture or 
private hands, about 40 percent controlled by the central Government, 
and 40 percent in state cooperatives. A Western-style marketplace in 
the form of an economic democracy is, in fact, taking place.
  The question we must ask ourselves is, Can an economic democracy 
exist long term without a social democracy following? I believe the 
answer to that is no. But make no mistake, China today is a Communist 
country. But by encouraging open markets and privatization of 
industries, we are exposing China to democracy in a much more effective 
manner than by calling for it on the front pages of our newspapers or 
by 

[[Page S 13309]]
making threats we cannot afford to carry out.
  The effects of China's move to a free market economy can already be 
felt in Chinese social life. Shanghai television, for example, has had 
programs that include a show similar to America's ``All in the 
Family,'' which ran for 180 episodes, with the Chinese version of 
Archie Bunker, a stodgy Communist Party official, something I never 
thought I would see.
  Also, there is a ``60 Minutes'' type Shanghai program that exposes 
Government institutions to questioning--unique in the context of 
China's long and complicated history.
  I believe we will witness even greater changes in the next decade, 
which can bring China even closer to the West.
  China's legal system and concept of individual rights is still 
primitive by western standards. I believe that the most consequential 
influence on the human rights situation in China will be the evolution 
of an independent judiciary and the development of a new set of civil 
and criminal laws.
  Today in China, judges are not independent, either from individual or 
party persuasion, and there is no real criminal statute on the books to 
make it a crime to interfere with a judge. So this needs change.
  China has asked for help in the evolution of its legal system. The 
development of due process of law, which in this country guarantees 
that no one can be picked up by the Government in the middle of the 
night and simply disappear, is something that is going to make a huge 
difference in China, and a new civil and criminal code could go a long 
way toward meaningful human rights advances.
  While I was in China, the China daily front page carried articles 
saying that China welcomed help in evolving a new system of civil and 
criminal codes. This could go much further in securing major human 
rights advances, constitutionally and legally, than any rhetoric in 
this country.
  Those in the West who care should utilize this opportunity in a 
sensitive way to bring many of the virtues of a western legal system to 
Chinese attention. I believe it is the most significant thing we can do 
long term.
  There are those in this country, I believe, who are unconsciously 
pushing Sino-American relations into an adversarial position, 
reminiscent of the days of the Soviet Union. The world was, in a sense, 
much simpler then: Two major conflicting powers, with smaller nations 
lining up in each camp. This was good for weapons sales, it repressed 
many smaller national and ethnic rivalries which are now emerging in 
the form of civil wars, and it provided a clear role for China as a 
major geopolitical buffer.
  Those days, however, are gone. China has emerged from these changes 
as a booming economy with the highest rate of economic growth in the 
world, gradually reducing centralized control of its economy and 
opening its doors to western entrepreneurship and thought.
  All one has to do is contrast Russia today and China to see how 
centralized control in China has been gradually reduced, keeping 
stability, opening up entrepreneurship, creating an economic democracy 
and doing it in a much more successful way. So I believe that how 
America develops its relationship with China is critical for world 
peace and stability.
  Ever since President Nixon traveled to China in 1972, the United 
States has maintained a one-China policy. It has been the foundation of 
Sino-American relations. That policy essentially says that there is 
only one China and Taiwan is part of China, and it recognizes the 
People's Republic of China as the sole legal Government of China.
  This policy was stated in the 1972 Shanghai communique, the 1979 
joint communique on the establishment of diplomatic relations, and the 
1982 United States-China joint communique. The one-China policy was and 
is essential to United States-China relations. It remains essential 
today.
  If China has any doubts about our commitment to this policy, our 
ability to conduct normal relations with China will be severely 
curtailed. For China, the question of Taiwan is an issue of 
sovereignty, and we must understand it as such.
  Taiwan has developed well, even within these constraints and, in 
fact, Taiwan interests have the largest dollar amount of investment on 
mainland China. Communication has been established and a special 
across-the-straits initiative has been developed under the leadership 
of another friend and former Shanghai mayor, Wang DaoHan and Tang Shu 
Bei, former consul general in San Francisco.
  The one-China policy has been beneficial for all three parties: China 
and the United States have been able to pursue a normal diplomatic 
relationship, while Taiwan has become economically strong and 
prosperous. Meanwhile, Taiwan and China have both encouraged the 
development of extensive economic and cultural ties across the Taiwan 
Straits.
  There are many issues still to resolve with China, as we develop our 
relationship in the post-cold-war era. Consistent and open dialog is 
key.
  President Jiang told me of an old Chinese proverb: When water flows, 
there will be a channel.
  I truly believe that President Clinton now has the unique opportunity 
to craft a new course which can result in a stable and secure Asia, 
free of nuclear proliferation, a serious commitment to arms control, 
and one that sees China takes its rightful place as a leading nation at 
the world table.
  I thank the Chair. I yield the floor.
  Mr. PRESSLER addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Santorum). The Senator from South Dakota.

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