[Congressional Record Volume 141, Number 129 (Friday, August 4, 1995)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E1625-E1626]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]


                       A TRIBUTE TO KANWAL SIBAL

                                 ______


                        HON. BENJAMIN A. GILMAN

                              of new york

                    in the house of representatives

                        Thursday, August 3, 1995
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, during the past 3 years the relationship 
between the United States and the Government of India has dramatically 
improved. India is no longer a country with which our Government has a 
reserved relationship. It is now a nation which is one of our Nation's 
major emerging markets. There are many reasons for the improvements in 
our relationship with India.
  Prime Minister Narashimha Rao has embarked on a bold economic reform 
program which has made our Nation India's largest trading partner. 
India's Finance Minister, Man mohan Singh, has worked tirelessly to 
build economic bridges between the Indian consumers and important 
American companies. Our diplomatic relationship with India will only 
succeed, however, if the Indian Embassy successfully conducts its 
relationships with the Congress, the State Department, and other 
agencies of our Government. During the past 3 years the Indian Embassy 
has been an important player in our nearly improved relationship with 
the world's largest democracy.
  Mr. Speaker, Kanwal Sibal has served in Washington with distinction 
for the past 3 years as the Deputy Chief of Mission. Prior to coming to 
Washington, Kanwal Sibal served as India's Ambassador to Turkey. Now, 
with the completion of a successful tour in Washington, Kanwal Sibal is 
about to become India's Ambassador to Egypt.
  Mr. Speaker, I know many of my colleagues join with me in 
congratulating Kanwal Sibal for the successful completion of his 
assignment to Washington. I call to the attention of my colleagues an 
article which appeared in the July 14, 1995, edition of News India-
Times regarding Kanwal Sibal's years here in Washington. I know my 
colleagues will agree with the praise accorded to Ambassador Sibal. 
Kanwal Sibal will be missed in Washington, but I am certain he will 
ably represent his nation in Cairo and I request that the attached News 
India-Times article be printed at this point in the Record:
               [From the News India-Times, July 14, 1995]

            Satisfaction at the End of a Successful Innings

                            (By Tania Anand)

       Washington.--``The canvas is huge, the players numerous. No 
     embassy or government can be in control all the time. One has 
     to be genuinely modest about making any claims or reordering 
     India-US relations.'' The man reflecting is Kanwal Sibal, 
     deputy chief of mission at the Indian embassy. Having 
     completed three years as the chief of the IFS battery in 
     Washington, Sibal will make way for Shyamala Cowsik, who 
     takes his place on September 1.
       In an extensive interview with News India-Times at the end 
     of an eventful term which saw India move from an 
     inconsequential point outside the US radar screen to a 
     centerpoint as one of the foremost Big Emerging Markets 
     identified by the US government, Sibal was modest about his 
     role in the transition.
       ``A lot of our progress is thanks to policies back home. My 
     role, as part of the team, has been essentially consolidating 
     on the positive trends that are occurring.'' Following are 
     excerpts from the interview, conducted in two sessions in his 
     office last week.
       On Indo-US relations when he assumed office in September 
     1992: There were a lot of uncertainties in our relationship. 
     There was a lack of confidence in US intentions toward India. 
     We were feeling US pressure specially on the nuclear 
     proliferation issue and within a few months on human rights. 
     There were sanctions on ISRO the technology transfer issue 
     culminated in pressure on Russia to cancel the cryogenic 
     engines, there was concern on intellectual property rights. 
     There was pressure from Congress on Kashmir and Punjab and 
     generally on human rights.
       The atmosphere in relations between the two countries 
     became even more difficult by statements made on Kashmir 
     which seemed to suggest a reopening of the accession question 
     there was a third party to the Indo-Pak dialogue on Kashmir.
       The economic reforms process was not more than a year old 
     and had not begun to register either at the government or at 
     the business level. From the government point of view India 
     was not blinking on the US radar screen. It was very 
     difficult to get the attention of the policy-makers.
       On relations today in general: Today on all fronts the 
     scenario is much better. It has obviously been a team effort 
     where everybody has contributed. Yet having said that I will 
     take some credit for the contribution.
       Our relationship with the US is highly complex. The US is 
     the world's foremost power, we are not. In many areas, the US 
     holds the strong hand vis-a-vis all countries. This makes the 
     task of dealing with the US a challenging one. The decision 
     making process here is complex. The capability of innumerable 
     agencies to block a decision here has to be understood. These 
     non-governmental agencies are powerful but from our point of 
     view irresponsible. They do not think in a narrow agenda and 
     push it to the maximum. Yet the overall atmosphere has 
     improved vastly.
       On nuclear proliferation: We have certainly made 
     significant advance in persuading the American side that 
     India's security dilemmas cannot be adequately dealt with 
     within the India-Pakistan or South Asian framework. The US is 
     no longer persisting with a proposal that would limit the 
     nuclear no-proliferation dialogue to just India and Pakistan. 
     There have been no new pressures on India on the NPT front 
     despite its indefinite extension.
       Mode of communication: A significant advance following 
     Strobe Talbott's visit to 

[[Page E 1626]]
     India was to take the dialogue on issues away from the glare of 
     publicity. The US government recognizes today that public 
     pressure on India will not help.
       On human rights: There has been a significant change in the 
     US public position on human rights in India and the tone of 
     comments. They publicly recognize the significant work done 
     on this front in India and the National Human Rights 
     Commission has been well received.
       On the India-Pakistan issues: We might have wanted the US 
     to be more positive in its support for Indian positions and 
     more willing to take pubic and official cognizance to 
     Pakistan's continuing support to terrorism in India. The US 
     has acknowledged the fact that India has made serious and 
     genuine efforts at dialogue on Kashmir. They are also willing 
     to acknowledge that elections would be a good route to follow 
     in promoting democratic processes.
       They have not supported Pakistani efforts at New York or 
     Geneva to move resolutions against India. The kind of 
     negative statements that were being made by some elements on 
     the US side have not been reiterated--there is a greater 
     sense of measure in comments being made. The joint statement 
     between President Clinton and Prime Minister Rao clearly said 
     all issues between India and Pakistan should be resolved 
     bilaterally.
       On transfer of technology: The ISRO sanctions have not been 
     renewed. Yet on the issue of transfer of technology more work 
     needs to be done. Still, we have moved from a position where 
     we were deeply concerned to a dialogue.
       On relations with the Congress: We have made a very major 
     advance in our relationship with individual Congressmen and 
     Senators and in the general mood of Congress.
       The India caucus which was the first individual country 
     caucus on the Hill is a big asset. It is bipartisan with 61 
     members and gives us a platform on which to build our 
     relationship with the Congress. The crowning success of the 
     caucus has been the recent defeat of the Burton amendment 
     which was sprung upon the House with no lead time. It was the 
     sustained contact with the Congress and the Indian-American 
     community that helped defeat the move.
       On the economic relationship: Certainly, India has begun to 
     blink on the U.S. radar here. Five high-level visits in one 
     year is unprecedented--four Cabinet level visits plus the 
     visit of Mrs. Hillary Clinton. It has led to others wondering 
     what this signifies in Indo-US relations.
       We have been working closely with the India Interest Group 
     to give it a certain profile, getting incoming visitors from 
     India to meet them as a group and also getting them high-
     level appointments when they visit India. We have also been 
     trying to forge a close working relationship between the 
     India Interest Group and the India Caucus to make them 
     mutually reinforcing.
       On defense ties: It has been our effort to build a closer 
     relationship with the Pentagon because during the Cold War 
     the fact that the Pentagon was neglected has not helped our 
     overall relationship. It has been our conscious effort to 
     develop greater links with Pentagon and there has been a 
     substantial improvement in our dialogue with them on various 
     issues.
       On India's lobbyist: It has been both a process of learning 
     and achievement. It was a new experience, starting from 
     scratch, and has resulted in a multiplier effect of our own 
     efforts.
       On relations with Indian-American community: We have vastly 
     improved the mechanics of interaction with the Indian-
     American community for grassroots campaign. We have developed 
     a list of important Indian-Americans who have credible 
     political links and supply them regularly with information on 
     developments in India and Indo-U.S. relations. Over the last 
     three years we have taken several steps to transform what was 
     earlier a disorganized and unfocused effort into a highly 
     systemized and focused effort.
     

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