[Congressional Record Volume 141, Number 109 (Friday, June 30, 1995)]
[Senate]
[Pages S9493-S9494]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
WHERE'S WELFARE?
Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, as we all know, welfare reform has been
one of the most hotly debated issues of this Congress. Two and a half
years ago President Clinton promised to end welfare as we know it, and
the public has reinforced that message by telling us unequivocally that
they want to see this done.
The ball lies in Congress' court, and we have a clear task in front
of us. The House has set the stage by passing the Personal
Responsibility Act almost 3 months ago. In fact, the House felt this
issue was so pressing that they included welfare reform as one of their
10 highest priorities in the Contract With America.
While many of us may disagree with the substantive course the House
chose to take, they were clearly responding to a mandate from the
public to address this issue in some way.
It is now the Senate's turn. The Finance Committee has completed
action on a bill that has been reported to the full Senate, and I think
I speak for all Senators on my side of the aisle when I say that we are
ready for floor consideration of this legislation.
Mr. President, we had been led to believe that welfare reform might
be on the floor as early as the 12th of June. And then we were told by
the majority leader that welfare reform would be considered immediately
upon completion of action on the telecommunications bill.
That bill was wrapped up last Thursday. It is now the 22d of June,
and we are hearing rumors that welfare reform may not be considered in
June at all, and may not be considered this summer at all. It may be
considered in July--but, then again, we're told by some in the
Republican leadership that we may not get to welfare until September.
Mr. President, the notion that the Senate may put off consideration
of welfare reform until September is unacceptable.
We are ready. We are ready now.
President Clinton challenged us to have a bill on his desk by July 4,
not because of politics, but because it is important for the Nation
that we fix a welfare system that is not working--not working for those
on it, and not working for those who are footing the bill.
The public has told us that they view the welfare crisis as one of
the most pressing problems facing our Nation today. The public is
clearly ready for us to address this issue. And Democrats are ready to
address it.
The question is, Are Republicans ready?
More to the point: Are Republicans serious about addressing this
issue? Are they serious about reform, or just serious about rhetoric?
The Finance Committee reported a welfare bill on June 9. It is now
June 22, and I understand my colleagues on the other side of the aisle
are divided on how to proceed. They are divided on a number of
provisions, either included in, or excluded from, that bill.
Mr. President, I understand division. And I, too, have concerns about
the Finance Committee bill. But the proper forum to address these
concerns is on the Senate floor.
Bring the bill to the floor and let those who want to offer
amendments to modify current provisions do so. Let those who want to
add provisions through the amendment process do so.
That is the legislative process.
What concerns me and many on my side of the aisle is that the welfare
bill will be delayed until July as Republican Senators meet behind
closed doors to try and work out problems.
Then, in July, those doors will still be closed as secret discussions
continue. Before we know it, it will be September.
Yes, there are problems with the Finance Committee bill. But let us
air those problems on the floor and address them through the open
legislative process.
As for the Finance Committee bill, I too, am troubled by many aspects
of that legislation.
First, the Finance Committee bill does not solve the problems with
our welfare system. It merely boxes up that system and ships it to the
States. That is not reform.
Second, the Republicans have said that they want to put welfare
recipients to work. But, although the Finance Committee bill requires
increased numbers of people to be participating in programs intended to
move them toward work, it provides no resources to meet these
participation requirements.
The Congressional Budget Office has said that 44 States will be
unable to meet the participation requirements in the Finance Committee
bill. The U.S. Conference of Mayors has said that this is the mother of
all unfunded mandates.
What is clear is that Finance Committee bill is not reform. And it is
not about work. In fact, if it is about anything, it is about shipping
the welfare problem to the States and--ironically enough--passing the
largest unfunded mandate in history.
In essence, the Finance Committee bill represents the kind of typical
two-step about which the public is most cynical: It says one thing and
means another. It sounds, but is actually disastrous. The Finance
Committee bill is about rhetoric, not reform.
It will reap exactly the kind of results the unfunded mandates bill
was meant to prevent, and having it come so quickly upon the heels of
he unfunded mandates legislation represents hypocrisy at its worst.
It is ironic that most Members put their serious face on when they
say that they do not want to hurt children. Mr. President, I want to
believe them. But again, it is the difference between rhetoric and
reality.
The reality of the Finance Committee bill is that some 4 million
children will be cut off from assistance. Some 4 million children could
be put out on the street.
Children should not pay for the mistakes or misfortune of their
parents.
That is not fair. That is draconian. That is mean.
And that is plain old un-American.
It is one thing to require that able-bodied people go to work. That
was the original intent of welfare: To provide out-of-luck families
with a helping hand to get back on their feet. I believe most Americans
support that kind of a safety net today.
But the Finance Committee plan cuts kids off welfare while doing
nothing to help their parents find work. That is wrong; it is unfair;
it is shortsighted.
This leads to yet another problem I see with the Finance Committee
bill. Anyone who has kids knows that one of the real linchpins between
welfare and work is child care. It is impossible to work unless you
have some means of caring for your children--it as simple as that.
Nevertheless, the Finance Committee bill fails to address the child
care issue in any serious way. It mandates child care for welfare
recipients who are working only until the child is 6 years old.
What happens to a 7-year-old? Or an 8-year-old? Or any child that
should not be left alone?
Beyond that, the bill does not increase funds for child care, so that
as the participation requirements increase--requiring a greater
population of welfare mothers to participate in the JOBS Program--there
is no corresponding increase in funds for child care.
If we are to increase the mandate for adults to work, but not provide
for a corresponding increase in child care funds to enable parents to
work, then we are not really expecting parents to work.
Or we are expecting the States to pick up the tab--a sort of
unwritten unfunded mandate.
Or we are suggesting that young children can be left alone.
None of these alternatives are acceptable.
[[Page S9494]]
So the Finance Committee needs a lot of work. But Democrats are ready
to do the work, and the Finance Committee bill does provide us with a
mechanism for bringing welfare to the floor of the Senate for debate.
If Republicans have problems with their own bill, they should offer
amendments to improve it. That is what Democrats intend to do.
In fact, we will offer an alternative plan that is truly about work.
And so today I urge the majority leader to bring the welfare bill to
the floor.
It is time the Senate fulfills its obligation to give the American
people what they want and deserve: True welfare reform that will move
people off welfare and into work, not by punishing children, but by
providing people access to the real means to become self-sufficient.
____________________